@ 3ffac3a6:2d656657

🏅 Como Criar um Badge Épico no Nostr com nak + badges.page

Requisitos:

• Ter o nak instalado (https://github.com/fiatjaf/nak)
• Ter uma chave privada Nostr (nsec...)
• Acesso ao site https://badges.page
• Um relay ativo (ex: wss://relay.primal.net)

---

🔧 Passo 1 — Criar o badge em badges.page

1. Acesse o site https://badges.page

2. Clique em "New Badge" no canto superior direito
   

3. Preencha os campos:

4. Nome (ex: Teste Épico)
5. Descrição

6. Imagem e thumbnail

7. Após criar, você será redirecionado para a página do badge.

---

🔍 Passo 2 — Copiar o naddr do badge

Na barra de endereços, copie o identificador que aparece após /a/ — este é o naddr do seu badge.

Exemplo: nostr:naddr1qq94getnw3jj63tsd93k7q3q8lav8fkgt8424rxamvk8qq4xuy9n8mltjtgztv2w44hc5tt9vetsxpqqqp6njkq3sd0

Copie: naddr1qq94getnw3jj63tsd93k7q3q8lav8fkgt8424rxamvk8qq4xuy9n8mltjtgztv2w44hc5tt9vetsxpqqqp6njkq3sd0

---

🧠 Passo 3 — Decodificar o naddr com nak

Abra seu terminal (ou Cygwin no Windows) e rode:

bash nak decode naddr1qq94getnw3jj63tsd93k7q3q8lav8fkgt8424rxamvk8qq4xuy9n8mltjtgztv2w44hc5tt9vetsxpqqqp6njkq3sd0

Você verá algo assim:

json { "pubkey": "3ffac3a6c859eaaa8cdddb2c7002a6e10b33efeb92d025b14ead6f8a2d656657", "kind": 30009, "identifier": "Teste-Epico" }

Grave o campo "identifier" — nesse caso: Teste-Epico

---

🛰️ Passo 4 — Consultar o evento no relay

Agora vamos pegar o evento do badge no relay:

bash nak req -d "Teste-Epico" wss://relay.primal.net

Você verá o conteúdo completo do evento do badge, algo assim:

json { "kind": 30009, "tags": [["d", "Teste-Epico"], ["name", "Teste Épico"], ...] }

---

💥 Passo 5 — Minerar o evento como "épico" (PoW 31)

Agora vem a mágica: minerar com proof-of-work (PoW 31) para que o badge seja classificado como épico!

bash nak req -d "Teste-Epico" wss://relay.primal.net | nak event --pow 31 --sec nsec1SEU_NSEC_AQUI wss://relay.primal.net wss://nos.lol wss://relay.damus.io

Esse comando: - Resgata o evento original - Gera um novo com PoW de dificuldade 31 - Assina com sua chave privada nsec - E publica nos relays wss://relay.primal.net, wss://nos.lol e wss://relay.damus.io

⚠️ Substitua nsec1SEU_NSEC_AQUI pela sua chave privada Nostr.

---

✅ Resultado

Se tudo der certo, o badge será atualizado com um evento de PoW mais alto e aparecerá como "Epic" no site!

@ cb4352cd:a16422d7

The world of online events has seen unprecedented growth in recent years, with virtual conferences breaking new ground and even setting Guinness World Records. As digital gatherings become more ambitious, some events aim not just to inform and engage but to make history.

Notable Guinness World Records in Online Events

World of Tanks: The Largest Online Game Server Attendance
In 2011, the multiplayer online game World of Tanks set a Guinness World Record for the highest number of players simultaneously online on a single server—91,311 users. This record highlighted the immense popularity and scalability of virtual gaming communities. (ixbt.games)

The Largest Cybersecurity Online Conference
In 2020, KnowBe4 organized a cybersecurity conference that gathered more than 30,000 participants. This event set the record for the largest online conference in the field, demonstrating the power of virtual events in bringing together professionals from around the world. This achievement was officially recognized by the Guinness World Records.

The Most Attended Virtual Concert
Another major milestone in online events was set by rapper Travis Scott, whose Fortnite virtual concert drew over 12 million concurrent viewers, making it the most attended digital concert ever. This event also earned recognition from the Guinness World Records for its groundbreaking achievement in digital entertainment.

Beyond Banking Conference: Aiming for a New World Record

In 2025, Beyond Banking Conference is set to challenge existing records by organizing what could become the largest online gathering in the blockchain and AI space. With an ambitious goal of attracting over 100,000 participants, the event will bring together industry leaders, innovators, and enthusiasts to discuss the future of blockchain, artificial intelligence, and decentralized finance (DeFi).

By leveraging cutting-edge technology and strategic partnerships, Wenix aims to redefine what’s possible for online conferences. If successful, this event will not only break records but also set a new standard for global digital summits.

This isn’t just another virtual conference—it’s a revolution in the making.

@ e3ba5e1a:5e433365

Prelude

I wrote this post differently than any of my others. It started with a discussion with AI on an OPSec-inspired review of separation of powers, and evolved into quite an exciting debate! I asked Grok to write up a summary in my overall writing style, which it got pretty well. I've decided to post it exactly as-is. Ultimately, I think there are two solid ideas driving my stance here:

1. Perfect is the enemy of the good
2. Failure is the crucible of success

Beyond that, just some hard-core belief in freedom, separation of powers, and operating from self-interest.

Intro

Alright, buckle up. I’ve been chewing on this idea for a while, and it’s time to spit it out. Let’s look at the U.S. government like I’d look at a codebase under a cybersecurity audit—OPSEC style, no fluff. Forget the endless debates about what politicians should do. That’s noise. I want to talk about what they can do, the raw powers baked into the system, and why we should stop pretending those powers are sacred. If there’s a hole, either patch it or exploit it. No half-measures. And yeah, I’m okay if the whole thing crashes a bit—failure’s a feature, not a bug.

The Filibuster: A Security Rule with No Teeth

You ever see a firewall rule that’s more theater than protection? That’s the Senate filibuster. Everyone acts like it’s this untouchable guardian of democracy, but here’s the deal: a simple majority can torch it any day. It’s not a law; it’s a Senate preference, like choosing tabs over spaces. When people call killing it the “nuclear option,” I roll my eyes. Nuclear? It’s a button labeled “press me.” If a party wants it gone, they’ll do it. So why the dance?

I say stop playing games. Get rid of the filibuster. If you’re one of those folks who thinks it’s the only thing saving us from tyranny, fine—push for a constitutional amendment to lock it in. That’s a real patch, not a Post-it note. Until then, it’s just a vulnerability begging to be exploited. Every time a party threatens to nuke it, they’re admitting it’s not essential. So let’s stop pretending and move on.

Supreme Court Packing: Because Nine’s Just a Number

Here’s another fun one: the Supreme Court. Nine justices, right? Sounds official. Except it’s not. The Constitution doesn’t say nine—it’s silent on the number. Congress could pass a law tomorrow to make it 15, 20, or 42 (hitchhiker’s reference, anyone?). Packing the court is always on the table, and both sides know it. It’s like a root exploit just sitting there, waiting for someone to log in.

So why not call the bluff? If you’re in power—say, Trump’s back in the game—say, “I’m packing the court unless we amend the Constitution to fix it at nine.” Force the issue. No more shadowboxing. And honestly? The court’s got way too much power anyway. It’s not supposed to be a super-legislature, but here we are, with justices’ ideologies driving the bus. That’s a bug, not a feature. If the court weren’t such a kingmaker, packing it wouldn’t even matter. Maybe we should be talking about clipping its wings instead of just its size.

The Executive Should Go Full Klingon

Let’s talk presidents. I’m not saying they should wear Klingon armor and start shouting “Qapla’!”—though, let’s be real, that’d be awesome. I’m saying the executive should use every scrap of power the Constitution hands them. Enforce the laws you agree with, sideline the ones you don’t. If Congress doesn’t like it, they’ve got tools: pass new laws, override vetoes, or—here’s the big one—cut the budget. That’s not chaos; that’s the system working as designed.

Right now, the real problem isn’t the president overreaching; it’s the bureaucracy. It’s like a daemon running in the background, eating CPU and ignoring the user. The president’s supposed to be the one steering, but the administrative state’s got its own agenda. Let the executive flex, push the limits, and force Congress to check it. Norms? Pfft. The Constitution’s the spec sheet—stick to it.

Let the System Crash

Here’s where I get a little spicy: I’m totally fine if the government grinds to a halt. Deadlock isn’t a disaster; it’s a feature. If the branches can’t agree, let the president veto, let Congress starve the budget, let enforcement stall. Don’t tell me about “essential services.” Nothing’s so critical it can’t take a breather. Shutdowns force everyone to the table—debate, compromise, or expose who’s dropping the ball. If the public loses trust? Good. They’ll vote out the clowns or live with the circus they elected.

Think of it like a server crash. Sometimes you need a hard reboot to clear the cruft. If voters keep picking the same bad admins, well, the country gets what it deserves. Failure’s the best teacher—way better than limping along on autopilot.

States Are the Real MVPs

If the feds fumble, states step up. Right now, states act like junior devs waiting for the lead engineer to sign off. Why? Federal money. It’s a leash, and it’s tight. Cut that cash, and states will remember they’re autonomous. Some will shine, others will tank—looking at you, California. And I’m okay with that. Let people flee to better-run states. No bailouts, no excuses. States are like competing startups: the good ones thrive, the bad ones pivot or die.

Could it get uneven? Sure. Some states might turn into sci-fi utopias while others look like a post-apocalyptic vidya game. That’s the point—competition sorts it out. Citizens can move, markets adjust, and failure’s a signal to fix your act.

Chaos Isn’t the Enemy

Yeah, this sounds messy. States ignoring federal law, external threats poking at our seams, maybe even a constitutional crisis. I’m not scared. The Supreme Court’s there to referee interstate fights, and Congress sets the rules for state-to-state play. But if it all falls apart? Still cool. States can sort it without a babysitter—it’ll be ugly, but freedom’s worth it. External enemies? They’ll either unify us or break us. If we can’t rally, we don’t deserve the win.

Centralizing power to avoid this is like rewriting your app in a single thread to prevent race conditions—sure, it’s simpler, but you’re begging for a deadlock. Decentralized chaos lets states experiment, lets people escape, lets markets breathe. States competing to cut regulations to attract businesses? That’s a race to the bottom for red tape, but a race to the top for innovation—workers might gripe, but they’ll push back, and the tension’s healthy. Bring it—let the cage match play out. The Constitution’s checks are enough if we stop coddling the system.

Why This Matters

I’m not pitching a utopia. I’m pitching a stress test. The U.S. isn’t a fragile porcelain doll; it’s a rugged piece of hardware built to take some hits. Let it fail a little—filibuster, court, feds, whatever. Patch the holes with amendments if you want, or lean into the grind. Either way, stop fearing the crash. It’s how we debug the republic.

So, what’s your take? Ready to let the system rumble, or got a better way to secure the code? Hit me up—I’m all ears.

@ 91bea5cd:1df4451c

Básico

bash lsblk # Lista todos os diretorios montados.

