@ a95c6243:d345522c

**Die «Eliten» führen bereits groß angelegte Pilotprojekte für eine Zukunft durch,** die sie wollen und wir nicht. Das [schreibt](https://off-guardian.org/2025/02/26/coming-soon-the-european-digital-identity-wallet/) der *OffGuardian* in einem Update zum Thema «EU-Brieftasche für die digitale Identität». Das Portal weist darauf hin, dass die Akteure dabei nicht gerade zimperlich vorgehen und auch keinen Hehl aus ihren Absichten machen. *Transition News* hat mehrfach darüber berichtet, zuletzt [hier](https://transition-news.org/eudi-wallet-der-weg-fur-ein-vollstandig-digitalisiertes-europa-ist-frei) und [hier](https://transition-news.org/iata-biometrische-daten-und-digitale-id-machen-das-vollstandig-digitale). **Mit der EU Digital Identity Wallet (EUDI-Brieftasche) sei eine einzige von der Regierung herausgegebene App geplant,** die Ihre medizinischen Daten, Beschäftigungsdaten, Reisedaten, Bildungsdaten, Impfdaten, Steuerdaten, Finanzdaten sowie (potenziell) Kopien Ihrer Unterschrift, Fingerabdrücke, Gesichtsscans, Stimmproben und DNA enthält. So fasst der *OffGuardian* die eindrucksvolle Liste möglicher Einsatzbereiche zusammen. **Auch Dokumente wie der Personalausweis oder der** **[Führerschein](https://transition-news.org/eu-weite-einfuhrung-von-digitalen-fuhrerscheinen-fur-digitale-geldborsen)** können dort in elektronischer Form gespeichert werden. Bis 2026 sind alle EU-Mitgliedstaaten dazu verpflichtet, Ihren Bürgern funktionierende und frei verfügbare digitale «Brieftaschen» bereitzustellen. **Die Menschen würden diese App nutzen,** so das Portal, um Zahlungen vorzunehmen, Kredite zu beantragen, ihre Steuern zu zahlen, ihre Rezepte abzuholen, internationale Grenzen zu überschreiten, Unternehmen zu gründen, Arzttermine zu buchen, sich um Stellen zu bewerben und sogar digitale Verträge online zu unterzeichnen. **All diese Daten würden auf ihrem Mobiltelefon gespeichert und mit den Regierungen** von neunzehn Ländern (plus der Ukraine) sowie über 140 anderen öffentlichen und privaten Partnern ausgetauscht. Von der Deutschen Bank über das ukrainische Ministerium für digitalen Fortschritt bis hin zu Samsung Europe. Unternehmen und Behörden würden auf diese Daten im Backend zugreifen, um «automatisierte Hintergrundprüfungen» durchzuführen. **Der Bundesverband der Verbraucherzentralen und Verbraucherverbände** (VZBV) habe Bedenken geäußert, dass eine solche App «Risiken für den Schutz der Privatsphäre und der Daten» berge, berichtet das Portal. Die einzige Antwort darauf laute: «Richtig, genau dafür ist sie ja da!» **Das alles sei keine Hypothese, betont der** ***OffGuardian***. Es sei vielmehr [«Potential»](https://www.digital-identity-wallet.eu/about-us/140-public-and-private-partners/). Damit ist ein EU-Projekt gemeint, in dessen Rahmen Dutzende öffentliche und private Einrichtungen zusammenarbeiten, «um eine einheitliche Vision der digitalen Identität für die Bürger der europäischen Länder zu definieren». Dies ist nur eines der groß angelegten [Pilotprojekte](https://ec.europa.eu/digital-building-blocks/sites/display/EUDIGITALIDENTITYWALLET/What+are+the+Large+Scale+Pilot+Projects), mit denen Prototypen und Anwendungsfälle für die EUDI-Wallet getestet werden. Es gibt noch mindestens drei weitere. **Den Ball der digitalen ID-Systeme habe die Covid-«Pandemie»** über die «Impfpässe» ins Rollen gebracht. Seitdem habe das Thema an Schwung verloren. Je näher wir aber der vollständigen Einführung der EUid kämen, desto mehr Propaganda der Art «Warum wir eine digitale Brieftasche brauchen» könnten wir in den Mainstream-Medien erwarten, prognostiziert der *OffGuardian*. Vielleicht müssten wir schon nach dem nächsten großen «Grund», dem nächsten «katastrophalen katalytischen Ereignis» Ausschau halten. Vermutlich gebe es bereits Pläne, warum die Menschen plötzlich eine digitale ID-Brieftasche brauchen würden. **Die Entwicklung geht jedenfalls stetig weiter in genau diese Richtung.** Beispielsweise hat Jordanien angekündigt, die digitale biometrische ID bei den nächsten [Wahlen](https://www.biometricupdate.com/202502/jordan-plans-digital-id-for-voter-verification-in-next-election) zur Verifizierung der Wähler einzuführen. Man wolle «den Papierkrieg beenden und sicherstellen, dass die gesamte Kette bis zu den nächsten Parlamentswahlen digitalisiert wird», heißt es. Absehbar ist, dass dabei einige Wahlberechtigte «auf der Strecke bleiben» werden, wie im Fall von [Albanien](https://transition-news.org/albanien-schliesst-120-000-burger-ohne-biometrische-ausweise-von-wahlen-aus) geschehen. **Derweil würden die Briten gerne ihre Privatsphäre gegen Effizienz eintauschen,** [behauptet](https://www.lbc.co.uk/news/tony-blair-id-cards/) Tony Blair. Der Ex-Premier drängte kürzlich erneut auf digitale Identitäten und Gesichtserkennung. Blair ist Gründer einer [Denkfabrik](https://transition-news.org/blair-institute-durch-vermarktung-von-patientendaten-zu-ki-gestutztem) für globalen Wandel, Anhänger globalistischer Technokratie und [«moderner Infrastruktur»](https://transition-news.org/tony-blair-digitale-id-fur-moderne-infrastruktur-unerlasslich-erfordert-aber). **Abschließend warnt der** ***OffGuardian*** **vor der Illusion, Trump und Musk würden** den US-Bürgern «diesen Schlamassel ersparen». Das Department of Government Efficiency werde sich auf die digitale Identität stürzen. Was könne schließlich «effizienter» sein als eine einzige App, die für alles verwendet wird? Der Unterschied bestehe nur darin, dass die US-Version vielleicht eher privat als öffentlich sei – sofern es da überhaupt noch einen wirklichen Unterschied gebe. *\[Titelbild: Screenshot* *[OffGuardian](https://off-guardian.org/2025/02/26/coming-soon-the-european-digital-identity-wallet/)]* *** Dieser Beitrag ist zuerst auf ***[Transition News](https://transition-news.org/demnachst-verfugbar-die-europaische-brieftasche-fur-digitale-identitaten)*** erschienen.

@ 5a261a61:2ebd4480

Tom stopped and nodded to Jiro with a smile. "Just wanted to see how it's going," he said as he approached the counter. "People need to eat and I have food. Can't complain," replied the ever-smiling Jiro. "Are you heading out to make some money, or should I put it on your tab again?" he continued without pausing his stirring. Tom might have been short on cash, but his pride (and caution) never allowed him to leave debts with friends. And Jiro was about the closest thing to a friend among all his acquaintances. "I can still afford it today," Tom smiled tiredly, "but if you know of something that might bring in some metal, I could stop by tomorrow too." "There might be something, but nothing that would pay the bills today. You might have better luck across the street. They're having another party today, and as a good neighbor and main supplier of coconut oil, I have a magic piece of paper that will get you on the guest list." "And here comes the 'but'?" "If you're this impatient with women too, I'm not surprised you don't have one to make a home out of those four walls... Have I told you about my niece Noi?" Juri asked with his typical mischievous smile. Tom raised an eyebrow. "Maybe. But I have a feeling you're going to tell me again anyway." Juri laughed. "See, that's why I like you. You always know what's coming." He leaned closer across the counter. "Noi is a smart girl, studying journalism. But she needs a bit of... how to put it... social training." "And by that, you mean exactly what?" Tom asked cautiously. "Nothing bad, don't worry," Juri waved his hand dismissively. "She just needs someone to take her into better society. You know, to see how things work. And, as it happens, she has tickets to tonight's party at The Beach." Tom sighed. He already suspected where this was heading. "Juri, I'm not exactly—" "The perfect gentleman who could show my niece how to behave in higher circles?" Juri cut him off. "Come on, Tom. You're a detective. You know how to adapt to wherever the wind blows. And she has those tickets. You want to go to the party, she needs a guide. Everyone will be happy." Tom remained silent for a moment, considering his options. On one hand, he wasn't in the mood to babysit some naive student. On the other hand, those tickets would really come in handy... especially since he had nothing better going on. **Where to next?** - accept offer to get out of the stale water - find another way other than babysitting