Para criar o sistema de arquivos:

bash mkfs.btrfs -L "ThePool" -f /dev/sdx

Criando um subvolume:

bash btrfs subvolume create SubVol

Montando Sistema de Arquivos:

bash mount -o compress=zlib,subvol=SubVol,autodefrag /dev/sdx /mnt

Lista os discos formatados no diretório:

bash btrfs filesystem show /mnt

Adiciona novo disco ao subvolume:

bash btrfs device add -f /dev/sdy /mnt

Lista novamente os discos do subvolume:

bash btrfs filesystem show /mnt

Exibe uso dos discos do subvolume:

bash btrfs filesystem df /mnt

Balancea os dados entre os discos sobre raid1:

bash btrfs filesystem balance start -dconvert=raid1 -mconvert=raid1 /mnt

Scrub é uma passagem por todos os dados e metadados do sistema de arquivos e verifica as somas de verificação. Se uma cópia válida estiver disponível (perfis de grupo de blocos replicados), a danificada será reparada. Todas as cópias dos perfis replicados são validadas.

iniciar o processo de depuração :

bash btrfs scrub start /mnt

ver o status do processo de depuração Btrfs em execução:

bash btrfs scrub status /mnt

ver o status do scrub Btrfs para cada um dos dispositivos

bash btrfs scrub status -d / data btrfs scrub cancel / data

Para retomar o processo de depuração do Btrfs que você cancelou ou pausou:

btrfs scrub resume / data

Listando os subvolumes:

bash btrfs subvolume list /Reports

Criando um instantâneo dos subvolumes:

Aqui, estamos criando um instantâneo de leitura e gravação chamado snap de marketing do subvolume de marketing.

bash btrfs subvolume snapshot /Reports/marketing /Reports/marketing-snap

Além disso, você pode criar um instantâneo somente leitura usando o sinalizador -r conforme mostrado. O marketing-rosnap é um instantâneo somente leitura do subvolume de marketing

bash btrfs subvolume snapshot -r /Reports/marketing /Reports/marketing-rosnap

Forçar a sincronização do sistema de arquivos usando o utilitário 'sync'

Para forçar a sincronização do sistema de arquivos, invoque a opção de sincronização conforme mostrado. Observe que o sistema de arquivos já deve estar montado para que o processo de sincronização continue com sucesso.

bash btrfs filsystem sync /Reports

Para excluir o dispositivo do sistema de arquivos, use o comando device delete conforme mostrado.

bash btrfs device delete /dev/sdc /Reports

Para sondar o status de um scrub, use o comando scrub status com a opção -dR .

bash btrfs scrub status -dR / Relatórios

Para cancelar a execução do scrub, use o comando scrub cancel .

bash $ sudo btrfs scrub cancel / Reports

Para retomar ou continuar com uma depuração interrompida anteriormente, execute o comando de cancelamento de depuração

bash sudo btrfs scrub resume /Reports

mostra o uso do dispositivo de armazenamento:

btrfs filesystem usage /data

Para distribuir os dados, metadados e dados do sistema em todos os dispositivos de armazenamento do RAID (incluindo o dispositivo de armazenamento recém-adicionado) montados no diretório /data , execute o seguinte comando:

sudo btrfs balance start --full-balance /data

Pode demorar um pouco para espalhar os dados, metadados e dados do sistema em todos os dispositivos de armazenamento do RAID se ele contiver muitos dados.

Opções importantes de montagem Btrfs

Nesta seção, vou explicar algumas das importantes opções de montagem do Btrfs. Então vamos começar.

As opções de montagem Btrfs mais importantes são:

**1. acl e noacl

**ACL gerencia permissões de usuários e grupos para os arquivos/diretórios do sistema de arquivos Btrfs.

A opção de montagem acl Btrfs habilita ACL. Para desabilitar a ACL, você pode usar a opção de montagem noacl .

Por padrão, a ACL está habilitada. Portanto, o sistema de arquivos Btrfs usa a opção de montagem acl por padrão.

**2. autodefrag e noautodefrag

**Desfragmentar um sistema de arquivos Btrfs melhorará o desempenho do sistema de arquivos reduzindo a fragmentação de dados.

A opção de montagem autodefrag permite a desfragmentação automática do sistema de arquivos Btrfs.

A opção de montagem noautodefrag desativa a desfragmentação automática do sistema de arquivos Btrfs.

Por padrão, a desfragmentação automática está desabilitada. Portanto, o sistema de arquivos Btrfs usa a opção de montagem noautodefrag por padrão.

**3. compactar e compactar-forçar

**Controla a compactação de dados no nível do sistema de arquivos do sistema de arquivos Btrfs.

A opção compactar compacta apenas os arquivos que valem a pena compactar (se compactar o arquivo economizar espaço em disco).

A opção compress-force compacta todos os arquivos do sistema de arquivos Btrfs, mesmo que a compactação do arquivo aumente seu tamanho.

O sistema de arquivos Btrfs suporta muitos algoritmos de compactação e cada um dos algoritmos de compactação possui diferentes níveis de compactação.

Os algoritmos de compactação suportados pelo Btrfs são: lzo , zlib (nível 1 a 9) e zstd (nível 1 a 15).

Você pode especificar qual algoritmo de compactação usar para o sistema de arquivos Btrfs com uma das seguintes opções de montagem:

• compress=algoritmo:nível
• compress-force=algoritmo:nível

Para obter mais informações, consulte meu artigo Como habilitar a compactação do sistema de arquivos Btrfs .

**4. subvol e subvolid

**Estas opções de montagem são usadas para montar separadamente um subvolume específico de um sistema de arquivos Btrfs.

A opção de montagem subvol é usada para montar o subvolume de um sistema de arquivos Btrfs usando seu caminho relativo.

A opção de montagem subvolid é usada para montar o subvolume de um sistema de arquivos Btrfs usando o ID do subvolume.

Para obter mais informações, consulte meu artigo Como criar e montar subvolumes Btrfs .

**5. dispositivo

A opção de montagem de dispositivo** é usada no sistema de arquivos Btrfs de vários dispositivos ou RAID Btrfs.

Em alguns casos, o sistema operacional pode falhar ao detectar os dispositivos de armazenamento usados em um sistema de arquivos Btrfs de vários dispositivos ou RAID Btrfs. Nesses casos, você pode usar a opção de montagem do dispositivo para especificar os dispositivos que deseja usar para o sistema de arquivos de vários dispositivos Btrfs ou RAID.

Você pode usar a opção de montagem de dispositivo várias vezes para carregar diferentes dispositivos de armazenamento para o sistema de arquivos de vários dispositivos Btrfs ou RAID.

Você pode usar o nome do dispositivo (ou seja, sdb , sdc ) ou UUID , UUID_SUB ou PARTUUID do dispositivo de armazenamento com a opção de montagem do dispositivo para identificar o dispositivo de armazenamento.

Por exemplo,

• dispositivo=/dev/sdb
• dispositivo=/dev/sdb,dispositivo=/dev/sdc
• dispositivo=UUID_SUB=490a263d-eb9a-4558-931e-998d4d080c5d
• device=UUID_SUB=490a263d-eb9a-4558-931e-998d4d080c5d,device=UUID_SUB=f7ce4875-0874-436a-b47d-3edef66d3424

**6. degraded

A opção de montagem degradada** permite que um RAID Btrfs seja montado com menos dispositivos de armazenamento do que o perfil RAID requer.

Por exemplo, o perfil raid1 requer a presença de 2 dispositivos de armazenamento. Se um dos dispositivos de armazenamento não estiver disponível em qualquer caso, você usa a opção de montagem degradada para montar o RAID mesmo que 1 de 2 dispositivos de armazenamento esteja disponível.

**7. commit

A opção commit** mount é usada para definir o intervalo (em segundos) dentro do qual os dados serão gravados no dispositivo de armazenamento.

O padrão é definido como 30 segundos.

Para definir o intervalo de confirmação para 15 segundos, você pode usar a opção de montagem commit=15 (digamos).

**8. ssd e nossd

A opção de montagem ssd** informa ao sistema de arquivos Btrfs que o sistema de arquivos está usando um dispositivo de armazenamento SSD, e o sistema de arquivos Btrfs faz a otimização SSD necessária.

A opção de montagem nossd desativa a otimização do SSD.

O sistema de arquivos Btrfs detecta automaticamente se um SSD é usado para o sistema de arquivos Btrfs. Se um SSD for usado, a opção de montagem de SSD será habilitada. Caso contrário, a opção de montagem nossd é habilitada.

**9. ssd_spread e nossd_spread

A opção de montagem ssd_spread** tenta alocar grandes blocos contínuos de espaço não utilizado do SSD. Esse recurso melhora o desempenho de SSDs de baixo custo (baratos).

A opção de montagem nossd_spread desativa o recurso ssd_spread .

O sistema de arquivos Btrfs detecta automaticamente se um SSD é usado para o sistema de arquivos Btrfs. Se um SSD for usado, a opção de montagem ssd_spread será habilitada. Caso contrário, a opção de montagem nossd_spread é habilitada.

**10. descarte e nodiscard

Se você estiver usando um SSD que suporte TRIM enfileirado assíncrono (SATA rev3.1), a opção de montagem de descarte** permitirá o descarte de blocos de arquivos liberados. Isso melhorará o desempenho do SSD.

Se o SSD não suportar TRIM enfileirado assíncrono, a opção de montagem de descarte prejudicará o desempenho do SSD. Nesse caso, a opção de montagem nodiscard deve ser usada.

Por padrão, a opção de montagem nodiscard é usada.

**11. norecovery

Se a opção de montagem norecovery** for usada, o sistema de arquivos Btrfs não tentará executar a operação de recuperação de dados no momento da montagem.

**12. usebackuproot e nousebackuproot

Se a opção de montagem usebackuproot for usada, o sistema de arquivos Btrfs tentará recuperar qualquer raiz de árvore ruim/corrompida no momento da montagem. O sistema de arquivos Btrfs pode armazenar várias raízes de árvore no sistema de arquivos. A opção de montagem usebackuproot** procurará uma boa raiz de árvore e usará a primeira boa que encontrar.

A opção de montagem nousebackuproot não verificará ou recuperará raízes de árvore inválidas/corrompidas no momento da montagem. Este é o comportamento padrão do sistema de arquivos Btrfs.

**13. space_cache, space_cache=version, nospace_cache e clear_cache

A opção de montagem space_cache** é usada para controlar o cache de espaço livre. O cache de espaço livre é usado para melhorar o desempenho da leitura do espaço livre do grupo de blocos do sistema de arquivos Btrfs na memória (RAM).

O sistema de arquivos Btrfs suporta 2 versões do cache de espaço livre: v1 (padrão) e v2

O mecanismo de cache de espaço livre v2 melhora o desempenho de sistemas de arquivos grandes (tamanho de vários terabytes).

Você pode usar a opção de montagem space_cache=v1 para definir a v1 do cache de espaço livre e a opção de montagem space_cache=v2 para definir a v2 do cache de espaço livre.

A opção de montagem clear_cache é usada para limpar o cache de espaço livre.

Quando o cache de espaço livre v2 é criado, o cache deve ser limpo para criar um cache de espaço livre v1 .

Portanto, para usar o cache de espaço livre v1 após a criação do cache de espaço livre v2 , as opções de montagem clear_cache e space_cache=v1 devem ser combinadas: clear_cache,space_cache=v1

A opção de montagem nospace_cache é usada para desabilitar o cache de espaço livre.

Para desabilitar o cache de espaço livre após a criação do cache v1 ou v2 , as opções de montagem nospace_cache e clear_cache devem ser combinadas: clear_cache,nosapce_cache

**14. skip_balance

Por padrão, a operação de balanceamento interrompida/pausada de um sistema de arquivos Btrfs de vários dispositivos ou RAID Btrfs será retomada automaticamente assim que o sistema de arquivos Btrfs for montado. Para desabilitar a retomada automática da operação de equilíbrio interrompido/pausado em um sistema de arquivos Btrfs de vários dispositivos ou RAID Btrfs, você pode usar a opção de montagem skip_balance .**

**15. datacow e nodatacow

A opção datacow** mount habilita o recurso Copy-on-Write (CoW) do sistema de arquivos Btrfs. É o comportamento padrão.

Se você deseja desabilitar o recurso Copy-on-Write (CoW) do sistema de arquivos Btrfs para os arquivos recém-criados, monte o sistema de arquivos Btrfs com a opção de montagem nodatacow .

**16. datasum e nodatasum

A opção datasum** mount habilita a soma de verificação de dados para arquivos recém-criados do sistema de arquivos Btrfs. Este é o comportamento padrão.

Se você não quiser que o sistema de arquivos Btrfs faça a soma de verificação dos dados dos arquivos recém-criados, monte o sistema de arquivos Btrfs com a opção de montagem nodatasum .

Perfis Btrfs

Um perfil Btrfs é usado para informar ao sistema de arquivos Btrfs quantas cópias dos dados/metadados devem ser mantidas e quais níveis de RAID devem ser usados para os dados/metadados. O sistema de arquivos Btrfs contém muitos perfis. Entendê-los o ajudará a configurar um RAID Btrfs da maneira que você deseja.

Os perfis Btrfs disponíveis são os seguintes:

single : Se o perfil único for usado para os dados/metadados, apenas uma cópia dos dados/metadados será armazenada no sistema de arquivos, mesmo se você adicionar vários dispositivos de armazenamento ao sistema de arquivos. Assim, 100% do espaço em disco de cada um dos dispositivos de armazenamento adicionados ao sistema de arquivos pode ser utilizado.

dup : Se o perfil dup for usado para os dados/metadados, cada um dos dispositivos de armazenamento adicionados ao sistema de arquivos manterá duas cópias dos dados/metadados. Assim, 50% do espaço em disco de cada um dos dispositivos de armazenamento adicionados ao sistema de arquivos pode ser utilizado.

raid0 : No perfil raid0 , os dados/metadados serão divididos igualmente em todos os dispositivos de armazenamento adicionados ao sistema de arquivos. Nesta configuração, não haverá dados/metadados redundantes (duplicados). Assim, 100% do espaço em disco de cada um dos dispositivos de armazenamento adicionados ao sistema de arquivos pode ser usado. Se, em qualquer caso, um dos dispositivos de armazenamento falhar, todo o sistema de arquivos será corrompido. Você precisará de pelo menos dois dispositivos de armazenamento para configurar o sistema de arquivos Btrfs no perfil raid0 .

raid1 : No perfil raid1 , duas cópias dos dados/metadados serão armazenadas nos dispositivos de armazenamento adicionados ao sistema de arquivos. Nesta configuração, a matriz RAID pode sobreviver a uma falha de unidade. Mas você pode usar apenas 50% do espaço total em disco. Você precisará de pelo menos dois dispositivos de armazenamento para configurar o sistema de arquivos Btrfs no perfil raid1 .

raid1c3 : No perfil raid1c3 , três cópias dos dados/metadados serão armazenadas nos dispositivos de armazenamento adicionados ao sistema de arquivos. Nesta configuração, a matriz RAID pode sobreviver a duas falhas de unidade, mas você pode usar apenas 33% do espaço total em disco. Você precisará de pelo menos três dispositivos de armazenamento para configurar o sistema de arquivos Btrfs no perfil raid1c3 .

raid1c4 : No perfil raid1c4 , quatro cópias dos dados/metadados serão armazenadas nos dispositivos de armazenamento adicionados ao sistema de arquivos. Nesta configuração, a matriz RAID pode sobreviver a três falhas de unidade, mas você pode usar apenas 25% do espaço total em disco. Você precisará de pelo menos quatro dispositivos de armazenamento para configurar o sistema de arquivos Btrfs no perfil raid1c4 .

raid10 : No perfil raid10 , duas cópias dos dados/metadados serão armazenadas nos dispositivos de armazenamento adicionados ao sistema de arquivos, como no perfil raid1 . Além disso, os dados/metadados serão divididos entre os dispositivos de armazenamento, como no perfil raid0 .

O perfil raid10 é um híbrido dos perfis raid1 e raid0 . Alguns dos dispositivos de armazenamento formam arrays raid1 e alguns desses arrays raid1 são usados para formar um array raid0 . Em uma configuração raid10 , o sistema de arquivos pode sobreviver a uma única falha de unidade em cada uma das matrizes raid1 .

Você pode usar 50% do espaço total em disco na configuração raid10 . Você precisará de pelo menos quatro dispositivos de armazenamento para configurar o sistema de arquivos Btrfs no perfil raid10 .

raid5 : No perfil raid5 , uma cópia dos dados/metadados será dividida entre os dispositivos de armazenamento. Uma única paridade será calculada e distribuída entre os dispositivos de armazenamento do array RAID.

Em uma configuração raid5 , o sistema de arquivos pode sobreviver a uma única falha de unidade. Se uma unidade falhar, você pode adicionar uma nova unidade ao sistema de arquivos e os dados perdidos serão calculados a partir da paridade distribuída das unidades em execução.

Você pode usar 1 00x(N-1)/N % do total de espaços em disco na configuração raid5 . Aqui, N é o número de dispositivos de armazenamento adicionados ao sistema de arquivos. Você precisará de pelo menos três dispositivos de armazenamento para configurar o sistema de arquivos Btrfs no perfil raid5 .

raid6 : No perfil raid6 , uma cópia dos dados/metadados será dividida entre os dispositivos de armazenamento. Duas paridades serão calculadas e distribuídas entre os dispositivos de armazenamento do array RAID.

Em uma configuração raid6 , o sistema de arquivos pode sobreviver a duas falhas de unidade ao mesmo tempo. Se uma unidade falhar, você poderá adicionar uma nova unidade ao sistema de arquivos e os dados perdidos serão calculados a partir das duas paridades distribuídas das unidades em execução.

Você pode usar 100x(N-2)/N % do espaço total em disco na configuração raid6 . Aqui, N é o número de dispositivos de armazenamento adicionados ao sistema de arquivos. Você precisará de pelo menos quatro dispositivos de armazenamento para configurar o sistema de arquivos Btrfs no perfil raid6 .

@ 91bea5cd:1df4451c

Um bom gerenciamento de senhas deve ser simples e seguir a filosofia do Unix.  Organizado em hierarquia e fácil de passar de um computador para outro.

E por isso não é recomendável o uso de aplicativos de terceiros que tenham acesso a suas chaves(senhas) em seus servidores, tampouco as opções nativas dos navegadores, que também pertencem a grandes empresas que fazem um grande esforço para ter acesso a nossas informações.

Recomendação

• pass
• Qtpass (gerenciador gráfico)

Com ele seus dados são criptografados usando sua chave gpg e salvo em arquivos organizados por pastas de forma hierárquica, podendo ser integrado a um serviço git de sua escolha ou copiado facilmente de um local para outro.

Uso

O seu uso é bem simples.

Configuração:

pass git init

Para ver:

pass Email/example.com

Copiar para área de transferência (exige xclip):

pass -c Email/example.com

Para inserir:

pass insert Email/example0.com

Para inserir e gerar senha:

pass generate Email/example1.com

Para inserir e gerar senha sem símbolos:

pass generate --no-symbols Email/example1.com

Para inserir, gerar senha e copiar para área de transferência :

pass generate -c Email/example1.com

Para remover:

pass rm Email/example.com

@ 91bea5cd:1df4451c

O que é Tahoe-LAFS?

Bem-vindo ao Tahoe-LAFS_, o primeiro sistema de armazenamento descentralizado com

• Segurança independente do provedor * .

Tahoe-LAFS é um sistema que ajuda você a armazenar arquivos. Você executa um cliente Programa no seu computador, que fala com um ou mais servidores de armazenamento em outros computadores. Quando você diz ao seu cliente para armazenar um arquivo, ele irá criptografar isso Arquivo, codifique-o em múltiplas peças, depois espalhe essas peças entre Vários servidores. As peças são todas criptografadas e protegidas contra Modificações. Mais tarde, quando você pede ao seu cliente para recuperar o arquivo, ele irá Encontre as peças necessárias, verifique se elas não foram corrompidas e remontadas Eles, e descriptografar o resultado.

O cliente cria mais peças (ou "compartilhamentos") do que acabará por precisar, então Mesmo que alguns servidores falhem, você ainda pode recuperar seus dados. Corrompido Os compartilhamentos são detectados e ignorados, de modo que o sistema pode tolerar o lado do servidor Erros no disco rígido. Todos os arquivos são criptografados (com uma chave exclusiva) antes Uploading, então mesmo um operador de servidor mal-intencionado não pode ler seus dados. o A única coisa que você pede aos servidores é que eles podem (geralmente) fornecer o Compartilha quando você os solicita: você não está confiando sobre eles para Confidencialidade, integridade ou disponibilidade absoluta.

O que é "segurança independente do provedor"?

Todo vendedor de serviços de armazenamento na nuvem irá dizer-lhe que o seu serviço é "seguro". Mas o que eles significam com isso é algo fundamentalmente diferente Do que queremos dizer. O que eles significam por "seguro" é que depois de ter dado Eles o poder de ler e modificar seus dados, eles tentam muito difícil de não deixar Esse poder seja abusado. Isso acaba por ser difícil! Insetos, Configurações incorretas ou erro do operador podem acidentalmente expor seus dados para Outro cliente ou para o público, ou pode corromper seus dados. Criminosos Ganho rotineiramente de acesso ilícito a servidores corporativos. Ainda mais insidioso é O fato de que os próprios funcionários às vezes violam a privacidade do cliente De negligência, avareza ou mera curiosidade. O mais consciencioso de Esses prestadores de serviços gastam consideráveis ​​esforços e despesas tentando Mitigar esses riscos.

O que queremos dizer com "segurança" é algo diferente. * O provedor de serviços Nunca tem a capacidade de ler ou modificar seus dados em primeiro lugar: nunca. * Se você usa Tahoe-LAFS, então todas as ameaças descritas acima não são questões para você. Não só é fácil e barato para o provedor de serviços Manter a segurança de seus dados, mas na verdade eles não podem violar sua Segurança se eles tentaram. Isto é o que chamamos de * independente do fornecedor segurança*.

Esta garantia está integrada naturalmente no sistema de armazenamento Tahoe-LAFS e Não exige que você execute um passo de pré-criptografia manual ou uma chave complicada gestão. (Afinal, ter que fazer operações manuais pesadas quando Armazenar ou acessar seus dados anularia um dos principais benefícios de Usando armazenamento em nuvem em primeiro lugar: conveniência.)

Veja como funciona:

Uma "grade de armazenamento" é constituída por uma série de servidores de armazenamento. Um servidor de armazenamento Tem armazenamento direto em anexo (tipicamente um ou mais discos rígidos). Um "gateway" Se comunica com os nós de armazenamento e os usa para fornecer acesso ao Rede sobre protocolos como HTTP (S), SFTP ou FTP.

Observe que você pode encontrar "cliente" usado para se referir aos nós do gateway (que atuam como Um cliente para servidores de armazenamento) e também para processos ou programas que se conectam a Um nó de gateway e operações de execução na grade - por exemplo, uma CLI Comando, navegador da Web, cliente SFTP ou cliente FTP.

Os usuários não contam com servidores de armazenamento para fornecer * confidencialidade * nem

• Integridade * para seus dados - em vez disso, todos os dados são criptografados e Integridade verificada pelo gateway, para que os servidores não possam ler nem Modifique o conteúdo dos arquivos.

Os usuários dependem de servidores de armazenamento para * disponibilidade *. O texto cifrado é Codificado por apagamento em partes N distribuídas em pelo menos H distintas Servidores de armazenamento (o valor padrão para N é 10 e para H é 7) então Que pode ser recuperado de qualquer K desses servidores (o padrão O valor de K é 3). Portanto, apenas a falha do H-K + 1 (com o Padrões, 5) servidores podem tornar os dados indisponíveis.

No modo de implantação típico, cada usuário executa seu próprio gateway sozinho máquina. Desta forma, ela confia em sua própria máquina para a confidencialidade e Integridade dos dados.

Um modo de implantação alternativo é que o gateway é executado em uma máquina remota e O usuário se conecta ao HTTPS ou SFTP. Isso significa que o operador de O gateway pode visualizar e modificar os dados do usuário (o usuário * depende de * o Gateway para confidencialidade e integridade), mas a vantagem é que a O usuário pode acessar a grade Tahoe-LAFS com um cliente que não possui o Software de gateway instalado, como um quiosque de internet ou celular.