@ eac63075:b4988b48

# **Abstract** This paper examines a hypothetical scenario in which the United States, under Trump’s leadership, withdraws from NATO and reduces its support for Europe, thereby enabling a Russian conquest of Ukraine and the subsequent expansion of Moscow’s influence over Eurasia, while the US consolidates its dominance over South America. Drawing on classical geopolitical theories—specifically those of Halford Mackinder, Alfred Thayer Mahan, Rudolf Kjellén, and Friedrich Ratzel—the study analyzes how these frameworks can elucidate the evolving power dynamics and territorial ambitions in a reconfigured global order. The discussion highlights Mackinder’s notion of the Eurasian Heartland and its strategic importance, Mahan’s emphasis on maritime power and control of strategic routes, Kjellén’s view of the state as an expanding organism, and Ratzel’s concept of Lebensraum as a justification for territorial expansion. The paper also explores contemporary developments, such as the US–Ukraine economic agreement and Trump’s overt territorial ambitions involving Greenland and Canada, in light of these theories. By juxtaposing traditional geopolitical concepts with current international relations, the study aims to shed light on the potential implications of such shifts for regional stability, global security, and the balance of power, particularly in relation to emerging neocolonial practices in Latin America. # **Introduction** In recent years, the geopolitical dynamics involving the United States, Russia, and Ukraine have sparked analyses from different theoretical perspectives. This paper examines recent events – presupposing a scenario in which Donald Trump withdraws the US from NATO and reduces its support for Europe, allowing a Russian conquest of Ukraine and the expansion of Moscow’s influence over Eurasia, while the US consolidates its dominance over South America – in light of classical geopolitical theories. The ideas of Halford Mackinder, Alfred Thayer Mahan, Rudolf Kjellén, and Friedrich Ratzel are used as reference points. The proposal is to impartially evaluate how each theory can elucidate the developments of this hypothetical scenario, relating Russian territorial expansion in Eurasia to the strategic retreat of the US to the Western Hemisphere. Initially, we will outline Mackinder’s conception of the Heartland (the central Eurasian territory) and the crucial role of Eastern Europe and Ukraine in the quest for global dominance. Next, we will discuss Mahan’s ideas regarding maritime power and the control of strategic routes, considering the impacts on the naval power balance among the US, Russia, and other maritime powers such as the United Kingdom and Japan. Subsequently, we will examine Kjellén’s organic theory of the state, interpreting the Russian expansionist strategy as a reflection of a state organism in search of vital space. In the same vein, Ratzel’s concept of “Lebensraum” will be explored, along with how Russia could justify territorial expansion based on resources and territory. Finally, the paper connects these theories to the current political context, analyzing the direct negotiations between Washington and Moscow (overlooking Ukraine and Europe), the US policy toward authoritarian regimes in Latin America, and the notion of a hemispheric division of power – the “Island of the Americas” under North American hegemony versus an Eurasia dominated by Russia. Lastly, it considers the possibility that such a geopolitical arrangement may foster the strengthening of authoritarian governments globally, rather than containing them, thus altering the paradigms of the liberal world order. # **The Heartland of Mackinder: Ukraine, Eurasia, and Global Dominance** Halford J. Mackinder, a British geographer and pioneer of geopolitics, proposed the celebrated Heartland Theory in the early twentieth century. Mackinder divided the world into geostrategic zones and identified the Heartland—the central continental mass of Eurasia—as the “geographical pivot of history” \[5\]. His most famous maxim encapsulates this vision: “who rules Eastern Europe commands the Heartland; who rules the Heartland commands the World Island; who rules the World Island commands the world” \[5\]. Eastern Europe and, in particular, the region of present-day Ukraine, play a key role in this formula. This is because, for Mackinder, Eastern Europe functions as a gateway to the Heartland, providing access to resources and a strategic position for the projection of continental power \[5\]. Applying this theory to our scenario, the conquest of Ukraine and Eastern European countries by Russia would have profound geopolitical implications. From a Mackinderian point of view, such a conquest would enormously strengthen Russia’s position in the Heartland by adding manpower (population) and Ukraine’s industrial and agricultural resources to its power base \[5\]. In fact, Mackinder argued that controlling the Heartland conferred formidable geostrategic advantages—a vast terrestrial “natural fortress” protected from naval invasions and rich in resources such as wheat, minerals, and fuels \[5\]. Thus, if Moscow were to incorporate Ukraine (renowned for its fertile soil and grain production, as well as its mineral reserves) and extend its influence over Eastern Europe, Russia would consolidate the Heartland under its direct control. In this context, the absence of the USA (withdrawn from NATO and less engaged in Europe) would remove an important obstacle to Russian predominance in the region. With central and eastern Eurasia under Russian influence, it would be possible to move toward the realization of the geopolitical nightmare described by Mackinder for Western maritime powers: a hegemonic continental power capable of projecting power to both Europe and Asia. Mackinder himself warned that if a Heartland power gained additional access to an oceanic coastline—in other words, if it combined land power with a significant maritime front—it would constitute a “danger” to global freedom \[5\]. In the scenario considered, besides advancing into Eastern Europe, Russia would already possess strategic maritime outlets (for example, in the Black Sea, via Crimea, and in the Baltic, via Kaliningrad or the Baltic States if influenced). Thus, the control of Ukraine would reinforce Russia’s position in the Black Sea and facilitate projection into the Eastern Mediterranean, expanding its oceanic front. From a Mackinderian perspective, this could potentially transform Russia into the dominant power of the “World Island” (the combined mass of Europe, Asia, and Africa), thereby unbalancing the global geopolitical order \[5\]. It is worth noting that, historically, Mackinder’s doctrine influenced containment strategies: both in the interwar period and during the Cold War, efforts were made to prevent a single power from controlling the Heartland and Eastern Europe. NATO, for example, can be seen as an instrument to prevent Soviet/Russian advances in Europe, in line with Mackinder’s imperative to “contain the Heartland.” Thus, if the USA were to abandon that role—by leaving NATO and tacitly accepting the Russian sphere of influence in Eurasia—we would be witnessing an inversion of the principles that have guided Western policy for decades. In short, under Mackinder’s theory, the Russian conquest of Ukraine and beyond would represent the key for Russia to command the Heartland and, potentially, challenge global hegemony, especially in a scenario where the USA self-restricts to the Western Hemisphere. # **The Maritime Power of Mahan and the Naval Balance between West and East** While Mackinder emphasized continental land power, Alfred Thayer Mahan, a nineteenth-century American naval strategist, highlighted the crucial role of maritime power in global dominance. In his work *The Influence of Sea Power upon History* (1890), Mahan studied the example of the British Empire and concluded that control of the seas paved the way for British supremacy as a world power \[10\]. He argued that a strong navy and the control of strategic maritime routes were decisive factors for projecting military, political, and economic power. His doctrine can be summarized in the following points: (1) the United States should aspire to be a world power; (2) control of the seas is necessary to achieve that status; (3) such control is obtained through a powerful fleet of warships \[17\]. In other words, for Mahan, whoever dominates the maritime routes and possesses naval superiority will be in a position to influence global destinies, ensuring trade, supplies, and the rapid movement of military forces. In the proposed scenario, in which the USA withdraws militarily from Europe and possibly from the Eurasian stage, Mahan’s ideas raise questions about the distribution of maritime power and its effects. Traditionally, the US Navy operates globally, ensuring freedom of navigation and deterring challenges in major seas (Atlantic, Pacific, Indian, etc.). A withdrawal of the USA from NATO could also signal a reduction in its naval presence in the Northeast Atlantic, the Mediterranean Sea, and other areas close to Eurasia. In such a case, who would fill this naval vacuum? Russia, although primarily a land power, has been attempting to modernize its navy and has specific interests—for example, consolidating its dominance in the Black Sea and maintaining a presence in the Mediterranean (with a naval base in Tartus, Syria). The United Kingdom, a historic European maritime power, would remain aligned with the USA but, without American military support in Europe, might potentially be overwhelmed trying to contain an increasingly assertive Russian navy in European waters on its own. Japan, another significant maritime actor allied with the USA, is concerned with the naval balance in the Pacific; without full American engagement, Tokyo might be compelled to expand its own naval power to contain both Russia in the Far East (which maintains a fleet in the Pacific) and, especially, the growing Chinese navy. According to Mahan’s thinking, strategic maritime routes and choke points (crucial straits and channels) become contested prizes in this power game. With the USA focusing on the Americas, one could imagine Washington reinforcing control over the Panama Canal and Caribbean routes—reviving an “American Gulf” policy in the Western Atlantic and Eastern Pacific. In fact, indications of this orientation emerge in statements attributed to Trump, who once suggested reclaiming direct control over Panama, transforming Canada into a North American state, and even “annexing” Greenland due to its Arctic geopolitical importance \[18\]. These aspirations reflect a quest to secure advantageous maritime positions near the American continent. Conversely, in the absence of American presence in the Eastern Atlantic and Mediterranean, Russia would have free rein for regional maritime projection. This could include anything from the unrestricted use of the Black Sea (after dominating Ukraine, thereby ensuring full access to Crimea and Ukrainian ports) to greater influence in the Eastern Mediterranean via Syria and partnerships with countries such as Iran or Egypt. The Baltic Sea would also become an area of expanded Russian interest, pressuring coastal countries and perhaps reducing NATO’s traditional local naval supremacy. However, it is worth noting that even with these regional expansions, Russia lacks a blue-water navy comparable to that of the USA; thus, its initial global maritime impact would be limited without alliances. An important aspect of Mahan’s theories is that naval power serves as a counterbalance to the land power of the Heartland. Therefore, even if Russia were to dominate the Eurasian continental mass, the continued presence of American naval might on the oceans could prevent complete global domination by Moscow. However, if the USA voluntarily restricts its naval reach to the Americas, it would forgo influencing the power balance in the seas adjacent to Eurasia. Consequently, the balance of maritime power would tend to shift in favor of regional Eurasian actors. The United Kingdom and Japan, traditional allies of the USA, could intensify their naval capabilities to defend regional interests—the United Kingdom safeguarding the North Atlantic and the North Sea, and Japan patrolling the Northwest Pacific—but both would face budgetary and structural limitations in fully compensating for the absence of the American superpower. Consequently, Mahan’s vision suggests that the withdrawal of the USA from the extra-regional scene would weaken the liberal maritime regime, possibly opening space for revisionist powers to contest routes that were previously secured (for example, Russia and China encountering less opposition on the routes of the Arctic and the Indo-Pacific, respectively). In summary, naval hegemony would fragment, and control of strategic seas would become contested, reconfiguring the relative influence of the USA, Russia, and maritime allies such as the United Kingdom and Japan. # **Kjellén and the State as a Living Organism: Russian Expansion as an Organic Necessity** Another useful theoretical lens to interpret Russian geopolitical posture is that of Rudolf Kjellén, a Swedish political scientist of the early twentieth century who conceived the State as a living organism. Kjellén, who even coined the term “geopolitics,” was influenced by Friedrich Ratzel’s ideas and by social Darwinism, arguing that States are born, grow, and decline analogously to living beings \[13\]. In his work *Staten som livsform* (The State as a Form of Life, 1916), he maintained that States possess an organic dimension in addition to the legal one and that “just as any form of life, States must expand or die” \[14\]. This expansion would not be motivated merely by aggressive conquest but seen as a necessary growth for the self-preservation of the state organism \[14\]. In complement, Kjellén echoed Ratzel’s “law of expanding spaces” by asserting that large States expand at the expense of smaller ones, with it being only a matter of time before the great realms fill the available spaces \[14\]. That is, from the organic perspective, vigorous States tend to incorporate smaller neighboring territories, consolidating territorially much like an organism absorbing nutrients. Applying this theory to the strategy of contemporary Russia, we can interpret Moscow’s actions—including the invasion of Ukraine and the ambition to restore its sphere of influence in Eurasia—as the expression of an organic drive for expansion. For a strategist influenced by this school, Russia (viewed as a state organism with a long imperial history) needs to expand its territory and influence to ensure its survival and security. The loss of control over spaces that once were part of the Russian Empire or the Soviet Union (such as Ukraine itself, the Caucasus, or Central Asia) may be perceived by Russian elites as an atrophy of the state organism, rendering it vulnerable. Thus, the reincorporation of these territories—whether directly (annexation) or indirectly (political vassalage)—would equate to restoring lost members or strengthening vital organs of the state body. In fact, official Russian arguments often portray Ukraine as an intrinsic part of “Russian historicity,” denying it a fully separate identity—a narrative that aligns with the idea that Russian expansion in that region is natural and necessary for the Russian State (seen as encompassing also Russian speakers beyond its current borders). Kjellén would thus provide a theoretical justification for Russian territorial expansion as an organic phenomenon. As a great power, Russia would inevitably seek to expand at the expense of smaller neighbors (Ukraine, Georgia, the Baltic States, etc.), as dictated by the tendency of “great spaces to organize” to the detriment of the small \[14\]. This view can be identified in contemporary Russian doctrines that value spheres of influence and the notion that neighboring countries must gravitate around Moscow in order for the natural order to be maintained. The very idea of “Eurasia” united under Russian leadership (advocated by modern Russian thinkers) echoes this organic conception of vital space and expansion as a sign of the State’s vitality. However, Kjellén’s theory also warns of the phenomenon of “imperial overstretch,” should a State exceed its internal cohesion limits by expanding excessively \[14\]. He recognized that extending borders too far could increase friction and vulnerabilities, making it difficult to maintain cohesion—a very large organism may lack functional integration. In the Russian context, this suggests that although expansion is seen as necessary, there are risks if Russia tries to encompass more than it can govern effectively. Conquering Ukraine and subjugating Eastern Europe, for example, could economically and militarily overburden the Russian State, especially if it faced resistance or had to manage hostile populations. However, in the hypothetical scenario we adopt (isolated USA and a weakened Europe), Russia might calculate that the organic benefits of expansion (territory, resources, strategic depth) would outweigh the costs, since external interference would be limited. Thus, through Kjellén’s lens, expansionist Russia behaves as an organism following its instinct for survival and growth, absorbing weaker neighbors; yet such a process is not devoid of challenges, requiring that the “organism Russia” manages to assimilate these new spaces without collapsing under its own weight. # **Ratzel and Lebensraum: Resources, Territory, and the Justification for Expansion** Parallel to Kjellén’s organic view, Friedrich Ratzel’s theory offers another conceptual basis for understanding Russian expansion: the concept of Lebensraum (vital space). Ratzel, a German geographer of the late nineteenth century, proposed that the survival and development of a people or nation depended critically on the available physical space and resources. Influenced by Darwinist ideas, he applied the notion of “survival of the fittest” to nations, arguing that human societies need to conquer territory and resources to prosper, and that the stronger and fittest civilizations will naturally prevail over the weaker ones \[12\]. In 1901, Ratzel coined the term Lebensraum to describe this need for “vital space” as a geographical factor in national power \[15\]. Subsequently, this idea would be adopted—and extremely distorted—by Nazi ideology to justify Germany’s aggressions in Europe. However, the core of Ratzel’s concept is that territorial expansion is essential for the survival and growth of a State, especially to secure food, raw materials, and space for its population \[12\]. When examining Russia’s stance under this perspective, we can see several narratives that evoke the logic of Lebensraum. Russia is the largest country in the world by area; however, much of its territory is characterized by adverse climates (tundra, taiga) and is relatively sparsely populated in Siberia. On the other hand, adjacent regions such as Ukraine possess highly arable lands (chernozem—black soil), significant Slavic population density, and additional natural resources (coal in the Donbass, for example). An implicit justification for Russian expansion could be the search for supplementary resources and fertile lands to secure its self-sufficiency and power—exactly