Controle de acesso

Existem dois tipos de arquivos: imutáveis ​​e mutáveis. Quando você carrega um arquivo Para a grade de armazenamento, você pode escolher o tipo de arquivo que será no grade. Os arquivos imutáveis ​​não podem ser modificados quando foram carregados. UMA O arquivo mutable pode ser modificado por alguém com acesso de leitura e gravação. Um usuário Pode ter acesso de leitura e gravação a um arquivo mutable ou acesso somente leitura, ou não Acesso a ele.

Um usuário que tenha acesso de leitura e gravação a um arquivo mutable ou diretório pode dar Outro acesso de leitura e gravação do usuário a esse arquivo ou diretório, ou eles podem dar Acesso somente leitura para esse arquivo ou diretório. Um usuário com acesso somente leitura Para um arquivo ou diretório pode dar acesso a outro usuário somente leitura.

Ao vincular um arquivo ou diretório a um diretório pai, você pode usar um Link de leitura-escrita ou um link somente de leitura. Se você usar um link de leitura e gravação, então Qualquer pessoa que tenha acesso de leitura e gravação ao diretório pai pode obter leitura-escrita Acesso à criança e qualquer pessoa que tenha acesso somente leitura ao pai O diretório pode obter acesso somente leitura à criança. Se você usar uma leitura somente Link, qualquer pessoa que tenha lido-escrito ou acesso somente leitura ao pai O diretório pode obter acesso somente leitura à criança.

================================================== ==== Usando Tahoe-LAFS com uma rede anônima: Tor, I2P ================================================== ====

. `Visão geral '

. `Casos de uso '

. Software Dependencies_

#. Tor #. I2P

. `Configuração de conexão '

. `Configuração de Anonimato '

#. Anonimato do cliente ' #.Anonimato de servidor, configuração manual ' #. `Anonimato de servidor, configuração automática '

. `Problemas de desempenho e segurança '

Visão geral

Tor é uma rede anonimização usada para ajudar a esconder a identidade da Internet Clientes e servidores. Consulte o site do Tor Project para obter mais informações: Https://www.torproject.org/

I2P é uma rede de anonimato descentralizada que se concentra no anonimato de ponta a ponta Entre clientes e servidores. Consulte o site I2P para obter mais informações: Https://geti2p.net/

Casos de uso

Existem três casos de uso potenciais para Tahoe-LAFS do lado do cliente:

1. O usuário deseja sempre usar uma rede de anonimato (Tor, I2P) para proteger Seu anonimato quando se conecta às redes de armazenamento Tahoe-LAFS (seja ou Não os servidores de armazenamento são anônimos).

2. O usuário não se preocupa em proteger seu anonimato, mas eles desejam se conectar a Servidores de armazenamento Tahoe-LAFS que são acessíveis apenas através de Tor Hidden Services ou I2P.

3. Tor é usado apenas se uma sugestão de conexão do servidor usar tor:. Essas sugestões Geralmente tem um endereço .onion.

4. I2P só é usado se uma sugestão de conexão do servidor usa i2p:. Essas sugestões Geralmente têm um endereço .i2p.

5. O usuário não se preocupa em proteger seu anonimato ou para se conectar a um anonimato Servidores de armazenamento. Este documento não é útil para você ... então pare de ler.

Para servidores de armazenamento Tahoe-LAFS existem três casos de uso:

1. O operador deseja proteger o anonimato fazendo seu Tahoe Servidor acessível apenas em I2P, através de Tor Hidden Services, ou ambos.

2. O operador não * requer * anonimato para o servidor de armazenamento, mas eles Quer que ele esteja disponível tanto no TCP / IP roteado publicamente quanto através de um Rede de anonimização (I2P, Tor Hidden Services). Uma possível razão para fazer Isso é porque ser alcançável através de uma rede de anonimato é um Maneira conveniente de ignorar NAT ou firewall que impede roteios públicos Conexões TCP / IP ao seu servidor (para clientes capazes de se conectar a Tais servidores). Outro é o que torna o seu servidor de armazenamento acessível Através de uma rede de anonimato pode oferecer uma melhor proteção para sua Clientes que usam essa rede de anonimato para proteger seus anonimato.

3. O operador do servidor de armazenamento não se preocupa em proteger seu próprio anonimato nem Para ajudar os clientes a proteger o deles. Pare de ler este documento e execute Seu servidor de armazenamento Tahoe-LAFS usando TCP / IP com roteamento público.

Veja esta página do Tor Project para obter mais informações sobre Tor Hidden Services: Https://www.torproject.org/docs/hidden-services.html.pt

Veja esta página do Projeto I2P para obter mais informações sobre o I2P: Https://geti2p.net/en/about/intro

Dependências de software

Tor

Os clientes que desejam se conectar a servidores baseados em Tor devem instalar o seguinte.

• Tor (tor) deve ser instalado. Veja aqui: Https://www.torproject.org/docs/installguide.html.en. No Debian / Ubuntu, Use apt-get install tor. Você também pode instalar e executar o navegador Tor Agrupar.

• Tahoe-LAFS deve ser instalado com o [tor] "extra" habilitado. Isso vai Instale txtorcon ::

Pip install tahoe-lafs [tor]

Os servidores Tor-configurados manualmente devem instalar Tor, mas não precisam Txtorcon ou o [tor] extra. Configuração automática, quando Implementado, vai precisar destes, assim como os clientes.

I2P

Os clientes que desejam se conectar a servidores baseados em I2P devem instalar o seguinte. Tal como acontece com Tor, os servidores baseados em I2P configurados manualmente precisam do daemon I2P, mas Não há bibliotecas especiais de apoio Tahoe-side.

• I2P deve ser instalado. Veja aqui: Https://geti2p.net/en/download

• A API SAM deve estar habilitada.

• Inicie o I2P.

• Visite http://127.0.0.1:7657/configclients no seu navegador.
• Em "Configuração do Cliente", marque a opção "Executar no Startup?" Caixa para "SAM Ponte de aplicação ".
• Clique em "Salvar Configuração do Cliente".

• Clique no controle "Iniciar" para "ponte de aplicação SAM" ou reinicie o I2P.

• Tahoe-LAFS deve ser instalado com o [i2p] extra habilitado, para obter Txi2p ::

Pip install tahoe-lafs [i2p]

Tor e I2P

Os clientes que desejam se conectar a servidores baseados em Tor e I2P devem instalar tudo acima. Em particular, Tahoe-LAFS deve ser instalado com ambos Extras habilitados ::

Pip install tahoe-lafs [tor, i2p]

Configuração de conexão

Consulte: ref: Connection Management para uma descrição do[tor]e [I2p] seções de tahoe.cfg. Estes controlam como o cliente Tahoe Conecte-se a um daemon Tor / I2P e, assim, faça conexões com Tor / I2P-baseadas Servidores.

As seções [tor] e [i2p] só precisam ser modificadas para serem usadas de forma incomum Configurações ou para habilitar a configuração automática do servidor.

A configuração padrão tentará entrar em contato com um daemon local Tor / I2P Ouvindo as portas usuais (9050/9150 para Tor, 7656 para I2P). Enquanto Há um daemon em execução no host local e o suporte necessário Bibliotecas foram instaladas, os clientes poderão usar servidores baseados em Tor Sem qualquer configuração especial.

No entanto, note que esta configuração padrão não melhora a Anonimato: as conexões TCP normais ainda serão feitas em qualquer servidor que Oferece um endereço regular (cumpre o segundo caso de uso do cliente acima, não o terceiro). Para proteger o anonimato, os usuários devem configurar o [Connections] da seguinte maneira:

[Conexões] Tcp = tor

Com isso, o cliente usará Tor (em vez de um IP-address -reviração de conexão direta) para alcançar servidores baseados em TCP.

Configuração de anonimato

Tahoe-LAFS fornece uma configuração "flag de segurança" para indicar explicitamente Seja necessário ou não a privacidade do endereço IP para um nó ::

[nó] Revelar-IP-address = (booleano, opcional)

Quando revelar-IP-address = False, Tahoe-LAFS se recusará a iniciar se algum dos As opções de configuração em tahoe.cfg revelariam a rede do nó localização:

• [Conexões] tcp = tor é necessário: caso contrário, o cliente faria Conexões diretas para o Introdução, ou qualquer servidor baseado em TCP que aprende Do Introdutor, revelando seu endereço IP para esses servidores e um Rede de espionagem. Com isso, Tahoe-LAFS só fará Conexões de saída através de uma rede de anonimato suportada.

• Tub.location deve ser desativado ou conter valores seguros. este O valor é anunciado para outros nós através do Introdutor: é como um servidor Anuncia sua localização para que os clientes possam se conectar a ela. No modo privado, ele É um erro para incluir um tcp: dica no tub.location. Modo privado Rejeita o valor padrão de tub.location (quando a chave está faltando Inteiramente), que é AUTO, que usa ifconfig para adivinhar o nó Endereço IP externo, o que o revelaria ao servidor e a outros clientes.

Esta opção é ** crítica ** para preservar o anonimato do cliente (cliente Caso de uso 3 de "Casos de uso", acima). Também é necessário preservar uma Anonimato do servidor (caso de uso do servidor 3).

Esse sinalizador pode ser configurado (para falso), fornecendo o argumento --hide-ip para Os comandos create-node, create-client ou create-introducer.

Observe que o valor padrão de revelar-endereço IP é verdadeiro, porque Infelizmente, esconder o endereço IP do nó requer software adicional para ser Instalado (conforme descrito acima) e reduz o desempenho.

Anonimato do cliente

Para configurar um nó de cliente para anonimato, tahoe.cfg ** deve ** conter o Seguindo as bandeiras de configuração ::

[nó] Revelar-IP-address = False Tub.port = desativado Tub.location = desativado

Uma vez que o nodo Tahoe-LAFS foi reiniciado, ele pode ser usado anonimamente (cliente Caso de uso 3).

Anonimato do servidor, configuração manual

Para configurar um nó de servidor para ouvir em uma rede de anonimato, devemos primeiro Configure Tor para executar um "Serviço de cebola" e encaminhe as conexões de entrada para o Porto Tahoe local. Então, configuramos Tahoe para anunciar o endereço .onion Aos clientes. Também configuramos Tahoe para não fazer conexões TCP diretas.

• Decida em um número de porta de escuta local, chamado PORT. Isso pode ser qualquer não utilizado Porta de cerca de 1024 até 65535 (dependendo do kernel / rede do host Config). Nós diremos a Tahoe para escutar nesta porta, e nós diremos a Tor para Encaminhe as conexões de entrada para ele.
• Decida em um número de porta externo, chamado VIRTPORT. Isso será usado no Localização anunciada e revelada aos clientes. Pode ser qualquer número de 1 Para 65535. Pode ser o mesmo que PORT, se quiser.
• Decida em um "diretório de serviço oculto", geralmente em / var / lib / tor / NAME. Pediremos a Tor para salvar o estado do serviço de cebola aqui, e Tor irá Escreva o endereço .onion aqui depois que ele for gerado.

Em seguida, faça o seguinte:

• Crie o nó do servidor Tahoe (com tahoe create-node), mas não ** não ** Lança-o ainda.

• Edite o arquivo de configuração Tor (normalmente em / etc / tor / torrc). Precisamos adicionar Uma seção para definir o serviço oculto. Se nossa PORT for 2000, VIRTPORT é 3000, e estamos usando / var / lib / tor / tahoe como o serviço oculto Diretório, a seção deve se parecer com ::

  HiddenServiceDir / var / lib / tor / tahoe HiddenServicePort 3000 127.0.0.1:2000

• Reinicie Tor, com systemctl restart tor. Aguarde alguns segundos.

• Leia o arquivo hostname no diretório de serviço oculto (por exemplo, / Var / lib / tor / tahoe / hostname). Este será um endereço .onion, como U33m4y7klhz3b.onion. Ligue para esta CEBOLA.

• Edite tahoe.cfg para configurar tub.port para usar Tcp: PORT: interface = 127.0.0.1 e tub.location para usar Tor: ONION.onion: VIRTPORT. Usando os exemplos acima, isso seria ::

  [nó] Revelar-endereço IP = falso Tub.port = tcp: 2000: interface = 127.0.0.1 Tub.location = tor: u33m4y7klhz3b.onion: 3000 [Conexões] Tcp = tor

• Inicie o servidor Tahoe com tahoe start $ NODEDIR

A seção tub.port fará com que o servidor Tahoe ouça no PORT, mas Ligue o soquete de escuta à interface de loopback, que não é acessível Do mundo exterior (mas * é * acessível pelo daemon Tor local). Então o A seção tcp = tor faz com que Tahoe use Tor quando se conecta ao Introdução, escondendo o endereço IP. O nó se anunciará a todos Clientes que usam `tub.location``, então os clientes saberão que devem usar o Tor Para alcançar este servidor (e não revelar seu endereço IP através do anúncio). Quando os clientes se conectam ao endereço da cebola, seus pacotes serão Atravessar a rede de anonimato e eventualmente aterrar no Tor local Daemon, que então estabelecerá uma conexão com PORT no localhost, que é Onde Tahoe está ouvindo conexões.

Siga um processo similar para construir um servidor Tahoe que escuta no I2P. o O mesmo processo pode ser usado para ouvir tanto o Tor como o I2P (tub.location = Tor: ONION.onion: VIRTPORT, i2p: ADDR.i2p). Também pode ouvir tanto Tor como TCP simples (caso de uso 2), com tub.port = tcp: PORT, tub.location = Tcp: HOST: PORT, tor: ONION.onion: VIRTPORT e anonymous = false (e omite A configuração tcp = tor, já que o endereço já está sendo transmitido através de O anúncio de localização).

Anonimato do servidor, configuração automática

Para configurar um nó do servidor para ouvir em uma rede de anonimato, crie o Nó com a opção --listen = tor. Isso requer uma configuração Tor que Ou lança um novo daemon Tor, ou tem acesso à porta de controle Tor (e Autoridade suficiente para criar um novo serviço de cebola). Nos sistemas Debian / Ubuntu, faça Apt install tor, adicione-se ao grupo de controle com adduser YOURUSERNAME debian-tor e, em seguida, inicie sessão e faça o login novamente: se os groups O comando inclui debian-tor na saída, você deve ter permissão para Use a porta de controle de domínio unix em / var / run / tor / control.

Esta opção irá definir revelar-IP-address = False e [connections] tcp = Tor. Ele alocará as portas necessárias, instruirá Tor para criar a cebola Serviço (salvando a chave privada em algum lugar dentro de NODEDIR / private /), obtenha O endereço .onion e preencha tub.port e tub.location corretamente.

Problemas de desempenho e segurança

Se você estiver executando um servidor que não precisa ser Anônimo, você deve torná-lo acessível através de uma rede de anonimato ou não? Ou você pode torná-lo acessível * ambos * através de uma rede de anonimato E como um servidor TCP / IP rastreável publicamente?

Existem várias compensações efetuadas por esta decisão.

Penetração NAT / Firewall

Fazer com que um servidor seja acessível via Tor ou I2P o torna acessível (por Clientes compatíveis com Tor / I2P) mesmo que existam NAT ou firewalls que impeçam Conexões TCP / IP diretas para o servidor.

Anonimato

Tornar um servidor Tahoe-LAFS acessível * somente * via Tor ou I2P pode ser usado para Garanta que os clientes Tahoe-LAFS usem Tor ou I2P para se conectar (Especificamente, o servidor só deve anunciar endereços Tor / I2P no Chave de configuração tub.location). Isso evita que os clientes mal configurados sejam Desingonizando-se acidentalmente, conectando-se ao seu servidor através de A Internet rastreável.

Claramente, um servidor que está disponível como um serviço Tor / I2P * e * a O endereço TCP regular não é anônimo: o endereço do .on e o real O endereço IP do servidor é facilmente vinculável.

Além disso, a interação, através do Tor, com um Tor Oculto pode ser mais Protegido da análise do tráfego da rede do que a interação, através do Tor, Com um servidor TCP / IP com rastreamento público

** XXX há um documento mantido pelos desenvolvedores de Tor que comprovem ou refutam essa crença? Se assim for, precisamos ligar a ele. Caso contrário, talvez devêssemos explicar mais aqui por que pensamos isso? **

Linkability

A partir de 1.12.0, o nó usa uma única chave de banheira persistente para saída Conexões ao Introdutor e conexões de entrada para o Servidor de Armazenamento (E Helper). Para os clientes, uma nova chave Tub é criada para cada servidor de armazenamento Nós aprendemos sobre, e essas chaves são * não * persistiram (então elas mudarão cada uma delas Tempo que o cliente reinicia).

Clientes que atravessam diretórios (de rootcap para subdiretório para filecap) são É provável que solicitem os mesmos índices de armazenamento (SIs) na mesma ordem de cada vez. Um cliente conectado a vários servidores irá pedir-lhes todos para o mesmo SI em Quase ao mesmo tempo. E dois clientes que compartilham arquivos ou diretórios Irá visitar os mesmos SI (em várias ocasiões).

Como resultado, as seguintes coisas são vinculáveis, mesmo com revelar-endereço IP = Falso:

• Servidores de armazenamento podem vincular reconhecer várias conexões do mesmo Cliente ainda não reiniciado. (Observe que o próximo recurso de Contabilidade pode Faz com que os clientes apresentem uma chave pública persistente do lado do cliente quando Conexão, que será uma ligação muito mais forte).
• Os servidores de armazenamento provavelmente podem deduzir qual cliente está acessando dados, por Olhando as SIs sendo solicitadas. Vários servidores podem conciliar Determine que o mesmo cliente está falando com todos eles, mesmo que o TubIDs são diferentes para cada conexão.
• Os servidores de armazenamento podem deduzir quando dois clientes diferentes estão compartilhando dados.
• O Introdutor pode entregar diferentes informações de servidor para cada um Cliente subscrito, para particionar clientes em conjuntos distintos de acordo com Quais as conexões do servidor que eles eventualmente fazem. Para clientes + nós de servidor, ele Também pode correlacionar o anúncio do servidor com o cliente deduzido identidade.

atuação

Um cliente que se conecta a um servidor Tahoe-LAFS com rastreamento público através de Tor Incorrem em latência substancialmente maior e, às vezes, pior Mesmo cliente se conectando ao mesmo servidor através de um TCP / IP rastreável normal conexão. Quando o servidor está em um Tor Hidden Service, ele incorre ainda mais Latência e, possivelmente, ainda pior rendimento.

Conectando-se a servidores Tahoe-LAFS que são servidores I2P incorrem em maior latência E pior rendimento também.

Efeitos positivos e negativos em outros usuários Tor

O envio de seu tráfego Tahoe-LAFS sobre o Tor adiciona tráfego de cobertura para outros Tor usuários que também estão transmitindo dados em massa. Então isso é bom para Eles - aumentando seu anonimato.

No entanto, torna o desempenho de outros usuários do Tor Sessões - por exemplo, sessões ssh - muito pior. Isso é porque Tor Atualmente não possui nenhuma prioridade ou qualidade de serviço Recursos, para que as teclas de Ssh de outra pessoa possam ter que esperar na fila Enquanto o conteúdo do arquivo em massa é transmitido. O atraso adicional pode Tornar as sessões interativas de outras pessoas inutilizáveis.

Ambos os efeitos são duplicados se você carregar ou baixar arquivos para um Tor Hidden Service, em comparação com se você carregar ou baixar arquivos Over Tor para um servidor TCP / IP com rastreamento público

Efeitos positivos e negativos em outros usuários do I2P

Enviar seu tráfego Tahoe-LAFS ao I2P adiciona tráfego de cobertura para outros usuários do I2P Que também estão transmitindo dados. Então, isso é bom para eles - aumentando sua anonimato. Não prejudicará diretamente o desempenho de outros usuários do I2P Sessões interativas, porque a rede I2P possui vários controles de congestionamento e Recursos de qualidade de serviço, como priorizar pacotes menores.

No entanto, se muitos usuários estão enviando tráfego Tahoe-LAFS ao I2P e não tiverem Seus roteadores I2P configurados para participar de muito tráfego, então o I2P A rede como um todo sofrerá degradação. Cada roteador Tahoe-LAFS que usa o I2P tem Seus próprios túneis de anonimato que seus dados são enviados. Em média, um O nó Tahoe-LAFS requer 12 outros roteadores I2P para participar de seus túneis.

Portanto, é importante que o seu roteador I2P esteja compartilhando a largura de banda com outros Roteadores, para que você possa retornar enquanto usa o I2P. Isso nunca prejudicará a Desempenho de seu nó Tahoe-LAFS, porque seu roteador I2P sempre Priorize seu próprio tráfego.

=========================

Como configurar um servidor

Muitos nós Tahoe-LAFS são executados como "servidores", o que significa que eles fornecem serviços para Outras máquinas (isto é, "clientes"). Os dois tipos mais importantes são os Introdução e Servidores de armazenamento.

Para ser útil, os servidores devem ser alcançados pelos clientes. Os servidores Tahoe podem ouvir Em portas TCP e anunciar sua "localização" (nome do host e número da porta TCP) Para que os clientes possam se conectar a eles. Eles também podem ouvir os serviços de cebola "Tor" E portas I2P.

Os servidores de armazenamento anunciam sua localização ao anunciá-lo ao Introdutivo, Que então transmite a localização para todos os clientes. Então, uma vez que a localização é Determinado, você não precisa fazer nada de especial para entregá-lo.

O próprio apresentador possui uma localização, que deve ser entregue manualmente a todos Servidores de armazenamento e clientes. Você pode enviá-lo para os novos membros do seu grade. Esta localização (juntamente com outros identificadores criptográficos importantes) é Escrito em um arquivo chamado private / introducer.furl no Presenter's Diretório básico, e deve ser fornecido como o argumento --introducer = para Tahoe create-node ou tahoe create-node.

O primeiro passo ao configurar um servidor é descobrir como os clientes irão alcançar. Então você precisa configurar o servidor para ouvir em algumas portas, e Depois configure a localização corretamente.

Configuração manual

Cada servidor tem duas configurações em seu arquivo tahoe.cfg: tub.port, e Tub.location. A "porta" controla o que o nó do servidor escuta: isto Geralmente é uma porta TCP.

A "localização" controla o que é anunciado para o mundo exterior. Isto é um "Sugestão de conexão foolscap", e inclui tanto o tipo de conexão (Tcp, tor ou i2p) e os detalhes da conexão (nome do host / endereço, porta número). Vários proxies, gateways e redes de privacidade podem ser Envolvido, então não é incomum para tub.port e tub.location para olhar diferente.

Você pode controlar diretamente a configuração tub.port e tub.location Configurações, fornecendo --port = e --location = ao executar tahoe Create-node.

Configuração automática

Em vez de fornecer --port = / - location =, você pode usar --listen =. Os servidores podem ouvir em TCP, Tor, I2P, uma combinação desses ou nenhum. O argumento --listen = controla quais tipos de ouvintes o novo servidor usará.

--listen = none significa que o servidor não deve ouvir nada. Isso não Faz sentido para um servidor, mas é apropriado para um nó somente cliente. o O comando tahoe create-client inclui automaticamente --listen = none.

--listen = tcp é o padrão e liga uma porta de escuta TCP padrão. Usar --listen = tcp requer um argumento --hostname = também, que será Incorporado no local anunciado do nó. Descobrimos que os computadores Não pode determinar de forma confiável seu nome de host acessível externamente, então, em vez de Ter o servidor adivinhar (ou escanear suas interfaces para endereços IP Isso pode ou não ser apropriado), a criação de nó requer que o usuário Forneça o nome do host.