as Ratzel described that vigorous nations do. Historical records show that Ratzel emphasized agrarian primacy: he believed that new territories should be colonized by farmers, providing the food base for the nation \[12\]. Ukraine, historically called the “breadbasket of Europe,” fits perfectly into this vision of conquest for sustenance and agricultural wealth. Furthermore, Ratzel viewed geography as a determinant of the destiny of nations—peoples adapted to certain habitats seek to expand them if they aspire to grow. In contemporary Russian discourse, there is often mention of the need to ensure security and territorial depth in the face of NATO, or to unite brotherly peoples (Russians and Russian speakers) within a single political space. Such arguments can be read as a modern translation of Lebensraum: the idea that the Russian nation, in order to be secure and flourish, must control a larger space, encompassing buffer zones and critical resources. This Russian “vital space” would naturally include Ukraine and other former Soviet republics, given the historical and infrastructural interdependence. Ratzel emphasized that peoples migrated and expanded when their original homeland no longer met their needs or aspirations \[12\]. Although contemporary Russia does not suffer from demographic pressure (on the contrary, it faces population decline), under the logic of a great power there is indeed a sentiment of geopolitical insufficiency for having lost influence over areas considered strategic. Thus, reconquering these areas would mean recovering the “habitat” necessary for the Russian nation to prosper and feel secure. It is important to mention that, in Ratzel’s and Kjellén’s formulations, the pursuit of Lebensraum or organic expansion is not morally qualified—it is treated as a natural process in the politics of power. Thus, on the discursive level, Russia can avoid overly aggressive rhetoric and resort to “natural” justifications: for example, claiming that it needs to occupy Ukraine for defensive purposes (security space) or to reunify peoples (a common cultural and historical space). Beneath these justifications, however, resonates the geopolitical imperative to acquire more territory and resources as a guarantee of national survival, something consonant with Ratzel’s theory. In fact, Russian Realpolitik frequently prioritizes the control of energy resources (gas, oil) and transportation routes. Expanding its influence over central Eurasia would also mean controlling oil pipelines, gas lines, and logistical corridors—essential elements of modern Lebensraum understood as access to vital resources and infrastructure. In summary, by conquering Ukraine and extending its reach into Eurasia, Russia could effectively invoke the concept of Lebensraum: presenting its expansion not as mere imperialism, but as a necessity to secure indispensable lands and resources for its people and to correct the “injustice” of a vital space diminished by post-Cold War territorial losses. The theories of Ratzel and Kjellén together paint a picture in which Russian expansion emerges almost as a natural law—the great State reclaiming space to ensure its survival and development at the expense of smaller neighbors. # **Trump, NATO, and the Threat of American Withdrawal** One of the most alarming changes with Trump's return to power is the tense relationship with the North Atlantic Treaty Organization (NATO). Trump has long criticized allies for not meeting military spending targets, even threatening during his first term to withdraw the US from the alliance if members did not increase their contributions \[2\]. This threat, initially viewed with skepticism, became concrete after his re-election, leading European allies to seriously consider the possibility of having to defend themselves without American support \[1\]. In fact, Trump suggested in post-election interviews that the US would only remain in NATO if the allies “paid their bills” – otherwise, he “would seriously consider” leaving \[2\]. Such statements reinforced the warning that the US might not honor NATO's mutual defense commitment, precisely at a time of continuous Russian threat due to the war in Ukraine \[1\]. From a theoretical point of view, this posture of American retrenchment evokes the classic tension between maritime power and land power. Alfred Thayer Mahan emphasized that the global power of the US derived largely from its naval superiority and from alliances that ensured control over strategic maritime routes \[9\]. NATO, since 1949, has served not only to deter Soviet terrestrial advances in Eurasia, but also to secure the US naval presence in the North Atlantic and the Mediterranean – a fundamental element according to Mahan. In turn, Halford Mackinder warned that the balance of global power depended on the control of the Eurasian “Heartland” (the central region of Eurasia). The withdrawal or disengagement of the US (a maritime power) from this region could open the way for a continental power (such as Russia) to expand its influence in Eastern Europe, unbalancing the power balance \[3\]. In other words, by threatening to leave NATO, Trump jeopardizes the principle of containment that prevented Russian dominance over Eastern Europe – something that Mackinder would see as a dangerous shift in global power in favor of the Heartland power. Adopting an impartial tone, it is observed that European countries have reacted to this new reality with precautionary measures. Strategic reports already calculate the cost of an autonomous European defense: hundreds of thousands of additional soldiers and investments of hundreds of billions of euros would be required if the US ceased to guarantee the security of the continent \[1\]. European dependence on American military power is significant and, without it, there would be a need for a major reinforcement of European Armed Forces \[1\]. This mobilization practically reflects the anticipation of a power vacuum left by the US – a scenario in which Mackinder’s theory (on the primacy of the Heartland and the vulnerability of the “external crescent” where Western Europe is located) regains its relevance. # **The US–Ukraine Economic Agreement: Strategic Minerals in Exchange for Support?** Another novelty of Trump's second term is the unprecedented and transactional manner in which Washington has been dealing with the war in Ukraine. Instead of emphasizing security guarantees and alliances, the Trump administration proposed a trade agreement with Ukraine focused on the exploitation of strategic minerals, linking American support to a direct economic benefit. According to sources close to the negotiations, the US and Ukraine are about to sign a pact to share the revenues from the exploitation of critical mineral resources on Ukrainian territory \[19\]. Materials such as titanium, lithium, rare earths, and uranium – vital for high-tech and defense industries – would be at the core of this agreement \[6\]. According to the known draft, Ukraine would allocate 50% of the profits from new mineral ventures to a fund controlled by the US, which would reinvest part of the resources in the country’s own reconstruction \[6\] \[19\]. It is noteworthy that the pact does not include explicit security guarantees for Kyiv, despite Ukraine remaining under direct military threat from Russia \[19\]. Essentially, the Trump administration offers financial support and economic investment in exchange for a share in Ukrainian natural resources, but without formally committing to Ukraine's defense in the event of a renewed Russian offensive \[19\]. American authorities argue that this economic partnership would already be sufficient to “secure Ukrainian interests,” as it would provide the US with its own incentives to desire Ukraine’s stability \[19\]. “What could be better for Ukraine than being in an economic partnership with the United States?” stated Mike Waltz, a US national security advisor, defending the proposal \[19\]. Analysts, however, assess the agreement in divided terms. For some, it represents a form of economic exploitation at a time of Ukraine's fragility – comparing the demand to share mineral wealth amid war to a scheme of “mafia protection” \[19\]. Steven Cook, from the Council on Foreign Relations, classified the offer as “extortion,” and political scientist Virginia P. Fortna observed that charging resources from an invaded country resembles predatory practices \[19\]. Joseph Nye adds that it is a short-term gain strategy that could be “disastrous in the long run” for American credibility, reflecting the transactional approach that Trump even adopted with close allies in other contexts \[19\]. On the other hand, some see a future advantage for Kyiv: journalist Pierre Briançon suggests that at least this agreement aligns American commercial interests with Ukraine’s future, which could, in theory, keep the US involved in Ukrainian prosperity in the long term \[19\]. It is even recalled that President Zelensky himself proposed last year the idea of sharing natural resources with the US to bring the interests of the two countries closer together \[19\]. From the perspective of geopolitical theories, this agreement illustrates a shift towards economic pragmatism in international relations, approaching concepts proposed by Kjellén. Rudolf Kjellén, who coined the term “geopolitics,” saw the State as a territorial organism that seeks to ensure its survival through self-sufficiency and the control of strategic resources \[4\]. Trump's demand for a share in Ukrainian resources in order to continue supporting the country reflects a logic of autarky and direct national interest – that is, foreign policy serving primarily to reinforce the economic and material position of the US. This view contrasts with the traditional cooperative approach, but aligns with Kjellén’s idea that powerful States tend to transform international relations into opportunities for their own gain, ensuring access to vital raw materials. Similarly, Friedrich Ratzel argued that States have a “propensity to expand their borders according to their capacities,” seeking vital space (Lebensraum) and resources to sustain their development \[11\]. The US–Ukraine pact, by conditioning military/economic aid on obtaining tangible advantages (half of the mineral profits), is reminiscent of Ratzel’s perspective: the US, as a rising economic power, expands its economic influence over Ukrainian territory like an organism extending itself to obtain the necessary resources for its well-being. It is, therefore, a form of economic expansionism at the expense of purely ideological commitments or collective security. # **Peace Negotiations Excluding Ukraine and the Legitimacy of the Agreement** Another controversial point is the manner in which peace negotiations between Russia and the West have been conducted under Trump's administration. Since taking office, the American president has engaged directly with Moscow in pursuit of a ceasefire, deliberately keeping the Ukrainian government out of the initial discussions \[6\]. Trump expressed his desire to “leave Zelensky out of the conversation” and also excluded the European Union from any influence in the process \[6\]. This negotiation strategy—conducted without the presence of the primary interested party, Ukraine—raises serious questions about the legitimacy and sustainability of any resulting agreement. Historically, peace agreements reached without the direct participation of one of the conflicting parties tend to face problems in implementation and acceptance. The exclusion of Ukraine in the decision-making phase brings to light the issue of guarantees. As noted, the emerging agreement lacks formal US security guarantees for Ukraine. This implies that, after the agreement is signed, nothing will prevent Russia from launching a new offensive if it deems it convenient, knowing that the US has not committed to defending it militarily. Experts have already warned that a ceasefire without robust protection may only be a pause for Russian rearmament, rendering the conflict “frozen” temporarily and potentially resumed in the near future. The European strategic community has expressed similar concern: without American deterrence, the risk of further Russian aggressions in the region increases considerably \[1\]. Denmark, for example, has released intelligence reports warning of possible imminent Russian attacks, prompting neighboring countries to accelerate plans for independent defense \[1\]. The legitimacy of this asymmetric peace agreement (negotiated without Ukraine fully at the table and under economic coercion) is also questionable from a legal and moral point of view. It violates the principle of self-determination by imposing terms decided by great powers on a sovereign country—a practice reminiscent of dark chapters in diplomacy, such as the Munich Agreement of 1938, when powers determined the fate of Czechoslovakia without its consent. In the current case, Ukraine would end up signing the agreement, but from a position of weakness, raising doubts about how durable such a commitment would be. From Mackinder’s perspective, Ukraine’s removal from the battlefield without guarantees essentially means admitting a greater influence of Russia (the Heartland power) over Eastern Europe. This would alter the balance in Eurasia in a potentially lasting way. Furthermore, the fact that great powers negotiate over the heads of a smaller country evokes the imperial logic of the nineteenth and early twentieth centuries, when empires decided among themselves the divisions of foreign territories—a behavior that Mackinder saw as likely in a world of a “closed system.” With the entire world already occupied by States, Mackinder predicted that powers would begin to compete for influence within this consolidated board, often subjugating smaller states to gain advantage \[3\]. The US–Russia negotiation regarding Ukraine, without proper Ukrainian representation, exemplifies this type of neo-imperial dynamic in the twenty-first century. Also noteworthy is the consonance with the ideas of Ratzel and Kjellén: both viewed smaller states as easily relegated to the status of satellites or even “parasitic organisms” in the orbit of larger states. Kjellén spoke of the intrinsic vulnerability of states with little territorial depth or economic dependence, making them susceptible to external pressures \[4\]\[20\]. Ukraine, weakened by war and dependent on external aid, becomes a concrete example of this theorized vulnerability: it has had to cede strategic resources and accept terms dictated against its will in an attempt to secure its immediate survival. The resulting agreement, therefore, reflects a power imbalance characteristic of the hierarchical international relations described by classical geopolitical theorists. # **Implicit Territorial Concessions and Trump’s Public Discourse** A central and controversial point in Trump’s statements regarding the war in Ukraine is the insinuation of territorial concessions to Russia as part of the conflict’s resolution. Publicly, Trump avoided explicitly condemning Russian aggression and even stated that he considered it “unlikely” that Ukraine would be able to retake all the areas occupied by the Russians \[16\]. In debates and interviews, he suggested that “if I were president, the war would end in 24 hours,” implying that he would force an understanding between Kyiv and Moscow that would likely involve ceding some territory in exchange for peace. This position marks a break with the previous US policy of not recognizing any territorial acquisitions made by force and fuels speculations that a future peace agreement sponsored by Trump would legitimize at least part of Russia’s gains since 2014 (Crimea, Donbass, and areas seized during the 2022 invasion). The actions of his administration corroborate this interpretation. As discussed, the economic agreement focuses on the exploitation of Ukrainian natural resources, many of which are located precisely in regions currently under Russian military control, such as parts of the Zaporizhzhia Oblast, Donetsk, Lugansk, and the Azov Sea area \[6\]. A Ukrainian geologist, Hanna Liventseva, highlighted that “most of these elements (strategic minerals) are found in the south of the Ukrainian Shield, mainly in the Azov region, and most of these territories are currently invaded by Russia” \[6\]. This means that, to make joint exploitation viable, Russia’s de facto control over these areas would have to be recognized—or at least tolerated—in the short term. In other words, the pact indirectly and tacitly accepts Russian territorial gains, as it involves sharing the profits from resources that are not currently accessible to the Kyiv government. Furthermore, figures close to Trump have made explicit statements regarding the possibility of territorial cession. Mike Waltz, Trump’s national security advisor, publicly stated that Zelensky might need to “cede land to Russia” to end the war \[8\]. This remark—made public in March 2025—confirms that the Trump White House considers it natural for Ukraine to relinquish parts of its territory in favor of an agreement. Such a stance marks a break from the previous Western consensus, which condemned any territorial gains by force. Under Trump, a pragmatic view (in the eyes of his supporters) or a cynical one (according to his critics) seems to prevail: sacrificing principles of territorial integrity to quickly end hostilities and secure immediate economic benefits. In theoretical terms, this inclination to validate territorial gains by force recalls the concept of Realpolitik and the geopolitical Darwinism that influenced thinkers such as Ratzel. In Ratzel’s organic conception, expanding states naturally absorb neighboring territories when they are strong enough to do so, while declining states lose territory—a process almost biological in the selection of the fittest \[11\]. The Trump administration’s acceptance that Ukraine should “give something” to Moscow to seal peace reflects a normalization of this geopolitical selection process: it recognizes the aggressor (Russia) as having the “right” to retain conquered lands, because that is how power realities on the ground dictate. Mackinder, although firmly opposed to allowing Russia to dominate the Heartland, would see this outcome as the logical consequence of the lack of engagement from maritime powers (the USA and the United Kingdom, for example) in sustaining the Ukrainian counterattack. Without the active involvement of maritime power to balance the dispute, land power prevails in Eastern Europe. From the perspective of international legitimacy, the cession of Ukrainian territories—whether de jure or de facto—creates a dangerous precedent in the post-Cold War era. Rewarding violent aggression with territorial gains may encourage similar strategies in other parts of the world, undermining the architecture of collective security. This is possibly a return to a world of spheres of influence, where great powers define borders and zones of control according to their convenience—something that the rules-based order after 1945 sought to avoid. Here, academic impartiality requires noting that coercion for territorial concessions rarely produces lasting peace, as the aggrieved party—in this case, Ukraine—may accept temporarily but will continue to assert its rights in the long term, as has