--listen = tor conversará com um daemon Tor local e criará uma nova "cebola" Servidor "(que se parece comalzrgrdvxct6c63z.onion). --listen = i2p` conversará com um daemon I2P local e criará um novo servidor endereço. Consulte: doc:anonymity-configuration` para obter detalhes.

Você pode ouvir nos três usando --listen = tcp, tor, i2p.

Cenários de implantação

A seguir, alguns cenários sugeridos para configurar servidores usando Vários transportes de rede. Estes exemplos não incluem a especificação de um Apresentador FURL que normalmente você gostaria quando provisionamento de armazenamento Nós. Para estes e outros detalhes de configuração, consulte : Doc: configuration.

. `Servidor possui um nome DNS público '

. Servidor possui um endereço público IPv4 / IPv6_

. O servidor está por trás de um firewall com encaminhamento de porta_

. Usando o I2P / Tor para evitar o encaminhamento da porta_

O servidor possui um nome DNS público

O caso mais simples é o local onde o host do servidor está diretamente conectado ao Internet, sem um firewall ou caixa NAT no caminho. A maioria dos VPS (Virtual Private Servidor) e servidores colocados são assim, embora alguns fornecedores bloqueiem Muitas portas de entrada por padrão.

Para esses servidores, tudo o que você precisa saber é o nome do host externo. O sistema O administrador irá dizer-lhe isso. O principal requisito é que este nome de host Pode ser pesquisado no DNS, e ele será mapeado para um endereço IPv4 ou IPv6 que Alcançará a máquina.

Se o seu nome de host for example.net, então você criará o introdutor como esta::

Tahoe create-introducer --hostname example.com ~ / introducer

Ou um servidor de armazenamento como ::

Tahoe create-node --hostname = example.net

Estes irão alocar uma porta TCP (por exemplo, 12345), atribuir tub.port para ser Tcp: 12345 e tub.location serão tcp: example.com: 12345.

Idealmente, isso também deveria funcionar para hosts compatíveis com IPv6 (onde o nome DNS Fornece um registro "AAAA", ou ambos "A" e "AAAA"). No entanto Tahoe-LAFS O suporte para IPv6 é novo e ainda pode ter problemas. Por favor, veja o ingresso # 867_ para detalhes.

.. _ # 867: https://tahoe-lafs.org/trac/tahoe-lafs/ticket/867

O servidor possui um endereço público IPv4 / IPv6

Se o host tiver um endereço IPv4 (público) rotativo (por exemplo, 203.0.113.1```), mas Nenhum nome DNS, você precisará escolher uma porta TCP (por exemplo, 3457``) e usar o Segue::

Tahoe create-node --port = tcp: 3457 - localização = tcp: 203.0.113.1: 3457

--port é uma "string de especificação de ponto de extremidade" que controla quais locais Porta em que o nó escuta. --location é a "sugestão de conexão" que ele Anuncia para outros, e descreve as conexões de saída que essas Os clientes irão fazer, por isso precisa trabalhar a partir da sua localização na rede.

Os nós Tahoe-LAFS escutam em todas as interfaces por padrão. Quando o host é Multi-homed, você pode querer fazer a ligação de escuta ligar apenas a uma Interface específica, adicionando uma opção interface = ao --port = argumento::

Tahoe create-node --port = tcp: 3457: interface = 203.0.113.1 - localização = tcp: 203.0.113.1: 3457

Se o endereço público do host for IPv6 em vez de IPv4, use colchetes para Envolva o endereço e altere o tipo de nó de extremidade para tcp6 ::

Tahoe create-node --port = tcp6: 3457 - localização = tcp: [2001: db8 :: 1]: 3457

Você pode usar interface = para vincular a uma interface IPv6 específica também, no entanto Você deve fazer uma barra invertida - escapar dos dois pontos, porque, de outra forma, eles são interpretados Como delimitadores pelo idioma de especificação do "ponto final" torcido. o --location = argumento não precisa de dois pontos para serem escapados, porque eles são Envolto pelos colchetes ::

Tahoe create-node --port = tcp6: 3457: interface = 2001 \: db8 \: \: 1 --location = tcp: [2001: db8 :: 1]: 3457

Para hosts somente IPv6 com registros DNS AAAA, se o simples --hostname = A configuração não funciona, eles podem ser informados para ouvir especificamente Porta compatível com IPv6 com este ::

Tahoe create-node --port = tcp6: 3457 - localização = tcp: example.net: 3457

O servidor está por trás de um firewall com encaminhamento de porta

Para configurar um nó de armazenamento por trás de um firewall com encaminhamento de porta, você irá precisa saber:

• Endereço IPv4 público do roteador
• A porta TCP que está disponível de fora da sua rede
• A porta TCP que é o destino de encaminhamento
• Endereço IPv4 interno do nó de armazenamento (o nó de armazenamento em si é Desconhece esse endereço e não é usado durante tahoe create-node, Mas o firewall deve ser configurado para enviar conexões para isso)

Os números de porta TCP internos e externos podem ser iguais ou diferentes Dependendo de como o encaminhamento da porta está configurado. Se é mapear portas 1-para-1, eo endereço IPv4 público do firewall é 203.0.113.1 (e Talvez o endereço IPv4 interno do nó de armazenamento seja 192.168.1.5), então Use um comando CLI como este ::

Tahoe create-node --port = tcp: 3457 - localização = tcp: 203.0.113.1: 3457

Se no entanto, o firewall / NAT-box encaminha a porta externa * 6656 * para o interno Porta 3457, então faça isso ::

Tahoe create-node --port = tcp: 3457 - localização = tcp: 203.0.113.1: 6656

Usando o I2P / Tor para evitar o encaminhamento da porta

Os serviços de cebola I2P e Tor, entre outras excelentes propriedades, também fornecem NAT Penetração sem encaminhamento de porta, nomes de host ou endereços IP. Então, configurando Um servidor que escuta apenas no Tor é simples ::

Tahoe create-node --listen = tor

Para mais informações sobre o uso de Tahoe-LAFS com I2p e Tor veja : Doc: anonymity-configuration

@ 9223d2fa:b57e3de7

136 steps

@ 23202132:eab3af30

A MixPay é uma plataforma gratuita que permite o recebimento de pagamentos em criptomoedas de forma prática e eficiente. Com a popularidade crescente das criptomoedas, essa modalidade de pagamento está se tornando cada vez mais comum em diversas partes do mundo, incluindo o Brasil, onde alguns municípios, como Rolante, no Rio Grande do Sul, já possuem estabelecimentos que aceitam pagamentos em criptoativos.

Veja um exemplo prático no YouTube https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=FPJ5LqQ19CY

Por que aceitar pagamentos em criptomoedas?

Crescimento global: O uso de criptomoedas para pagamentos de produtos e serviços está em ascensão, impulsionado pela descentralização e pela conveniência que oferecem.

Sem fronteiras: Ideal para quem deseja receber pagamentos internacionais sem taxas elevadas de conversão ou restrições bancárias. Semelhante ao Pix, mas descentralizado: Assim como o Pix revolucionou os pagamentos no Brasil, a MixPay oferece uma experiência similar, mas utilizando criptomoedas, sem a necessidade de intermediários bancários.

Vantagens da MixPay

Gratuita: Não há custos para criar uma conta e começar a receber pagamentos.

Fácil de usar: O processo de recebimento é simples, tanto para comerciantes quanto para consumidores, podendo ser realizado em poucos cliques.

Flexibilidade de moedas: Receba pagamentos em diversas criptomoedas, incluindo Bitcoin (BTC), Ethereum (ETH), USDT e outras.

Conversão automática: A MixPay permite que você receba em uma criptomoeda e converta automaticamente para outra de sua escolha, caso deseje evitar a volatilidade.

Integração fácil: Seja para e-commerces ou estabelecimentos físicos, a MixPay oferece QR Codes, APIs e plugins para integração com seu sistema.

Como começar com a MixPay?

1 - Baixe a carteira Mixin aqui https://messenger.mixin.one/

2 - Com a carteira Mixin instalada clique em https://dashboard.mixpay.me/login e ao abrir o site clique no botão Mixin

3 - Na carteira Mixin clique no leitor de QrCode no canto superior direito e escaneie o site.

Pronto! Você já conectou a sua carteira Mixin com a MixPay. Receba pagamentos em instantes, seja por meio de um QR Code, link de pagamento ou integração com sua loja online.

Se você deseja modernizar seu negócio ou simplesmente começar a explorar o universo das criptomoedas, a MixPay é uma alternativa gratuita, eficiente e que acompanha as tendências atuais.

Para mais informações acesse https://mixpay.me

@ 0fa80bd3:ea7325de

DAOs promised decentralization. They offered a system where every member could influence a project's direction, where money and power were transparently distributed, and decisions were made through voting. All of it recorded immutably on the blockchain, free from middlemen.

But something didn’t work out. In practice, most DAOs haven’t evolved into living, self-organizing organisms. They became something else: clubs where participation is unevenly distributed. Leaders remained - only now without formal titles. They hold influence through control over communications, task framing, and community dynamics. Centralization still exists, just wrapped in a new package.

But there's a second, less obvious problem. Crowds can’t create strategy. In DAOs, people vote for what "feels right to the majority." But strategy isn’t about what feels good - it’s about what’s necessary. Difficult, unpopular, yet forward-looking decisions often fail when put to a vote. A founder’s vision is a risk. But in healthy teams, it’s that risk that drives progress. In DAOs, risk is almost always diluted until it becomes something safe and vague.

Instead of empowering leaders, DAOs often neutralize them. This is why many DAOs resemble consensus machines. Everyone talks, debates, and participates, but very little actually gets done. One person says, “Let’s jump,” and five others respond, “Let’s discuss that first.” This dynamic might work for open forums, but not for action.

Decentralization works when there’s trust and delegation, not just voting. Until DAOs develop effective systems for assigning roles, taking ownership, and acting with flexibility, they will keep losing ground to old-fashioned startups led by charismatic founders with a clear vision.

We’ve seen this in many real-world cases. Take MakerDAO, one of the most mature and technically sophisticated DAOs. Its governance token (MKR) holders vote on everything from interest rates to protocol upgrades. While this has allowed for transparency and community involvement, the process is often slow and bureaucratic. Complex proposals stall. Strategic pivots become hard to implement. And in 2023, a controversial proposal to allocate billions to real-world assets passed only narrowly, after months of infighting - highlighting how vision and execution can get stuck in the mud of distributed governance.

On the other hand, Uniswap DAO, responsible for the largest decentralized exchange, raised governance participation only after launching a delegation system where token holders could choose trusted representatives. Still, much of the activity is limited to a small group of active contributors. The vast majority of token holders remain passive. This raises the question: is it really community-led, or just a formalized power structure with lower transparency?

Then there’s ConstitutionDAO, an experiment that went viral. It raised over $40 million in days to try and buy a copy of the U.S. Constitution. But despite the hype, the DAO failed to win the auction. Afterwards, it struggled with refund logistics, communication breakdowns, and confusion over governance. It was a perfect example of collective enthusiasm without infrastructure or planning - proof that a DAO can raise capital fast but still lack cohesion.

Not all efforts have failed. Projects like Gitcoin DAO have made progress by incentivizing small, individual contributions. Their quadratic funding mechanism rewards projects based on the number of contributors, not just the size of donations, helping to elevate grassroots initiatives. But even here, long-term strategy often falls back on a core group of organizers rather than broad community consensus.

The pattern is clear: when the stakes are low or the tasks are modular, DAOs can coordinate well. But when bold moves are needed—when someone has to take responsibility and act under uncertainty DAOs often freeze. In the name of consensus, they lose momentum.

That’s why the organization of the future can’t rely purely on decentralization. It must encourage individual initiative and the ability to take calculated risks. People need to see their contribution not just as a vote, but as a role with clear actions and expected outcomes. When the situation demands, they should be empowered to act first and present the results to the community afterwards allowing for both autonomy and accountability. That’s not a flaw in the system. It’s how real progress happens.

@ c066aac5:6a41a034

I’m drawn to extremities in art. The louder, the bolder, the more outrageous, the better. Bold art takes me out of the mundane into a whole new world where anything and everything is possible. Having grown up in the safety of the suburban midwest, I was a bit of a rebellious soul in search of the satiation that only came from the consumption of the outrageous. My inclination to find bold art draws me to NOSTR, because I believe NOSTR can be the place where the next generation of artistic pioneers go to express themselves. I also believe that as much as we are able, were should invite them to come create here.

My Background: A Small Side Story

My father was a professional gamer in the 80s, back when there was no money or glory in the avocation. He did get a bit of spotlight though after the fact: in the mid 2000’s there were a few parties making documentaries about that era of gaming as well as current arcade events (namely 2007’sChasing GhostsandThe King of Kong: A Fistful of Quarters). As a result of these documentaries, there was a revival in the arcade gaming scene. My family attended events related to the documentaries or arcade gaming and I became exposed to a lot of things I wouldn’t have been able to find. The producer ofThe King of Kong: A Fistful of Quarters had previously made a documentary calledNew York Dollwhich was centered around the life of bassist Arthur Kane. My 12 year old mind was blown: The New York Dolls were a glam-punk sensation dressed in drag. The music was from another planet. Johnny Thunders’ guitar playing was like Chuck Berry with more distortion and less filter. Later on I got to meet the Galaga record holder at the time, Phil Day, in Ottumwa Iowa. Phil is an Australian man of high intellect and good taste. He exposed me to great creators such as Nick Cave & The Bad Seeds, Shakespeare, Lou Reed, artists who created things that I had previously found inconceivable.

I believe this time period informed my current tastes and interests, but regrettably I think it also put coals on the fire of rebellion within. I stopped taking my parents and siblings seriously, the Christian faith of my family (which I now hold dearly to) seemed like a mundane sham, and I felt I couldn’t fit in with most people because of my avant-garde tastes. So I write this with the caveat that there should be a way to encourage these tastes in children without letting them walk down the wrong path. There is nothing inherently wrong with bold art, but I’d advise parents to carefully find ways to cultivate their children’s tastes without completely shutting them down and pushing them away as a result. My parents were very loving and patient during this time; I thank God for that.

With that out of the way, lets dive in to some bold artists:

Nicolas Cage: Actor

There is an excellent video by Wisecrack on Nicolas Cage that explains him better than I will, which I will linkhere. Nicolas Cage rejects the idea that good acting is tied to mere realism; all of his larger than life acting decisions are deliberate choices. When that clicked for me, I immediately realized the man is a genius. He borrows from Kabuki and German Expressionism, art forms that rely on exaggeration to get the message across. He has even created his own acting style, which he calls Nouveau Shamanic. He augments his imagination to go from acting to being. Rather than using the old hat of method acting, he transports himself to a new world mentally. The projects he chooses to partake in are based on his own interests or what he considers would be a challenge (making a bad script good for example). Thus it doesn’t matter how the end result comes out; he has already achieved his goal as an artist. Because of this and because certain directors don’t know how to use his talents, he has a noticeable amount of duds in his filmography. Dig around the duds, you’ll find some pure gold. I’d personally recommend the filmsPig, Joe, Renfield, and his Christmas film The Family Man.

Nick Cave: Songwriter

What a wild career this man has had! From the apocalyptic mayhem of his band The Birthday Party to the pensive atmosphere of his albumGhosteen, it seems like Nick Cave has tried everything. I think his secret sauce is that he’s always working. He maintains an excellent newsletter calledThe Red Hand Files, he has written screenplays such asLawless, he has written books, he has made great film scores such asThe Assassination of Jesse James by the Coward Robert Ford, the man is religiously prolific. I believe that one of the reasons he is prolific is that he’s not afraid to experiment. If he has an idea, he follows it through to completion. From the albumMurder Ballads(which is comprised of what the title suggests) to his rejected sequel toGladiator(Gladiator: Christ Killer), he doesn’t seem to be afraid to take anything on. This has led to some over the top works as well as some deeply personal works. Albums likeSkeleton TreeandGhosteenwere journeys through the grief of his son’s death. The Boatman’s Callis arguably a better break-up album than anything Taylor Swift has put out. He’s not afraid to be outrageous, he’s not afraid to offend, but most importantly he’s not afraid to be himself. Works I’d recommend include The Birthday Party’sLive 1981-82, Nick Cave & The Bad Seeds’The Boatman’s Call, and the filmLawless.

Jim Jarmusch: Director

I consider Jim’s films to be bold almost in an ironic sense: his works are bold in that they are, for the most part, anti-sensational. He has a rule that if his screenplays are criticized for a lack of action, he makes them even less eventful. Even with sensational settings his films feel very close to reality, and they demonstrate the beauty of everyday life. That's what is bold about his art to me: making the sensational grounded in reality while making everyday reality all the more special. Ghost Dog: The Way of the Samurai is about a modern-day African-American hitman who strictly follows the rules of the ancient Samurai, yet one can resonate with the humanity of a seemingly absurd character. Only Lovers Left Aliveis a vampire love story, but in the middle of a vampire romance one can see their their own relationships in a new deeply human light. Jim’s work reminds me that art reflects life, and that there is sacred beauty in seemingly mundane everyday life. I personally recommend his filmsPaterson,Down by Law, andCoffee and Cigarettes.

NOSTR: We Need Bold Art

NOSTR is in my opinion a path to a better future. In a world creeping slowly towards everything apps, I hope that the protocol where the individual owns their data wins over everything else. I love freedom and sovereignty. If NOSTR is going to win the race of everything apps, we need more than Bitcoin content. We need more than shirtless bros paying for bananas in foreign countries and exercising with girls who have seductive accents. Common people cannot see themselves in such a world. NOSTR needs to catch the attention of everyday people. I don’t believe that this can be accomplished merely by introducing more broadly relevant content; people are searching for content that speaks to them. I believe that NOSTR can and should attract artists of all kinds because NOSTR is one of the few places on the internet where artists can express themselves fearlessly. Getting zaps from NOSTR’s value-for-value ecosystem has far less friction than crowdfunding a creative project or pitching investors that will irreversibly modify an artist’s vision. Having a place where one can post their works without fear of censorship should be extremely enticing. Having a place where one can connect with fellow humans directly as opposed to a sea of bots should seem like the obvious solution. If NOSTR can become a safe haven for artists to express themselves and spread their work, I believe that everyday people will follow. The banker whose stressful job weighs on them will suddenly find joy with an original meme made by a great visual comedian. The programmer for a healthcare company who is drowning in hopeless mundanity could suddenly find a new lust for life by hearing the song of a musician who isn’t afraid to crowdfund their their next project by putting their lighting address on the streets of the internet. The excel guru who loves independent film may find that NOSTR is the best way to support non corporate movies. My closing statement: continue to encourage the artists in your life as I’m sure you have been, but while you’re at it give them the purple pill. You may very well be a part of building a better future.

@ d3d74124:a4eb7b1d

ORIGINALLY ON XITTER BY STEVE BARBOUR. SHARED HERE FOR THE HOMIES (https://x.com/SGBarbour/status/1911614638623801425)

I find bureaucracy fascinating—it’s like a cancer within human organizations.

Why do organizations become bloated with excessive procedural controls, inefficiency, and indecisiveness as they grow in size and age? Why does decision-by-committee often replace the ambitious, self-starting decision maker? Why do small, "lean and mean" startups inevitably become bloated with bureaucracy as they scale and increase their headcount?

In 2014, these questions consumed me while I sat in a cubicle at an oil and gas company. Why, after years of honing my skills to fix artificial lift systems, was my signing authority decreasing (from $25,000 to $10,000 for workover budgets), despite record corporate profits? Why did I now need a 12-page Microsoft Word document with manager sign-off to schedule and scope a service rig for a simple pump change, when a five-minute email direct to the rig supervisor had previously sufficed?

Years into the job I was far more capable than when I had started, yet I had less authority with each passing day. I became determined to understand what was causes bureaucracy and whether or not it can be prevented.

After researching for some time, such as the essay I posted below, I concluded that bureaucracy stems from a lack of trust and accountability. Bureaucrats impose procedures instead of trusting subordinates to do their jobs, often in response to a costly mistake. This results in new processes that everyone must follow.

Bureaucrats rarely take responsibility for their own failures or hold others accountable for theirs. Instead, they create more procedures and invent new processes. Bureaucracy is a systemic issue, pervasive in nearly every large business or institution. The larger the organization, the more stifling it becomes.

This behavior is costly, increasing administrative overhead and delaying capital execution. Who is bearing this enormous cost?

You are, of course!

Fiat money funds the vast majority of the world's bureaucracy. Fiat money is counterfeit created out of thin air and is used to fund deficit spending by governments worldwide. Governments use paper money they did not earn from taxes to bail out institutions who are overleveraged and get caught with their pants down (e.g. Bombardier and Air Canada are famous repeat offenders in Canada, in the US you can choose any big name bank just about).

They keep printing money and nobody is held accountable anywhere.

Misallocate capital, become insolvent, print money and bail out, create new regulations / procedures, repeat.

You pay for bureaucracy by losing your savings to inflation.

You pay for bureaucracy when the local small businesses in your neighborhood is replaced by a global franchise funded by cheap, perpetual fiat money.

You pay for bureaucracy when you cannot retire as early as you planned and end up working yourself straight into a retirement home.

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I was cleaning and organizing my office today and found this old essay by Brian D. Rule from 1977 on the topic, which sparked me to write this short X piece on bureaucracy.

Brian's essay 'Bureaucracy' was actually the very essay that led me into believing fiat money with the root cause of global bureaucracy and waste, which lead me to become interested in gold in 2015 and then in bitcoin in 2016.

Sure enough I googled the prevalence of the term 'bureaucracy' and something interesting happened after 1971...

Isn't it weird how so much went to shit after we got off the gold standard?

Today I am convinced that hard, sound money is the only solution to bureaucracy. This is why I work for #bitcoin.

*Sadly I can no longer find the essay online, so I ripped the text from my paper printout that I found in my files with the now defunct reference website below. *

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Bureaucracy

Brian D. Rude, 1977

Original website (now defunct): http://brianrude.com/burea.htm

In the summer of 1975 I took a teaching job in Nebraska. As my previous teaching experience was in Missouri I had to see about getting a Nebraska teaching certificate. I applied for a "Nebraska Standard" teaching certificate. I sent in my college transcript, the application form, and a check for eight dollars. They sent me back, in their own good time, a "Nebraska Prestandard" certificate. I decided there was nothing "prestandard" about me or my teaching, so I wrote back and asked why I didn't get the "standard" certificate. They replied that since I had not taught three out of the last five years I was eligible only for the "prestandard" certificate.

"What do those pigheaded bureaucrats know about my teaching?" I thought to myself. "How would they ever know the standard of my teaching just from shuffling papers around?"

With a little reflection I realized that of course they know nothing about my teaching. They are not supposed to know anything about my teaching. They are paid to evaluate the papers I send them. They are not paid to evaluate my teaching. They have a clear mandate to shuffle my papers, and nothing more.

I presume my application was opened by a secretary, who, following a tightly structured routine, checked off each requirement, typed up my certificate, got it signed by some authority and sent it off to me. Such a secretary is most likely a conscientious worker, a wife and mother, a Republican or Democrat, an occasional churchgoer, a bit of a gossip, and a lot of other plain ordinary things. But she is most likely not a "pigheaded bureaucrat". She would not think of herself as a bureaucrat, and neither would her boss, her coworkers, her family, or anyone else who personally knew her. When she typed "prestandard" instead of "standard" on my teaching certificate she is simply doing her job. Were she to do anything less or more she would be negligent.