occurred with other territorial injustices in history. # **Territorial Ambitions of Trump: Greenland and Canada** Beyond the Eurasian theater of war, Trump revived geopolitical ambitions involving territories traditionally allied with the US: Greenland (an autonomous territory of Denmark) and Canada. As early as 2019, during his first term, Trump shocked the world by proposing to buy Greenland—rich in minerals and strategically positioned in the Arctic. Upon his return to power, he went further: expressing a “renewed interest” in acquiring Greenland and publicly suggesting the incorporation of Canada as the 51st American state \[2\]. In January 2025, during a press conference at Mar-a-Lago, he even displayed maps in which the US and Canada appeared merged into a single country, while Greenland was marked as a future American possession \[2\]. Posts by the president on social media included satirical images with a map of North America where Canada was labeled “51st” and Greenland designated as “Our Land” \[2\]. Such moves were met with concern and disbelief by allies. Canadian Prime Minister Justin Trudeau was caught on an open microphone warning that Trump’s fixation on annexation “is real” and not just a joke \[7\]. Trudeau emphasized that Washington appeared to covet Canada’s vast mineral resources, which would explain the insistence on the idea of absorption \[7\]. In public, Trump argued that Canadians “would be more prosperous as American citizens,” promising tax cuts and better services should they become part of the US \[7\]. On the Danish side, the reaction to the revived plan regarding Greenland was firmly negative—as it was in 2019—reaffirming that the territory is not for sale. Trump, however, insinuated that the issue might be one of national security, indicating that American possession of Greenland would prevent adverse influences (a reference to China and Russia in the Arctic) \[2\]. More worryingly, he refused to rule out the use of military means to obtain the island, although he assured that he had no intention of invading Canada by force (in the Canadian case, he spoke of “economic force” to forge a union) \[2\]. This series of initiatives reflects an unprecedented expansionist impetus by the US in recent times, at least in discourse. Analyzing this through the lens of classical geopolitics offers interesting insights. Friedrich Ratzel and his notion of Lebensraum suggest that powerful states, upon reaching a certain predominance, seek to expand their territory by influencing or incorporating adjacent areas. Trump, by targeting the immediate neighbor (Canada) and a nearby strategic territory (Greenland), appears to resurrect this logic of territorial expansion for the sake of gaining space and resources. Ratzel saw such expansion almost as a natural process for vigorous states, comparable to the growth of an organism \[11\]. From this perspective, the US would be exercising its “right” of expansion in North America and the polar region, integrating areas of vital interest. Additionally, Alfred Mahan’s view on maritime power helps to understand the strategic value of Greenland. Mahan postulated that control of key maritime chokepoints and naval bases ensures global advantage \[9\]. Greenland, situated between the North Atlantic and the Arctic, has become increasingly relevant as climate change opens new polar maritime routes and reveals vast mineral deposits (including rare earth elements and oil). For the US, having a presence or sovereignty over Greenland would mean dominating the gateway to the Arctic and denying this space to rivals. This aligns with Mahan’s strategy of securing commercial and military routes (in this case, potential Arctic routes) and resources to consolidate naval supremacy. On the other hand, the incorporation of Canada—with its enormous territory, Arctic coastline, and abundant natural resources—would provide the US with formidable geoeconomic and geopolitical reinforcement, practically eliminating vulnerabilities along its northern border. This is an ambitious project that also echoes ideas of Kjellén, for whom an ideal State should seek territorial completeness and economic self-sufficiency within its region. Incorporating Canada would be the pinnacle of American regional autarky, turning North America into a unified bloc under Washington (a scenario reminiscent of the “pan-regions” conceived by twentieth-century geopoliticians influenced by Kjellén). It is important to note, however, that these ambitions face enormous legal and political obstacles. The sovereignty of Canada and Greenland (Denmark) is guaranteed by international law, and both peoples categorically reject the idea of annexation. Any hostile action by the US against these countries would shake alliances and the world order itself. Even so, the very fact that an American president suggests such possibilities already produces geopolitical effects: traditional partners begin to distrust Washington’s intentions, seek alternative alliances, and strengthen nationalist discourses of resistance. In summary, Trump’s expansionist intentions in Greenland and Canada rekindle old territorial issues and paradoxically place the US in the position of a revisionist power—a role once associated with empires in search of colonies. # **Implications for Brazil and South America: A New Neocolonization?** In light of this geopolitical reconfiguration driven by Trump's USA—with a reordering of alliances and a possible partition of spheres of influence among great powers—the question arises: what is the impact on Brazil and the other countries of South America? Traditionally, Latin America has been under the aegis of the Monroe Doctrine (1823), which established non-interference by Europe in the region and, implicitly, the primacy of the USA in the Western Hemisphere. In the post–Cold War period, this influence translated more into political and economic leadership, without formal annexations or direct territorial domination. However, the current context points to a kind of “neocolonization” of the Global South, in which larger powers seek to control resources and peripheral governments in an indirect yet effective manner. Mackinder’s theories can be used to illuminate this dynamic. As mentioned, Mackinder envisioned the twentieth-century world as a closed system, in which there were no longer any unknown lands to be colonized—hence, the powers would fight among themselves for control over already occupied regions \[3\]. He predicted that Africa and Latin America (then largely European colonies or semi-colonies) would continue as boards upon which the great powers would project their disputes, a form of neocolonialism. In the current scenario, we see the USA proposing exchanges of protection for resources (as in Ukraine) and even leaders of developing countries seeking similar agreements. A notable example: the President of the Democratic Republic of the Congo, Felix Tshisekedi, praised the USA–Ukraine initiative and suggested an analogous agreement involving Congolese mineral wealth in exchange for US support against internal rebels (M23) \[19\]. In other words, African countries and possibly South American ones may enter into this logic of offering privileged access to resources (cobalt, lithium, food, biodiversity) in order to obtain security guarantees or investments. This represents a regression to the times when external powers dictated the directions of the South in exchange for promises of protection, characterizing a strategic neocolonialism. For Brazil, in particular, this rearrangement generates both opportunities and risks. As a regional power with considerable diplomatic autonomy, Brazil has historically sought to balance relationships with the USA, Europe, China, and other actors, avoiding automatic alignments. However, in a world where Trump’s USA is actively redefining spheres of influence—possibly making deals with Russia that divide priorities (for example, Washington focusing on the Western Hemisphere and Moscow on the Eastern)—South America could once again be seen as an exclusive American sphere of influence. From this perspective, Washington could pressure South American countries to align with its directives, limiting partnerships with rivals (such as China) and seeking privileged access to strategic resources (such as the Amazon, fresh water, minerals, and agricultural commodities). Some indications are already emerging: Trump’s transactional approach mentioned by Nye included pressures on Canada and Mexico regarding border and trade issues, under the threat of commercial sanctions. It would not be unthinkable to adopt a hard line, for example, with regard to Brazilian environmental policies (linked to the Amazon) or Brazil’s relations with China, using tariffs or incentives as leverage—a sort of geopolitics of economic coercion. On the other hand, Brazil and its neighbors could also attempt to take advantage of the Sino–North American competition. If the USA is distracted consolidating its hemispheric “hard power” hegemony (even with annexation fantasies in the north), powers such as China may advance their economic presence in South America through investments and trade (Belt and Road, infrastructure financing)—which is already happening. This would constitute an indirect neocolonial dispute in the South: Chinese loans and investments versus American demands and agreements, partly reminiscent of the nineteenth-century imperial competition (when the United Kingdom, USA, and others competed for Latin American markets and resources). From a conceptual standpoint, Mackinder might classify South America as part of the “Outer Crescent” (external insular crescent)—peripheral to the great Eurasian “World-Island,” yet still crucial as a source of resources and a strategic position in the South Atlantic and Pacific. If the USA consolidates an informal empire in the Americas, it would be reinforcing its “insular bastion” far from the Eurasian Heartland, a strategy that Mackinder once suggested for maritime powers: to control islands and peripheral continents to compensate for the disadvantage of not controlling the Heartland. However, an excessive US dominance in the South could lead to local resistance and alternative alignments, unbalancing the region. Kjellén would add that for Brazil to maintain its decisive sovereignty, it will need to strengthen its autarky and internal cohesion—in other words, reduce vulnerabilities (economic, military, social) that external powers might exploit \[4\]. Meanwhile, Mahan might point out the importance for Brazil of controlling its maritime routes and coastlines (South Atlantic) to avoid being at the mercy of a naval power like the USA. And Ratzel would remind us that states that do not expand their influence tend to be absorbed by foreign influences—which, in the context of Brazil, does not mean conquering neighboring territories, but rather actively leading South American integration to create a block more resilient to external intrusion. In summary, South America finds itself in a more competitive and segmented world, where major players are resurrecting practices from past eras. The notion of “neocolonization” here does not imply direct occupation, but rather mechanisms of dependency: whether through unequal economic agreements or through diplomatic or military pressure for alignment. Brazil, as the largest economy and territory on the subcontinent, will have to navigate with heightened caution. A new global power balance, marked by the division of spheres of influence among the USA, China, and Russia, may reduce the sovereign maneuvering space of South American countries unless they act jointly. Thus, theoretical reflection suggests the need for South–South strategies, reinforcement of regional organizations, and diversification of partnerships to avoid falling into modern “neocolonial traps.” # **Conclusion** The emerging post–re-election geopolitical conjuncture of Donald Trump signals a return to classical geopolitical principles, after several decades of predominance of institutional liberal views. We witness the revaluation of concepts such as spheres of influence, exchanges of protection for resources, naval power versus land power, and disputes over territory and raw materials—all central themes in the writings of Mackinder, Mahan, Kjellén, and Ratzel at the end of the nineteenth and the beginning of the twentieth century. An impartial analysis of these events, in light of these theories, shows internal coherence in Trump’s actions: although controversial, they follow a logic of maximizing national interest and the relative power of the USA on the world stage, even at the expense of established principles and alliances. Halford Mackinder reminds us that, in a closed world with no new lands to conquer, the great powers will seek to redistribute the world among themselves \[3\]. This seems to manifest in the direct understandings between the USA and Russia over the fate of Ukraine, and in American ambitions in the Arctic and the Western Hemisphere. Alfred Mahan emphasizes that the control of the seas and strategic positions ensures supremacy—we see reflections of this in Trump’s obsession with Greenland (Arctic) and the possible neglect of the importance of maintaining NATO (and therefore the North Atlantic) as a cohesive bloc, something that Mahan’s theory would criticize due to the risk of a naval vacuum. Rudolf Kjellén and Friedrich Ratzel provide the framework to understand the more aggressive facet of expansionist nationalism: the idea of the State as an organism that needs to grow, secure resources, and seek self-sufficiency explains everything from the extortionate agreement imposed on Ukraine to the annexation rhetoric regarding Canada. The potential consequences are profound. In the short term, we may witness a precarious ceasefire in the Ukraine war, with consolidated Russian territorial gains and Ukraine economically tied to the USA, but without formal military protection—a fragile “armed peace.” Western Europe, alarmed, may accelerate its independent militarization, perhaps marking the beginning of European defense autonomy, as is already openly debated \[1\]. At the far end of the globe, American activism in the Arctic and the Americas may reshape alliances: countries like Canada, once aligned with Washington, might seek to guarantee their sovereignty by distancing themselves from it; powers like China could take advantage of the openings to increase their presence in Latin America and Africa through economic diplomacy; and emerging countries of the Global South may have to choose between submitting to new “guardianships” or strengthening South–South cooperation. Ultimately, the current situation reinforces the relevance of studying geopolitics through historical lenses. The actions of the Trump administration indicate that, despite all technological and normative advances, the competition for geographic power has not disappeared—it has merely assumed new formats. Academic impartiality obliges us not to prematurely judge whether these strategies will be successful or beneficial, but history and theory warn that neo-imperial movements tend to generate counter-reactions. As Mackinder insinuated, “every shock or change anywhere reverberates around the world,” and a sudden move by a superpower tends to provoke unforeseen adjustments and chain conflicts. 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Recuperado em 3 de março de 2025, de[ https://history.state.gov/milestones/1866-1898/mahan#:\~:text=Mahan%20argued%20that%20British%20control,American%20politicians%20believed%20that%20these](https://history.state.gov/milestones/1866-1898/mahan#:~:text=Mahan%20argued%20that%20British%20control,American%20politicians%20believed%20that%20these) **\[11\] Britannica.** (2025a). *Friedrich Ratzel | Biogeography, Anthropogeography, Political Geography*. Recuperado em 3 de março de 2025, de[ https://www.britannica.com/biography/Friedrich-Ratzel#:\~:text=webster,Swedish%20political%20scientist%20%2076](https://www.britannica.com/biography/Friedrich-Ratzel#:~:text=webster,Swedish%20political%20scientist%20%2076) **\[12\] Britannica.** (2025b). *Lebensraum*. Recuperado em 3 de março de 2025, de[ https://www.britannica.com/topic/Lebensraum#:\~:text=defined,The](https://www.britannica.com/topic/Lebensraum#:~:text=defined,The) **\[13\] Britannica.** (2025c). *Rudolf Kjellén*. Recuperado em 3 de março de 2025, de[ ](https://www.britannica.com/biography/Rudolf-Kjell%C3%A9n#:~:text=Realism%20www,that%20flourish%20and%20then%20decay)<https://www.britannica.com/biography/Rudolf-Kjellen> **\[14\] Wikipedia (ZH).** (2025). *Rudolf Kjellén*. Recuperado em 3 de março de 2025, de[ https://zh.wikipedia.org/wiki/w:Rudolf_Kjell%C3%A9n#:\~:text=Besides%20legalistic%2C%20states%20have%20organic,preservation.%20%5B%203](https://zh.wikipedia.org/wiki/w:Rudolf_Kjell%C3%A9n#:~:text=Besides%20legalistic%2C%20states%20have%20organic,preservation.%20%5B%203) **\[15\] Wikipedia.** (2025). *Lebensraum*. Recuperado em 3 de março de 2025, de[ https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Lebensraum#:\~:text=The%20German%20geographer%20and%20ethnographer,into%20the%20Greater%20Germanic%20Reich](https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Lebensraum#:~:text=The%20German%20geographer%20and%20ethnographer,into%20the%20Greater%20Germanic%20Reich) **\[16\] YouTube.** (2025). *Trump says Ukraine 'unlikely to get all land back' or join NATO* \[Vídeo\]. Recuperado em 3 de março de 2025, de[ https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=BmHzAVLhsXU#:\~:text=Trump%20says%20Ukraine%20%27unlikely%20to,for%20it%20to%20join%20NATO](https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=BmHzAVLhsXU#:~:text=Trump%20says%20Ukraine%20%27unlikely%20to,for%20it%20to%20join%20NATO) **\[17\] U.S. Naval Institute.** (2025) Operation World Peace. Recuperado em 3 de março de 2025, de [https://www.usni.org/magazines/proceedings/1955/june/operation-world-peace#:\\\~:text=“The Mahan doctrine%2C” according to,the word “airships” is more](https://www.usni.org/magazines/proceedings/1955/june/operation-world-peace#:%5C~:text=%E2%80%9CThe%20Mahan%20doctrine%2C%E2%80%9D%20according%20to,the%20word%20%E2%80%9Cairships%E2%80%9D%20is%20more) **\[18\] Emissary.** (2024) Trump’s Greenland and Panama Canal Threats Are a Throwback to an Old, Misguided Foreign Policy. Recuperado em 3 de março de 2025, de <https://carnegieendowment.org/emissary/2025/01/trump-greenland-panama-canal-monroe-doctrine-policy?lang=en> **\[19\] A Referência**. Acordo EUA-Ucrânia está praticamente fechado, mas analistas se dividem sobre quem sairá ganhando. Recuperado em 3 de março de 2025, de [https://areferencia.com/europa/acordo-eua-ucrania-esta-praticamente-fechado-mas-analistas-se-dividem-sobre-quem-saira-ganhando/#:\\\~:text=EUA e 17,o acordo a seu favor](https://areferencia.com/europa/acordo-eua-ucrania-esta-praticamente-fechado-mas-analistas-se-dividem-sobre-quem-saira-ganhando/#:%5C~:text=EUA%20%20e%20%2017,o%20acordo%20a%20seu%20favor) **\[20\] Wikipedia.** (2025) Geopolitik. Recuperado em 3 de março de 2025, de [https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Geopolitik#:\\\~:text=Rudolph Kjellén was Ratzel's Swedish,Kjellén's State](https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Geopolitik#:%5C~:text=Rudolph%20Kjell%C3%A9n%20was%20Ratzel%27s%20Swedish,Kjell%C3%A9n%27s%20State)

@ 66dd4c94:adce64b2

# == January 17 2025 Out From Underneath | Prism Shores crazy arms | pigeon pit Humanhood | The Weather Station # == february 07 2025 Wish Defense | FACS Sayan - Savoie | Maria Teriaeva Nowhere Near Today | Midding # == february 14 2025 Phonetics On and On | Horsegirl # == february 21 2025 Finding Our Balance | Tsoh Tso Machine Starts To Sing | Porridge Radio Armageddon In A Summer Dress | Sunny Wa # == february 28 2025 you, infinite | you, infinite On Being | Max Cooper Billboard Heart | Deep Sea Diver

@ 76d35c56:4811e780

# == January 17 2025 Out From Underneath | Prism Shores crazy arms | pigeon pit Humanhood | The Weather Station # == february 07 2025 Wish Defense | FACS Sayan - Savoie | Maria Teriaeva Nowhere Near Today | Midding # == february 14 2025 Phonetics On and On | Horsegirl # == february 21 2025 Finding Our Balance | Tsoh Tso Machine Starts To Sing | Porridge Radio Armageddon In A Summer Dress | Sunny Wa # == february 28 2025 you, infinite | you, infinite On Being | Max Cooper Billboard Heart | Deep Sea Diver

@ f33c8a96:5ec6f741

<div style="position:relative;padding-bottom:56.25%;height:0;overflow:hidden;max-width:100%;"><video style="position:absolute;top:0;left:0;width:100%;height:100%;border:0;" controls> <source src="https://plebdevs-bucket.nyc3.cdn.digitaloceanspaces.com/starter-lesson-1.mp4" type="video/mp4"/> <source src="https://plebdevs-bucket.nyc3.cdn.digitaloceanspaces.com/starter-lesson-1.webm" type="video/mp4"/> </video></div> # Setting Up Your Code Editor ## Introduction In this lesson, we'll set up the most fundamental tool in your development journey: your code editor. This is where you'll spend most of your time writing, testing, and debugging code, so it's crucial to get comfortable with it from the start. ## What is an IDE? ### Definition An IDE (Integrated Development Environment) is a software application that provides comprehensive facilities for software development. Think of it as your complete workshop for writing code. ### Key Components 1. **Code Editor** - Where you write and edit code - Provides syntax highlighting - Helps with code formatting - Makes code easier to read and write 2. **Compiler/Interpreter** - Runs your code - Translates your code into executable instructions - Helps test your applications 3. **Debugging Tools** - Help find and fix errors - Provide error messages and suggestions - Make problem-solving easier ## Setting Up Visual Studio Code ### Why VS Code? - Free and open-source - Lightweight yet powerful - Excellent community support - Popular among developers - Great for beginners and experts alike ### Installation Steps 1. Visit [code.visualstudio.com](https://code.visualstudio.com) 2. Download the version for your operating system 3. Run the installer 4. Follow the installation prompts ### Essential VS Code Features #### 1. Interface Navigation - **File Explorer** (Ctrl/Cmd + Shift + E) - Browse and manage your files - Create new files and folders - Navigate your project structure - **Search** (Ctrl/Cmd + Shift + F) - Find text across all files - Replace text globally - Search with regular expressions - **Source Control** (Ctrl/Cmd + Shift + G) - Track changes in your code - Commit and manage versions - Integrate with Git #### 2. Terminal Integration To open the integrated terminal: - Use ``` Ctrl + ` ``` (backtick) - Or View → Terminal from the menu - Basic terminal commands: ```bash ls # List files (dir on Windows) cd # Change directory clear # Clear terminal code . # Open VS Code in current directory ``` #### 3. Essential Extensions Install these extensions to enhance your development experience: 1. **ESLint** - Helps find and fix code problems - Enforces coding standards - Improves code quality 2. **Prettier** - Automatically formats your code - Maintains consistent style - Saves time on formatting 3. **Live Server** - Runs your web pages locally - Auto-refreshes on save - Great for web development ### Important Keyboard Shortcuts ``` Ctrl/Cmd + S # Save file Ctrl/Cmd + C # Copy Ctrl/Cmd + V # Paste Ctrl/Cmd + Z # Undo Ctrl/Cmd + Shift + P # Command palette Ctrl/Cmd + P # Quick file open ``` ## Writing Your First Code Let's create and run a simple HTML file: 1. Create a new file (`index.html`) 2. Add basic HTML content: ```html <h1>Hello World!</h1> ``` 3. Save the file (Ctrl/Cmd + S) 4. Open in browser or use Live Server ## Best Practices ### 1. File Organization - Keep related files together - Use clear, descriptive names - Create separate folders for different projects ### 2. Regular Saving - Save frequently (Ctrl/Cmd + S) - Watch for the unsaved dot indicator - Enable auto-save if preferred ### 3. Terminal Usage - Get comfortable with basic commands - Use the integrated terminal - Practice navigation and file operations ## Troubleshooting Common Issues ### 1. Installation Problems - Ensure you have admin rights - Check system requirements - Use official download sources ### 2. Extension Issues - Keep extensions updated - Disable conflicting extensions - Restart VS Code after installation ### 3. Performance - Don't install too many extensions - Regular restart of VS Code - Keep your system updated ## Next Steps 1. **Practice Navigation** - Create and manage files - Use the integrated terminal - Try keyboard shortcuts 2. **Customize Your Editor** - Explore themes - Adjust font size - Configure auto-save 3. **Prepare for Next Lesson** - Keep VS Code open - Get comfortable with the interface - Practice basic operations ## Additional Resources - [VS Code Documentation](https://code.visualstudio.com/docs) - [Keyboard Shortcuts Reference](https://code.visualstudio.com/shortcuts/keyboard-shortcuts-windows.pdf) - [VS Code Tips and Tricks](https://code.visualstudio.com/docs/getstarted/tips-and-tricks) Remember: Your code editor is your primary tool as a developer. Take time to get comfortable with it, and don't worry about mastering everything at once. Focus on the basics we covered in the video, and you'll naturally learn more features as you need them. Happy coding! 🚀

@ f33c8a96:5ec6f741

<div style="position:relative;padding-bottom:56.25%;height:0;overflow:hidden;max-width:100%;"><video style="position:absolute;top:0;left:0;width:100%;height:100%;border:0;" controls> <source src="https://plebdevs-bucket.nyc3.cdn.digitaloceanspaces.com/starter-lesson-4.mp4" type="video/mp4"/> <source src="https://plebdevs-bucket.nyc3.cdn.digitaloceanspaces.com/starter-lesson-4.webm" type="video/webm"/> </video></div> # CSS Fundamentals: Styling Your First Webpage ## Introduction In our previous lesson, we created the structure of our webpage with HTML. Now, we'll learn how to style it using CSS (Cascading Style Sheets). While HTML provides the bones of our webpage, CSS adds the visual presentation - the colors, layouts, spacing, and overall aesthetics. ## What is CSS? ### Definition CSS (Cascading Style Sheets) is a stylesheet language that controls the visual presentation of HTML documents. Think of it like the paint, decorations, and interior design of a house - it determines how everything looks and is arranged. ### Key Concepts 1. **Styling Capabilities** - Fonts and typography - Colors and backgrounds - Margins and padding - Element sizes - Visual effects - Layout and positioning 2. **Cascading Nature** - Styles can be inherited from parent elements - Multiple styles can apply to the same element - Specificity determines which styles take precedence - Styles "cascade" down through your document ## Basic CSS Syntax ```css selector { property: value; } ``` ### Example: ```css h1 { color: blue; font-size: 24px; margin-bottom: 20px; } ``` ## Connecting CSS to HTML ### Method 1: External Stylesheet (Recommended) ```html <link rel="stylesheet" href="style.css"> ``` ### Method 2: Internal CSS ```html <style> h1 { color: blue; } </style> ``` ### Method 3: Inline CSS (Use Sparingly) ```html <h1 style="color: blue;">Title</h1> ``` ## The Box Model Every HTML element is treated as a box in CSS, with: ``` ┌──────────────────────┐ │ Margin │ │ ┌──────────────┐ │ │ │ Border │ │ │ │ ┌──────────┐ │ │ │ │ │ Padding │ │ │ │ │ │ ┌──────┐ │ │ │ │ │ │ │ │ │ │ │ │ │ │ │Content│ │ │ │ │ │ │ │ │ │ │ │ │ │ │ └──────┘ │ │ │ │ │ └──────────┘ │ │ │ └──────────────┘ │ └──────────────────────┘ ``` - **Content**: The actual content of the element - **Padding**: Space between content and border - **Border**: The border around the padding - **Margin**: Space outside the border ## CSS Units ### Absolute Units - `px` - pixels - `pt` - points - `cm` - centimeters - `mm` - millimeters - `in` - inches ### Relative Units - `%` - percentage relative to parent - `em` - relative to font-size - `rem` - relative to root font-size - `vh` - viewport height - `vw` - viewport width ## Practical Example: Styling Our Webpage ### 1. Basic Page Setup ```css body { min-height: 100vh; margin: 0; font-family: Arial, sans-serif; background-color: #f0f0f0; display: flex; flex-direction: column; } ``` ### 2. Header Styling ```css header { background-color: #333; color: white; padding: 20px; text-align: center; } ``` ### 3. Main Content Area ```css main { max-width: 800px; margin: 0 auto; padding: 20px; flex: 1; } ``` ### 4. Footer Styling ```css footer { background-color: #333; color: white; padding: 10px; text-align: center; } ``` ## Layout with Flexbox ### Basic Concept Flexbox is a modern layout system that makes it easier to create flexible, responsive layouts. ### Key Properties ```css .container { display: flex; flex-direction: row | column; justify-content: center | space-between | space-around; align-items: center | flex-start | flex-end; } ``` ### Common Use Cases 1. Centering content 2. Creating navigation bars 3. Building responsive layouts 4. Equal-height columns 5. Dynamic spacing ## Best Practices ### 1. Organization - Use consistent naming conventions - Group related styles together - Comment your code for clarity - Keep selectors simple and specific ### 2. Performance - Avoid unnecessary specificity - Use shorthand properties when possible - Minimize redundant code - Consider load time impact ### 3. Maintainability - Use external stylesheets - Follow a consistent formatting style - Break large stylesheets into logical files - Document important design decisions ## Debugging CSS ### Common Tools 1. Browser Developer Tools - Element inspector - Style inspector - Box model viewer ### Common Issues 1. Specificity conflicts 2. Inheritance problems 3. Box model confusion 4. Flexbox alignment issues ## Exercises ### 1. Style Modifications Try modifying these properties in your stylesheet: ```css /* Change colors */ header { background-color: #4a90e2; } /* Adjust spacing */ main { padding: 40px; } /* Modify typography */ h1 { font-size: 32px; font-weight: bold; } ``` ### 2. Layout Challenge Create a card layout using Flexbox: ```css .card-container { display: flex; justify-content: space-between; gap: 20px; } .card { flex: 1; padding: 20px; background: white; border-radius: 8px; box-shadow: 0 2px 4px rgba(0,0,0,0.1); } ``` ## Additional Resources ### Learning Tools 1. [Flexbox Froggy](https://flexboxfroggy.com/) - Interactive Flexbox learning game 2. [CSS-Tricks](https://css-tricks.com) - Excellent CSS reference and tutorials 3. [MDN CSS Documentation](https://developer.mozilla.org/en-US/docs/Web/CSS) ### Practice Projects 1. Style your personal webpage 2. Create a responsive navigation menu 3. Build a flexible card layout 4. Design a custom button style Remember: CSS is both an art and a science. Don't be afraid to experiment and break things - that's how you'll learn the most. The key is to start simple and gradually add complexity as you become more comfortable with the basics. Next up, we'll dive into JavaScript to add interactivity to our webpage! 🚀

@ f33c8a96:5ec6f741

<div style="position:relative;padding-bottom:56.25%;height:0;overflow:hidden;max-width:100%;"><video style="position:absolute;top:0;left:0;width:100%;height:100%;border:0;" controls> <source src="https://plebdevs-bucket.nyc3.cdn.digitaloceanspaces.com/starter-lesson-5.mp4" type="video/mp4"/> <source src="https://plebdevs-bucket.nyc3.cdn.digitaloceanspaces.com/starter-lesson-5.webm" type="video/webm"/> </video></div> # JavaScript: Building Your First Interactive Web App ## Introduction In this lesson, we'll bring our web pages to life by adding dynamic functionality with JavaScript. We'll build a real-world application that displays and updates Bitcoin prices in real-time, teaching core JavaScript concepts along the way. ## Project Overview: Bitcoin Price Tracker We'll build a web application that: - Displays current Bitcoin price - Updates automatically every 3 seconds - Allows currency switching - Includes interactive controls - Shows current date/time ## Core JavaScript Concepts ### 1. Variables and Data Types ```javascript // Variables can be declared with let or const let currentCurrency = "USD"; // Can be changed const interval = 3000; // Cannot be changed // Basic data types const price = 45000; // Number const isVisible = true; // Boolean const currency = "USD"; // String ``` ### 2. DOM Manipulation ```javascript // Getting elements const priceElement = document.getElementById('price'); const button = document.getElementById('refresh-button'); // Modifying content priceElement.textContent = `${price} ${currency}`; // Changing styles priceElement.style.display = 'none'; ``` ### 3. Event Listeners ```javascript // Basic click handler button.addEventListener('click', () => { fetchBitcoinPrice(); }); // Change event for select elements selector.addEventListener('change', (event) => { handleCurrencyChange(event.value); }); ``` ### 4. Async Operations & Fetch API ```javascript async function fetchBitcoinPrice() { try { const response = await fetch(apiUrl); const data = await response.json(); updatePrice(data.price); } catch (error) { console.error('Error:', error); } } ``` ## Project Structure ### HTML Setup ```html <!DOCTYPE html> <html lang="en"> <head> <title>Bitcoin Price Tracker</title> <link rel="stylesheet" href="style.css"> <script src="index.js" defer></script> </head> <body> <h1>Current Bitcoin Price</h1> <p>The price is: <span id="price"></span></p> <!-- Additional elements --> </body> </html> ``` ### Core Functionality Implementation 1. **Setting Up the Timer** ```javascript // Update price every 3 seconds setInterval(fetchBitcoinPrice, 3000); // Update date/time every second setInterval(updateDateTime, 1000); ``` 2. **Currency Selection** ```javascript function handleCurrencyChange(newCurrency) { currentCurrency = newCurrency; fetchBitcoinPrice(); } ``` 3. **Toggle Visibility** ```javascript function togglePriceVisibility() { const price = document.getElementById('price'); price.style.display = price.style.display === 'none' ? 'inline' : 'none'; } ``` ## Best Practices ### 1. Error Handling - Always use try/catch with async operations - Provide meaningful error messages - Handle edge cases gracefully ### 2. Code Organization - Keep functions focused and small - Use meaningful variable names - Group related functionality - Add comments for clarity ### 3. Performance - Avoid unnecessary DOM updates - Use appropriate update intervals - Clean up intervals when not needed ## Common Challenges & Solutions ### 1. API Issues ```javascript // Handle API failures gracefully catch (error) { priceElement.textContent = 'Price unavailable'; console.error('API Error:', error); } ``` ### 2. Currency Formatting ```javascript function formatPrice(price, currency) { return new Intl.NumberFormat('en-US', { style: 'currency', currency: currency }).format(price); } ``` ### 3. Time Zones ```javascript function getLocalTime() { return new Date().toLocaleString(); } ``` ## Extending the Project Consider adding these features for practice: 1. Price change indicators (up/down arrows) 2. Historical price chart 3. Multiple cryptocurrency support 4. Price alerts 5. Local storage for settings ## Debugging Tips ### Using Console ```javascript console.log('Price fetched:', price); console.error('Error occurred:', error); console.table(priceHistory); ``` ### Chrome DevTools 1. Network tab for API calls 2. Console for errors 3. Elements for DOM inspection 4. Sources for debugging ## Additional Resources - MDN JavaScript Guide - JavaScript.info - CoinGecko API Documentation - Chrome DevTools Documentation ## Next Steps 1. Add styling with CSS 2. Implement additional features 3. Learn about React for more complex applications 4. Explore other APIs and cryptocurrencies Remember: The best way to learn is by doing. Don't be afraid to break things and experiment with the code. The developer console is your friend for debugging and understanding what's happening in your application. Happy coding! 🚀

@ f33c8a96:5ec6f741

<div style="position:relative;padding-bottom:56.25%;height:0;overflow:hidden;max-width:100%;"><video style="position:absolute;top:0;left:0;width:100%;height:100%;border:0;" controls> <source src="https://plebdevs-bucket.nyc3.cdn.digitaloceanspaces.com/starter-lesson-2.mp4" type="video/mp4"/> <source src="https://plebdevs-bucket.nyc3.cdn.digitaloceanspaces.com/starter-lesson-2.webm" type="video/webm"/> </video></div> # Setting Up Git and GitHub: A Developer's Foundation ## Lesson Overview In this lesson, we'll establish one of the most important foundations of your development journey: version control with Git and GitHub. This knowledge will enable you to track your code, back it up in the cloud, and start building your developer portfolio. ## Prerequisites - Visual Studio Code installed - Terminal/Command Line basics - GitHub account (we'll create one in this lesson) ## Key Learning Objectives - Understand what Git and GitHub are and why they're essential - Set up Git locally and connect it to GitHub - Learn basic Git commands and workflow - Create your first repository and commit - Establish good Git habits for your developer journey ## What is Git and GitHub? ### Git: Your Local Version Control - A version control system that tracks code changes over time - Prevents accidental overwrites of your work - Enables multiple developers to work on the same project safely - Runs locally on your machine ### GitHub: Your Code in the Cloud - A web-based platform that extends Git - Cloud storage for your code repositories - Enables code sharing and collaboration - Includes features like: - Issue tracking - Pull requests - Project management tools - Code review capabilities ## Why Use GitHub? ### 1. Portfolio Building - Acts as your "proof of work" as a developer - Shows your coding activity through contribution graphs - Demonstrates your consistency and dedication - Serves as a public showcase of your projects ### 2. Collaboration and Learning - Access millions of open-source projects - Learn from other developers' code - Contribute to real-world projects - Get feedback on your code - Work effectively in teams ### 3. Code Safety and Access - All your code is safely stored in the cloud - Access your projects from anywhere - Never lose your work due to computer issues ## Essential GitHub Terminology | Term | Definition | |------|------------| | Repository (Repo) | A folder containing your project files and version history | | Commit | A saved change or addition to your code | | Staging | Marking changes to be included in your next commit | | Push | Sending your local commits to GitHub | | Branch | A separate version of your code for new features or experiments | | Pull Request (PR) | A request to merge changes from one branch to another | | Clone | Creating a local copy of a remote repository | | Fork | Creating your own copy of someone else's repository | ## Hands-on Practice ### Setting Up Git 1. Install Git from https://git-scm.com/downloads 2. Configure your identity: ```bash git config --global user.name "Your Name" git config --global user.email "your.email@example.com" ``` ### Your First Repository 1. Create a new repository on GitHub named "hello-world" 2. Initialize Git locally: ```bash git init git add . git commit -m "My first commit" git remote add origin <your-repository-url> git push -u origin main ``` ## Basic Git Workflow Quick Reference ### Pushing Code to GitHub ```bash # 1. Stage your changes git add . # 2. Commit your changes with a message git commit -m "Describe your changes here" # 3. Push to GitHub git push ``` ### Getting Code from GitHub ```bash # If you already have the repository locally: git pull # If you need to download a repository: git clone https://github.com/username/repository.git ``` ## Building Good Habits ### Daily Git Practice - Make it a goal to push code every day - Even small changes count - Use your GitHub contribution graph as motivation - Track your progress over time ### Best Practices 1. Commit often with clear messages 2. Pull before you start working 3. Push your changes when you finish 4. Keep each project in its own repository 5. Include README files to explain your projects ## Common Issues and Solutions ### "No upstream branch" Error If you see this error when pushing: ```bash git push --set-upstream origin main ``` ### Changes Not Showing Up 1. Check if changes are staged: ```bash git status ``` 2. Make sure you've committed: ```bash git commit -m "Your message" ``` 3. Verify you've pushed: ```bash git push ``` ## Exercise: Start Your Journey 1. Create your GitHub account if you haven't already 2. Set up Git locally using the commands we covered 3. Create your first repository named "hello-world" 4. Make your first commit 5. Push your code to GitHub 6. Make a habit of pushing code daily ## Additional Resources - [GitHub Documentation](https://docs.github.com) - [Git Documentation](https://git-scm.com/doc) - Practice with [GitHub Learning Lab](https://lab.github.com) ## Next Steps - Start tracking all your code projects with Git - Begin building your portfolio on GitHub - Join the open-source community - Collaborate with other developers Remember: Every developer started where you are now. The key is consistency and persistence. Make pushing code to GitHub a daily habit, and you'll be amazed at your progress over time. Happy coding! 🚀

@ f33c8a96:5ec6f741

<div style="position:relative;padding-bottom:56.25%;height:0;overflow:hidden;max-width:100%;"><video style="position:absolute;top:0;left:0;width:100%;height:100%;border:0;" controls> <source src="https://plebdevs-bucket.nyc3.cdn.digitaloceanspaces.com/starter-lesson-3.mp4" type="video/mp4"/> <source src="https://plebdevs-bucket.nyc3.cdn.digitaloceanspaces.com/starter-lesson-3.webm" type="video/webm"/> </video></div> ## What is HTML? HTML (HyperText Markup Language) is the foundation of all webpages. Think of it as the framing of a house - it provides the basic structure that everything else builds upon. ### Key Concepts - HTML is a markup language, not a programming language - It tells browsers how to structure web content - Every HTML element is like a building block - Browsers interpret HTML to display content ## The Building Analogy When building a webpage, think of it like constructing a house: - **HTML**: The framing and structure (walls, rooms, layout) - **CSS**: The design elements (paint, decorations, styling) - **JavaScript**: The functionality (plumbing, electrical, moving parts) ## Basic HTML Structure ### 1. HTML Boilerplate Every webpage starts with a basic template: ```html <!DOCTYPE html> <html> <head> <meta charset="UTF-8"> <meta name="viewport" content="width=device-width, initial-scale=1.0"> <title>Your Page Title</title> </head> <body> <!-- Your content goes here --> </body> </html> ``` ### 2. Understanding the Parts - `<!DOCTYPE html>`: Tells browsers this is an HTML5 document - `<html>`: The root element of the page - `<head>`: Contains metadata about the document - `<body>`: Contains the visible content ## Essential HTML Elements ### 1. Headings HTML has six levels of headings: ```html <h1>Main Title</h1> <h2>Subtitle</h2> <h3>Section Header</h3> <!-- ... --> <h6>Smallest Heading</h6> ``` ### 2. Paragraphs ```html <p>This is a paragraph of text. It can contain as much text as you need.</p> ``` ### 3. Images ```html <img src="path-to-image.jpg" alt="Description of image" width="300"> ``` ### 4. Links ```html <a href="https://example.com">Click here</a> ``` ## HTML Attributes Attributes provide additional information or modify HTML elements: ```html <tag attribute="value">Content</tag> ``` Common attributes: - `src`: Source path for images - `href`: Destination for links - `alt`: Alternative text for images - `class`: CSS class names - `id`: Unique identifier - `style`: Inline CSS styles ## Semantic HTML ### What is Semantic HTML? Semantic HTML uses meaningful tags that describe their content's purpose. This improves: - Accessibility - SEO (Search Engine Optimization) - Code readability - Maintainability ### Common Semantic Elements ```html <header> <!-- Site header content --> </header> <nav> <!-- Navigation menu --> </nav> <main> <!-- Main content --> <article> <!-- Self-contained content --> </article> <section> <!-- Grouped content --> </section> </main> <footer> <!-- Site footer content --> </footer> ``` ### Non-Semantic vs Semantic Example Instead of: ```html <div class="header"> <div class="navigation"> <div class="nav-item">Home</div> </div> </div> ``` Use: ```html <header> <nav> <a href="/">Home</a> </nav> </header> ``` ## Building Your First Webpage ### 1. Basic Structure ```html <!DOCTYPE html> <html> <head> <title>My First Webpage</title> </head> <body> <header> <h1>Welcome to My First Webpage!</h1> </header> <main> <section> <h2>About Me</h2> <p>Hi, I'm learning web development with PlebDevs!</p> </section> <section> <h2>My Interests</h2> <p>I'm interested in Bitcoin, programming, and building cool stuff!</p> </section> </main> <footer> <p>Created by [Your Name] - 2024</p> </footer> </body> </html> ``` ## Best Practices ### 1. Structure - Use proper indentation - Keep code organized and readable - Use semantic elements when possible - Include all required elements (`DOCTYPE`, `html`, `head`, `body`) ### 2. Content - Use appropriate heading levels (start with `h1`) - Write descriptive `alt` text for images - Keep content meaningful and organized - Use comments to explain complex sections ### 3. Accessibility - Use semantic HTML elements - Provide alternative text for images - Maintain a logical heading structure - Ensure content makes sense when read linearly ## Common Issues and Solutions ### Problem: Images Not Loading ```html <!-- Wrong --> <img src="image.jpg"> <!-- Right --> <img src="./images/image.jpg" alt="Description"> ``` ### Problem: Links Not Working ```html <!-- Wrong --> <a>Click here</a> <!-- Right --> <a href="https://example.com">Click here</a> ``` ## Next Steps 1. **Practice Building** - Create a personal webpage about yourself - Include different types of content (text, images, links) - Use semantic HTML elements 2. **Experiment with Structure** - Try different layouts - Use various HTML elements - Pay attention to semantic meaning 3. **Prepare for CSS** - Think about how you want your page to look - Consider what styles you'll want to add - Plan your layout structure ## Exercise: Create Your Profile Page Try creating a simple profile page using what you've learned: 1. Use the HTML boilerplate 2. Add a header with your name 3. Include an "About Me" section 4. Add a photo (if you want) 5. List your interests or goals 6. Add a footer with contact information Remember to: - Use semantic HTML - Include appropriate headings - Add descriptive alt text for images - Keep your code clean and well-organized ## Additional Resources - [MDN HTML Guide](https://developer.mozilla.org/en-US/docs/Web/HTML) - [HTML5 Doctor (Semantic Elements)](http://html5doctor.com/) - [W3Schools HTML Tutorial](https://www.w3schools.com/html/) Remember: HTML is the foundation of web development. Take time to understand these basics well, as they'll serve as the building blocks for everything else you'll learn. Happy coding! 🚀

@ f33c8a96:5ec6f741

<div style="position:relative;padding-bottom:56.25%;height:0;overflow:hidden;max-width:100%;"><video style="position:absolute;top:0;left:0;width:100%;height:100%;border:0;" controls> <source src="https://plebdevs-bucket.nyc3.cdn.digitaloceanspaces.com/starter-lesson-0.mp4" type="video/mp4"/> <source src="https://plebdevs-bucket.nyc3.cdn.digitaloceanspaces.com/starter-lesson-0.webm" type="video/webm"/> </video></div> # Welcome to PlebDevs Starter Course ## Course Mission Welcome to the PlebDevs starter course! I'm Austin, the founder of PlebDevs, and I'll be walking you through this short intro starter course that will get you up and running and interacting with the rest of the content on the platform. If you're here, I'm assuming you're new to coding or just starting out. If you already have experience and have your bearings down, there's lots more intermediate and advanced content on the platform. This course is designed for absolute beginners. ## Course Goals ### Overall PlebDevs Goals 1. Learn how to code 2. Build Bitcoin/Lightning/Nostr apps 3. Become a developer This is a big journey with a lot of pieces and things to learn. The starter course is going to get you on that path as quickly as possible and make it a smooth journey. ### Starter Course Objectives 1. Give you an easy, high-level overview of the dev journey 2. Get you set up and comfortable in a development environment where you'll write and ship code 3. Give you basic experience in the languages covered in our courses and workshops There's lots of material out there that will just tell you exactly what to do and not explain why but I want you to actually understand for yourself. I want you to have a good mental model of what this journey is going to be like, what it's going to be like actually writing and pushing code. And then we're going to start getting our hands dirty and gain real experience. ## What is a PlebDev? ### Origins and Philosophy I started using the term "PlebDev" a few years ago to describe a unique approach to learning development in the Bitcoin space. It represents: - **Inclusive Learning**: Anyone can become a developer, regardless of background - **Growth Mindset**: Embracing the journey from beginner to professional - **Practical Focus**: Emphasizing real-world application development - **Community Support**: Learning and growing together ### Key Characteristics - 🌱 **Growth-Focused**: PlebDevs are always learning and improving - 🎯 **App-Centric**: Focus on building applications rather than protocol development - 🆕 **Embrace Being New**: Being a new developer is infinitely better than being on the sidelines - 🤝 **Community-Driven**: Bitcoin/Lightning/Nostr ecosystem needs more plebdevs like you! ## Our Learning Approach ### Core Principles 1. **Lower Barriers** - Simplify complex concepts - Focus on practical understanding - Build confidence through action 2. **Project-Based Learning** - Learn by doing - Create real applications - Build a portfolio as you learn 3. **MVP (Minimum Viable Product) Focus** - Start with core functionality - Get things working first - Iterate and improve 4. **Actionable Knowledge** - Focus on the 20% that delivers 80% of results - Learn what you can use right away - Build practical skills ### Teaching Methods - Detailed concept breakdowns - Line-by-line code explanations - Interactive learning - 1:1 support available - Community-driven progress ## Course Structure ### The Learning Path Instead of the traditional bottom-up approach, we use a project-focused method: ``` 🏔️ Advanced Skills 🏔️ Projects & Practice 🏔️ Core Concepts 🏔️ Development Environment 🏔️ Getting Started ``` We'll create checkpoints through projects, allowing you to: - Verify your understanding - Build your portfolio - See real progress - Have reference points for review ## Student Expectations ### What We Expect From You - **High Agency**: Take ownership of your learning journey - **Active Participation**: Engage with the material and community - **Persistence**: Push through challenges - **Curiosity**: Ask questions and explore concepts ### What You Can Expect From Us - Clear, practical instruction - Comprehensive support - Real-world applications - Community backing ## Getting Started ### Next Steps 1. Ensure you're ready to commit to learning 2. Set up your development environment (next lesson) 3. Join our community 4. Start building! ## Resources and Support ### Where to Get Help - plebdevs.com ### Tips for Success 1. Push code daily, even if it is small. 2. Focus on understanding rather than memorizing. 3. Build projects that interest you. 4. Engage with the community. 5. Don't be afraid to ask questions. ## Remember You don't need to become a "10x developer" overnight. The goal is to start writing code, build useful things, and gradually improve. Every expert was once a beginner, and the journey of a thousand miles begins with a single line of code. Ready to begin? Let's dive into the next lesson where we'll set up your development environment! 🚀

@ 6260f29f:2ee2fcd4

<div style="position:relative;padding-bottom:56.25%;height:0;overflow:hidden;max-width:100%;"><iframe src="https://www.youtube.com/embed/htak8D2tv_M?enablejsapi=1" style="position:absolute;top:0;left:0;width:100%;height:100%;border:0;" allowfullscreen></iframe></div> # PlebDevs ⚡️ A one-of-a-kind developer education, content, and community platform built on Nostr and fully Lightning integrated. <br />[https://plebdevs.com](https://plebdevs.com) ## Overview PlebDevs is an open-source platform that combines educational content, community interaction, and Bitcoin/Lightning integration. The platform publishes content to Nostr and actively pulls from Nostr relays, creating a distributed, interoperable trail of Documents, Videos, and Courses. ## Technical Implementation ### Nostr Integration - **Content Distribution**: Implements NIP-23 for rich multimedia content embedding - **Content Encryption**: Paid content bodies are encrypted while maintaining metadata visibility - **Authentication**: - Multi-method signup (NIP-07, Email, GitHub, Anonymous) - Ephemeral keypair generation for non-Nostr users - Account linking and recovery system - **Lists & Courses**: NIP-51 implementation for structured content organization - **Monetization**: NIP-99 for digital content sales - **Automated Subscriptions**: NIP-47 (Nostr Wallet Connect) for recurring payments - **Badge System**: NIP-58 for automated achievement rewards - **Identity**: NIP-05 for custom platform identities - **Additional NIPs**: Implements NIP-01, NIP-19, NIP-39, NIP-57 ### Platform Architecture - **Content Management**: - Draft system with preview capabilities - Parameterized replaceable events - Multi-format support (Markdown, Video, Mixed Media) - Course builder with drag-and-drop ordering - **User Management**: - Profile synchronization with Nostr - Activity tracking and progress monitoring - Custom relay configuration - Wallet connection management - **Admin Features**: - Protected admin routes based on pubkey configuration - Content creation and management interface - Draft/publish workflow - Course assembly tools

@ 6260f29f:2ee2fcd4

<div style="position:relative;padding-bottom:56.25%;height:0;overflow:hidden;max-width:100%;"><iframe src="https://www.youtube.com/embed/yOKs5L18YcI?enablejsapi=1" style="position:absolute;top:0;left:0;width:100%;height:100%;border:0;" allowfullscreen></iframe></div>

@ f33c8a96:5ec6f741

<div style="position:relative;padding-bottom:56.25%;height:0;overflow:hidden;max-width:100%;"><iframe src="https://www.youtube.com/embed/tGVxP4RgyI4?enablejsapi=1" style="position:absolute;top:0;left:0;width:100%;height:100%;border:0;" allowfullscreen></iframe></div>

@ f33c8a96:5ec6f741

<div style="position:relative;padding-bottom:56.25%;height:0;overflow:hidden;max-width:100%;"><iframe src="https://www.youtube.com/embed/7dsR7um-DxA?enablejsapi=1" style="position:absolute;top:0;left:0;width:100%;height:100%;border:0;" allowfullscreen></iframe></div>

@ f33c8a96:5ec6f741

<div style="position:relative;padding-bottom:56.25%;height:0;overflow:hidden;max-width:100%;"><iframe src="https://www.youtube.com/embed/QY6euaT_G_E?enablejsapi=1" style="position:absolute;top:0;left:0;width:100%;height:100%;border:0;" allowfullscreen></iframe></div>

@ a95c6243:d345522c

*Ständige Lügen und Unterstellungen, permanent falsche Fürsorge* *\ können Bausteine von emotionaler Manipulation sein. Mit dem Zweck,* *\ Macht und Kontrolle über eine andere Person auszuüben.* *\ Apotheken Umschau* &#x20; **Irgendetwas muss passiert sein: «Gaslighting» ist gerade Thema** in vielen Medien. Heute bin ich nach längerer Zeit mal wieder über dieses Stichwort gestolpert. Das war in einem [Artikel](https://norberthaering.de/propaganda-zensur/dwd-referenzperiode/) von Norbert Häring über Manipulationen des Deutschen Wetterdienstes (DWD). In diesem Fall ging es um eine Pressemitteilung vom Donnerstag zum «viel zu warmen» Winter 2024/25. **Häring wirft der Behörde vor, dreist zu lügen und Dinge auszulassen,** um die Klimaangst wach zu halten. Was der Leser beim DWD nicht erfahre, sei, dass dieser Winter kälter als die drei vorangegangenen und kälter als der Durchschnitt der letzten zehn Jahre gewesen sei. Stattdessen werde der falsche Eindruck vermittelt, es würde ungebremst immer wärmer. **Wem also der zu Ende gehende Winter eher kalt vorgekommen sein sollte,** mit dessen Empfinden stimme wohl etwas nicht. Das jedenfalls wolle der DWD uns einreden, so der Wirtschaftsjournalist. Und damit sind wir beim Thema Gaslighting. **Als** **[Gaslighting](https://bayern-gegen-gewalt.de/gewalt-infos-und-einblicke/formen-von-gewalt/psychische-gewalt/gaslighting/)** **wird eine Form psychischer Manipulation bezeichnet,** mit der die Opfer desorientiert und zutiefst verunsichert werden, indem ihre eigene Wahrnehmung als falsch bezeichnet wird. Der Prozess führt zu Angst und Realitätsverzerrung sowie zur Zerstörung des Selbstbewusstseins. Die Bezeichnung kommt von dem britischen Theaterstück «Gas Light» aus dem Jahr 1938, in dem ein Mann mit grausamen Psychotricks seine Frau in den Wahnsinn treibt. **Damit Gaslighting funktioniert, muss das Opfer dem Täter vertrauen.** Oft wird solcher Psychoterror daher im privaten oder familiären Umfeld beschrieben, ebenso wie am Arbeitsplatz. Jedoch eignen sich die Prinzipien auch perfekt zur Manipulation der Massen. Vermeintliche Autoritäten wie Ärzte und Wissenschaftler, oder «der fürsorgliche Staat» und Institutionen wie die UNO oder die WHO wollen uns doch nichts Böses. Auch Staatsmedien, Faktenchecker und diverse NGOs wurden zu «vertrauenswürdigen Quellen» erklärt. Das hat seine Wirkung. **Warum das Thema Gaslighting derzeit scheinbar so populär ist,** vermag ich nicht zu sagen. Es sind aber gerade in den letzten Tagen und Wochen auffällig viele Artikel dazu erschienen, und zwar nicht nur von Psychologen. Die *Frankfurter Rundschau* hat gleich mehrere publiziert, und [Anwälte](https://www.anwalt.de/rechtstipps/gaslighting-beispiele-anzeichen-strafbarkeit-212449.html) interessieren sich dafür offenbar genauso wie Apotheker. **Die** ***Apotheken Umschau*** **machte sogar auf** **[«Medical Gaslighting»](https://archive.is/Wx5YM)** **aufmerksam.** Davon spreche man, wenn Mediziner Symptome nicht ernst nähmen oder wenn ein gesundheitliches Problem vom behandelnden Arzt «schnöde heruntergespielt» oder abgetan würde. Kommt Ihnen das auch irgendwie bekannt vor? Der Begriff sei allerdings irreführend, da er eine manipulierende Absicht unterstellt, die «nicht gewährleistet» sei. **Apropos Gaslighting: Die noch amtierende deutsche Bundesregierung** [meldete](https://www.bundesregierung.de/breg-de/service/newsletter-und-abos/bundesregierung-aktuell/ausgabe-08-2025-februar-28-2336254?view=renderNewsletterHtml) heute, es gelte, «weiter \[sic!] gemeinsam daran zu arbeiten, einen gerechten und dauerhaften Frieden für die Ukraine zu erreichen». Die Ukraine, wo sich am Montag «der völkerrechtswidrige Angriffskrieg zum dritten Mal jährte», [verteidige](https://transition-news.org/wikileaks-der-westen-wusste-dass-ein-nato-beitritt-der-ukraine-riskant-war) ihr Land und «unsere gemeinsamen Werte». **Merken Sie etwas? Das Demokratieverständnis mag ja tatsächlich** inzwischen in beiden Ländern ähnlich traurig sein. Bezüglich Friedensbemühungen ist meine Wahrnehmung jedoch eine andere. Das muss an meinem Gedächtnis liegen. *** Dieser Beitrag ist zuerst auf ***[Transition News](https://transition-news.org/bitte-nicht-von-gaslichtern-irritieren-lassen)*** erschienen.

@ b581c912:7df8270f

Fui abordado por um colega e ele me falou de forma bastante enérgica sobre o projeto Pi Network, após uma breve conversa resolvi dar crédito e estudar sobre a solução proposta. Tentei ser imparcial e fui direto no site “oficial” (🤔) onde encontrei dois Whitepapers (referência 1), um de 2019 e outro de 2021. Decidi então fazer a leitura pela documentação oficial, tentar não me influenciar mais do que já sou influenciado (como um Bitcoiner Maximlista que acho que sou). Infelizmente não tive condições de terminar os dois documentos, no capítulo “Pi – Token Supply” de 2019 já deixa claro de forma matemática que Pi Network é uma pirâmide, e como até aquele momento não consegui resposta se o processo de recompensa da rede tinha sido atualizada, eu decidi não gastar mais meu tempo de vida estudando sobre o protocolo.\ \ Deixo aqui as anotações que fiz até onde tive condições de ler. Por favor, sinta-se à vontade para contra-argumentar caso você tenha entendido o protocolo de forma diferente, ou assim como Satoshi “If you don't believe me or don't get it, I don't have time to try to convince you, sorry.”. De forma bastante resumida, esta é minha conclusão: Pi Network é uma pirâmide declarada na sua própria documentação oficial. Infelizmente, mais uma shitcoin. Vende a ideia de descentralização e justiça, mas não tem nada descentralizado e muito menos justa, usando da falácia argumentativa e frases de efeito tenta vender sua pirâmide financeira. (OBS: os primeiros capítulos do Whitepaper de 2019 são concentrados em atacar o Bitcoin e seu ambiente, mas sem a coragem de pelo menos descrever corretamente como o ambiente funciona. Soltando verdades pela metade leva o leitor a achar que o ambiente do Bitcoin é malicioso e precisa de ‘melhorias’) 1. Introduction: Why cryptocurrencies matter - Traz alguns argumentos para validar a existência do Pi Network, cita falhas do sistema fia, mas não citou o maior problema: Inflação e/ou impressão de dinheiro; 2. Securing Distributed Ledgers (Mining) - “*This process (Bitcoin mining) is very secure, but it demands enormous computing power and energy consumption as users essentially “burn money” to solve the computational puzzle that earns them more Bitcoin. The burn-to-reward ratio is so punitive that it is always in Validators’ self-interest to post honest transactions to the Bitcoin record.*” - Aqui é descrito como se a base da “Prova de Trabalho” fosse punitiva “burn-to-reward”, quando na verdade  é completamente o contrário: meritocracia total. Trabalhe de forma justa, com dados reais, não tente burlar o sistema e você será recompensado, não importa quem você é ou de onde você vem. Seja justo, trabalhe e seja recompensado. 3. Problem: Centralization of power and money put 1st Generation Cryptocurrencies out of reach - O capítulo inteiro é focado em criticar o PoW, sendo que PoW + ”algoritmo de consenso” é a base da solução do problema do “General Bizantino” em um sistema descentralizado. Usando argumentos de ‘excesso de consumo de energia’ e outros para causar desprezo à tecnologia. - O Bitcoin é o mercado mundial que mais usa energia renovável. Em 2022 tinha um total de 56% de toda a rede de mineração rodando sobre energias renováveis (2). No Brasil temos algumas empresas que atuam em reutilização de energia renovável para mineração de Bitcoin (3). 4. A Simplified Introduction To Consensus Algorithms - A explicação desse capítulo ficou MUITO vago, deixando a entender que o que o minerador coloca no bloco é válido como dado real. Quando na realidade isso não é verdade: o minerador (Mining Node) realmente precisa fazer cálculos computacionais e quem achar o bloco ganha o direito de enviar essa informação para os Nós (“validation” nodes, se é que eu posso chamá-los assim), então os Nós é que vão decidir de forma descentralizada se aquele bloco é válido ou não, caso não seja, recusando o bloco e aceitando o próximo bloco válido. 5. A Simplified Introduction To Stellar Consensus Protocol - Este capítulo já começa reforçando a falácia anterior “Pi uses the other type of consensus algorithms”, tentando reforçar que o mecanismo de consenso do Bitcoin é inseguro ou custoso, sendo que no capítulo anterior eles misturaram a prova de trabalho (mineração) com a validação dos blocos, que é realmente o “consensus algorithms”, ou seja, o argumento utilizado aqui é nulo, não fazendo sentido além do de tentar levar o leitor a menosprezar a solução do Bitcoin. - “*One major criticism of BFT (Byzantine Fault Tolerance) is that it has a centralization point: because voting is involved, the set of nodes participating in the voting “quorum” are centrally determined by the creator of the system in its beginning.*” 1. Não sei qual BFT exatamente eles estão criticando aqui, mas certamente não é o Bitcoin. Os Nós (“validation” nodes) não são centralmente especificados, qualquer um pode entrar como um nós validador e fazer parte da validação dos blocos, rejeitando aqueles que considera não verdadeiros por N motivos. O sistema de consenso do Bitcoin é feito por %, se 51% dos nós validadores aceitam o bloco (minerado pelo nó minerador) aquele bloco é então visto como válido. Se 51% rejeitam, aquele bloco é rejeitado por toda a rede. 6. Pi’s Adaptations to Stellar Consensus Protocol (SCP) - “*For example, once a week, the stellar network is using it to compute inflation on the stellar network and allocate the newly minted tokens proportionally to all stellar coin holders (Stellar’s coin is called lumens). In a similar manner, the Pi network employs SCP once a day to compute the network-wide new Pi distribution across all Pi miners (pioneers, contributors, ambassadors, nodes) who actively participated in any given day. In other words, Pi mining rewards are computed only once daily and not on every block of the blockchain.*”  1. Aqui está deixando claro a centralização da recompensa? Não ficou muito claro, mas me parece que a recompensa é mantida em um wallet temporária (controlada por quem? pelo ambiente? Isso quer dizer que a equipe de desenvolvimento controla a wallet?) e distribuída no fim do dia. Qual o nível de transparência desse processo? É possível analisar tudo capital armazenado, de onde veio, para onde está indo, quanto foi para cada ‘mão’?. - “*Mining pools are not only points of centralization, but also their operators get cuts reducing the amount going to individual miners.  In Pi, there is no need for mining pools, since once a day everyone who contributed get a meritocratic distribution of new Pi.*”  1. Aqui reforça a solução centralizada que eles mesmo acabaram de criticar. Se meus fundos vão ficar na mão da “Pi Network” que seja 1 dia apenas, então eles estão centralizando os incentivos. 7. Pi Economic Model: Balancing Scarcity and Access - Inverted Means Uneven 1. Bem vindo à meritocracia, bem vindo à prova de trabalho, bem vindo à vida real. Quem viu a qualidade e futuro na solução XYZ e gastou seu próprio tempo entendendo, aprendendo e se especializando, consequentemente ganha mais. Isso não quer dizer que quem está entrando agora não ganhe ou esteja “burning more energy for less bitcoin”, eles entram agora sabendo que a recompensa é menor e que o trabalho está mais difícil, mas mesmo assim acreditam no potencial da solução. - Hoarding Inhibits Use As A Medium Of Exchange 1. É necessário entender a história do dinheiro. Qualquer dinheiro precisa primeiro passar pelo processo de “reserva de valor” <https://miro.medium.com/v2/resize:fit:1400/1\*7-2w9CZn8yVeO31SmBQqow.png>  2. Abstrairei aqui as camadas 2: Lightning, LIquid, Ark e etc, que já são usadas há alguns anos justamente para resolver o problema de “apenas reserva de valor e não moeda de troca” 8. The Pi Economic Model - Aqui temos um grande problema: levando em consideração que os fundos diários serão centralizados em uma ‘carteira temporária’ (isso foi especificado no capítulo “Transaction fees”, sem especificar quem ou o que controla essa carteira) , e unindo isso com a ‘distribuição justa’ e o fato de que eles querem ‘garantir que grandes quantidade de Pi não sejam concentradas em poucas mãos’, me vem a pergunta: quem decide o que é justo? Quem decide a distribuição justa? Quem decide o quanto é “grande quantidade”? 9. Pi – Token Supply - M=∫ f(P), uma função logarítmica decrescente, onde P é a quantidade de participantes. Resumidamente: M paga menos a cada novo integrante na rede - R=(r\*M), onde a distribuição por novo membro acontece com 25% para o indicado (novo membro) 25% para o indicador (o membro que indicou) e 50% distribuído para o resto da rede - D=t\*(M+R), remuneração dos desenvolvedores. Fixando t=25% de cada Pi token gerado - Acredito que a fórmula final pode ser traduzida como: (∫f(P)dx)⋅(1+r)⋅(1+t) - Tendo em vista esta tradução dissertativa do cálculo de “Token Supply”, é possível considerar que Pi Network é uma pirâmide: a recompensa é distribuída entre ‘indicado’ (novo membro), ‘indicador’ (quem indicou), equipe de manutenção da rede e por fim, o resto da rede. Essa recompensa diminui a cada novo membro na rede, forçando todos a continuar introduzindo mais membros (obviamente novos membros são incentivados com mais afinco para essa atividade, ou seja, se não indicarem mais membros, não ganham mais incentivos) - Apesar de existir recompensa através de taxas de transação, essa recompensa traz um grande problema que já foi citado anteriormente: centralização. 10. Outras críticas gratuitas sem nexo(?) - Em vários pontos eles só soltam informações soltas sem contexto tentando direcionar o leitor a uma avaliação falaciosa do ambiente do Bitcoin: - *“While Bitcoin’s process for updating its record is proven (burning energy / money to prove trustworthiness), it is not very user (or planet!) friendly.”* 1. *Utilizando frases de efeito de um problema inexistente para validar a necessidade da solução proposta. Já é comprovado que o Bitcoin não consome energia em excesso, não é um perigo para o meio ambiente, muito pelo contrário.* - “*Moreover, due to Bitcoin’s lack in the safety guarantee, Bitcoin’s blockchain in rare occasions can be overwritten within the first hour. This means that a user of Bitcoin must wait about 1 hour before they can be sure that a transaction is considered final.*” 1. “lack of safety guarantee” leva o leitor a achar que existe um problema de segurança 2. “in rare occasions can be overwritten” se qualquer bloco do Bitcoin for reescrito, então a rede foi hackeada, fim! Não existe forma de reescrever um bloco sem ultrapassar 51% da PoW atual. 11. Stella Core (Stellar Consensus Protocol SCP) - A equipe/gestora inicial são sabiamente conhecidos, vou abstrair toda e qualquer argumentação lógica do pq isso é terrível para o sistema. - Eles fazem questão de deixar tds os responsáveis pelo protocolo conhecidos <https://stellar.org/foundation/team>  - O David Mazières, autor principal do SCP, parece o Vitalik Buterin, criador da shitcoin Ethereum. Isso não deve ser levado como argumento válido! - <https://github.com/stellar/stellar-core/tree/master> - Sim, o protocolo é Open Source, já possui 81 contribuições de pessoas conhecidas e anônimas. Mas o fato de os principais gestores e mantenedores do projeto serem conhecidos cria um grande problema de segurança no protocolo. Em caso de um projeto deste vir a realmente ser útil e financeiramente rentável, basta impor sanções governamentais, processos ‘legais’, prisão ou sequestrar familiares e assim obrigar o protocolo mudar de objetivo/função/código. - Pré-mining(?): vários artigos citam ‘pioneiros’ migrando Pi Coin para a main net, ou seja, induz a ideia de pré-mining? 1. <https://economictimes.indiatimes.com/news/new-updates/pi-network-coins-62-crash-explainedwhy-it-declined-and-what-it-means-for-crypto-enthusiasts/articleshow/118442880.cms?from=mdr> 2. <https://cointelegraph.com/explained/pi-network-mainnet-launch-what-it-means-for-pioneers> 3. <https://explorepi.info/en/statistic> 4. Mas baseado no capítulo do Whitepaper, o capítulo “Pi – Token Supply“ especifica que o grupo de desenvolvedores (que mantém o protocolo) receberá 25% de todos os tokens, sabendo que o número de participantes é fixado em 100 milhões, podemos deduzir que 25% dos tokens foram pré-minerados para o grupo de desenvolvedores. - Transparência e KYC 1. Apesar da teórica descentralização da mineração, os nós precisam de KYC, possivelmente armazenado em um servidor central do SCP, apesar de não estar claro como o processo deles funciona, qualquer tipo de centralização e obtenção de dados pessoais levanta extrema cautela. - <https://www.binance.com/en/square/post/20211503293737>  - <https://www.reddit.com/r/PiNetwork/comments/1isjnve/issue_with_kyc_on_pi_network_after_reinstalling/> - <https://coindcx.com/blog/crypto-news-global/pi-network-kyc-deadline-and-mainnet-launch/>  - Possui equipe formalmente organizada 1. Equipe de marketing 2. Fundação bem organizada 3. Hierárquica interna \ O artigo se chama "(quase) Análise" justamente por que não tive condições de terminar os dois documentos. \[1\] <https://minepi.com/white-paper/#original-whitepaper>  \[2\] <https://www.bitstamp.net/en-gb/learn/crypto-101/bitcoin-energy/#:\~:text=Bitcoin%20and%20clean%20energy,use%20was%20closer%20to%2040%25>.  \[3\] <https://br.cointelegraph.com/news/bitcoin-mining-renewable-energy-transition><https://brasilbitcoin.com.br/blog/a-evolucao-da-mineracao-sustentavel-de-bitcoin/><https://www.infomoney.com.br/onde-investir/mineracao-de-bitcoin-pode-ajudar-a-reduzir-energia-ociosa-no-brasil-diz-estudo/>

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