So where is the bureaucracy? Or was I dealing with a bureaucracy? If not, then where is there a bureaucracy? Where do we find the genuine article, the bungling, myopic, pigheaded bureaucrat?

I think pigheaded bureaucrats do exist, but they are rare. It's the good bureaucrat that drives us batty, quite as much as the bungling bureaucrat. The good bureaucrat knows exactly what he is obligated to do and he does it conscientiously. The good bureaucrat simply applies the rules that he is responsible for applying, but that he did not make.

A bureaucracy is a group of people responsible for applying a set of rules. The police, courts, executive branches of government, parents, teachers, librarians, and many other people or groups of people are also responsible for applying rules, yet we don't think of these as being bureaucracies. The distinguishing features of a bureaucracy are the types of rules to be applied, and, to some extent, how the rules are applied.

A bureaucracy is responsible for applying what I will call "secondary", or "derived" rules. A secondary rule is a requirement or prohibition established only because it promotes a primary goal. When Moses came down from the mountain with his stone tablets he was carrying what might be considered the simplest statement of what I will call "primary" requirements. The rule, "Thou shalt not steal", for example, is a primary requirement because it is desirable for its own sake, not just as a means to some other end. Similarly, "Thou shalt not commit murder" is a primary requirement because it is desirable as an end in itself.

Safe driving, as a modern example, is a primary requirement because it is desirable for its own sake. The requirement that one get a driver's license before driving, in contrast, is a secondary requirement. It is a requirement instituted by state governments in an attempt to promote the primary goal of safe driving. It is secondary to, or derived from, the primary requirement of driving safely. If people always drove safely, or if driving by its nature presented no hazards, then there would be no need for driver's licenses. Or if legislatures decided that licensing did nothing to promote safe driving then there would be no need for driver's licenses. Licensing is not an end in itself.

Tertiary, or third order, requirements can also exist. If a state requires a birth certificate as proof of age before issuing a driver's license then the state is imposing a third order requirement. Showing a birth certificate is a requirement designed to promote the licensing of drivers, which in turn is designed to promote safe driving.

I imagine one could go ahead and find examples of fourth order requirements established to promote third order requirements. However I don't think there is much point in getting too deep in this kind of analysis. The main point is the distinction of whether a goal is important for its own sake or whether it is important in promoting some other goal. Thus I may speak of a "derived" requirement, meaning only that it is not a primary requirement, but not specifying whether it is secondary, tertiary, or even further removed from the primary goal.

In different contexts I may speak of primary or secondary "requirements", "rules", "prohibitions", "laws", "regulations", "goals", "wrongs", "burdens", "privileges", and so on. It seems natural to think of paying taxes as a "requirement", while murder is a "wrong" that is covered by a "prohibition". But the requirement of paying a tax can be interpreted as the prohibition of avoiding the tax, and the prohibition against murder can be interpreted as the requirement to refrain from murder. The important point here is the distinction between primary and derived, not between omission and commission.

In the example I gave about getting a teaching certificate the bureaucrats were concerned only with my compliance with secondary requirements. They were not at all concerned with the primary requirement - the requirement that I indeed be a good teacher. This is a distinguishing characteristic of bureaucracies. They are concerned only with applying derived, not primary, rules. Other agencies are brought in when there is a primary rule to be applied. The police and courts handle such primary wrongs as theft and murder. Parents and teachers handle such primary wrongs as tracking mud on the carpet or being late to school. Churches handle such primary wrongs as "living in sin" or blasphemy. But it doesn't take a judge or a preacher to decide if my application for a teaching certificate is in order, or my application for a driver's license, or a dog license, or a business license, or a barber's license, or a building permit, or a marriage license, or breathing license. It takes a bureaucrat to handle these matters.

The basic root of bureaucracy then, is the proliferation of secondary requirements. It is not enough, in our modern world, to just be a good and honest person. One can be the best and safest of drivers, but a driver's license is still required. One can be a patriot and a saint, but the IRS still wants that W-2 form. One can be the best doctor in the world, but to practice medicine without a degree and a license is still a serious offense. We have established literally millions of secondary requirements designed to promote a few primary goals. To administer these rules we have people we call bureaucrats.

If the basic root of bureaucracy is a proliferation of derived requirements, then it would seem reasonable that the way to decrease bureaucracy would be to decrease such requirements. This is true, and in fact is a main thesis of this article. Unfortunately it is not always easy to do. Every bureaucratic requirement, in a healthy society at least, was established by reasonably intelligent people giving at least half-way serious consideration to a genuine problem. Therefore any particular bureaucratic requirement or procedure that is challenged will be defended by some person or group.

The most important gain we hope to realize from derived requirements is security. The requirement of any permit or license is usually, if not invariably, justified in order to "protect the public". We want safe driving so we demand driver's licenses. We want our neighbor's dog out of our flower bed so we demand dog licenses. We want merchants to be honest so we demand business licenses. We want welfare recipients not to cheat so we require verification of identity, employment, and who knows what else. All these requirements are seen as necessary to prevent something bad from happening, or to assure that something good will happen.

Derived requirements cannot provide all types of security. We can't prevent floods and famines by making rules and printing forms. The type of security that is the goal of bureaucratic requirements is social control of one form or another.

Simple fairness is often the goal of bureaucratic requirements. The Internal Revenue Service is a good example of this. The primary goal of the IRS is to raise money. This could be done by charging every citizen a flat rate of $1000 or so each year. We wouldn't consider this fair, though, because we realize not everyone has an equal ability to pay. Therefore we have an elaborate set of rules designed to extract more from those who have more. To apply these rules we have what is probably the biggest and most complex bureaucracy since time began. This size and complexity comes from our desire to be fair, not from the simple desire to collect money.

Another form of social control for which bureaucratic requirements are established is prevention of abuse of power. Power comes in many different forms, and we know from long experience that power is always susceptible to abuse. One method of dealing with abuse of power is to call it a primary wrong and punish the offenders. This is done, and it keeps the police and courts very busy. Another way to control abuse of power is to set up secondary requirements to try to prevent such wrongs from occurring in the first place. This produces bureaucracies. In the 1880's, for example, railroads were playing a little rougher than people wanted. They gained power by monopolizing a vital service. In response to this the Interstate Commerce Commission was set up, and has regulated business ever since. A more modern, and more specific, example would be the requirement that a used car dealer certify that the odometer reading is correct when he sells a car. This requirement is in response to what is seen as abuse of power by car dealers who misrepresent their merchandise.

In addition to the main cause of bureaucracy - the proliferation of derived requirements for purposes of security - there are several other causes of bureaucracies that are worth mentioning. The first of these is pure blind imitation. Again I will use driver's licensing as an example.

In the fifty states there is a startling uniformity of driver's license requirements. The most obvious uniformity is that all states require licenses. I have never been able to understand this. It would seem that if each state followed its own experience, values, customs, and judgment, then there would be a whole spectrum of licensing requirements, ranging from no requirement at all to extensive and strict requirements. This is apparently not the case. The majority of states require a written, driving, and eye test. They require a license fee. They require renewal of the license every so many years. They require that the license be in the person’s possession while he is driving. So far as I can tell only minor variations are found on this basic pattern in the different states.

I attribute this uniformity mainly to imitation. If there were an obvious connection between traffic safety and driver’s licensing then this uniformity would seem more sensible. If the National Safety Council told us everyday that the majority of fatal accidents involved an unlicensed driver, then we would not be surprised to find a driver’s license requirement in every state. But that is not the case. The National Safety Council talks a lot about the drinking driver but not about the unlicensed driver. If there was a historical example of some state that was too stubborn to require licenses and had an atrocious accident rate, then again a strict licensing system would be expected in every state. But is not the case either. The connection between licensing and safe driving is tenuous at best. There are innumerable unsafe drivers in every state who have no trouble getting a license. There are also perfectly safe drivers who have trouble getting a license. I think it is safe to say that the average driver, safe or unsafe, can’t pass the written test without studying the book no matter how long he has been driving. Many people find this out when they try to renew their license. All this leads me to believe that licensing requirements are set up by imitation more than anything else. A few states started requiring licenses and other states blindly followed, thinking in some vague way that they were being modern and progressive.

Pure blind imitation may seem a poor reason to set up a bureaucratic requirement and a bureaucracy to apply it, but there are many examples of such imitation in everyday life. In a previous article, ("Roting and Roters", not yet on my web site) I described and developed the idea that blind imitation is a powerful determinant of individual behavior. I think it is almost as powerful a determinant of group action. If each state followed its own inclination in the matter of driver’s licensing I would expect a much wider variation among the different states.

Another cause of bureaucracies is a little more substantial than blind imitation, and accounts for many licensing systems. That is the desire for group recognition. People are by nature social animals. They want to have groups and they want to do things in groups. They want their groups to be recognized and they want this recognition to be official and formal. I began to realize this a few years back when I read in the paper that beauticians were trying to get legislation passed setting up a system of beautician licensure. I thought they were nuts. Why, when we all hate the bureaucracy so much, would anyone want to set up more bureaucracy?

Another example of this kind of bureaucracy building is in the field of occupational therapy. Nurses, physical therapists, and speech therapists are licensed by the state. Occupational therapists, in contrast, have a national association which gives a "registry examination". Upon passing this test, and having a degree in occupational therapy, one becomes an "O.T.R.", a registered occupational therapist. Hospitals and other institutions take this designation as evidence of full qualification in the field. With such a sensible system I find incomprehensible that the profession is pushing for a system of state, rather than national, licensure. But that is exactly what they are doing. They are trying to build more bureaucracy, and they will succeed.

It took me quite a number of years to realize that teacher certification is something that the teaching profession wants, rather than being a requirement imposed from above. However that is apparently the case. The system of licensure, though a pain, does give some recognition to the status of teachers. This, along with a considerable amount of blind imitation, apparently accounts for the uniformity of teacher certification requirements found in different states.

It would be nice if we could give official recognition to groups without the necessity of laying down a mass of secondary requirements, but that is not how it works. Recognition, apparently would have little meaning if it did not indicate that the members of the group meet a system of requirements. It would also be nice if those who gain this official recognition were always worthy of it, but that also is unfortunately not the case. There will always be drivers, teachers, beauticians, occupational therapists, doctors, lawyers, and others who somehow manage to gain the official license but are recognized by their peers as incompetent. Whenever a system of secondary requirements is established there inevitably enters a "reality gap", a gap between the ideal and the real. This can make the whole system ineffective. I will have more to say about this ineffectiveness and its effects shortly.

Yet another factor leading to the spread of bureaucracy is a systematic error made, to a greater or lesser extent, by practitioners of almost any field. That error is thinking that the world’s problems will be solved by one’s own field of knowledge or mode of operation. I think a good name for this would be "role egocentrism". Egocentrism means that a person considers himself the center of the universe, just as ethnocentrism means that a group considers itself the center of the universe. Role egocentrism simply means that one’s own role is given undue importance and status. Thus doctors think that medicine will be the salvation of the world. When medicine has progressed far enough, they think, the world will be such a fine place that other problems will just disappear. Preachers think that if only we would all turn to God there would be no more problems. Farmers think that once the world food problem is solved, by farmers of course, then all will be well. Teachers think that education will be the one thing to save mankind from itself. Scientists think that research will usher in a new golden age.

It is hard to conceive of a bureaucrat having such grandiose visions of salvation. But remember that bureaucrats do not think of themselves as bureaucrats. Even more importantly, bureaucrats don’t make the rules, they only apply them. The rules are made by governments. Governments consist of politicians, and politicians are very susceptible to role egocentrism. To attain office a politician must convince people that government is capable of doing things, and he must believe it himself. Since people want things done it is not surprising that governments are populated by large numbers of people with an inflated idea of what can be done by writing rules and laws. Since there are few primary laws left to write, we have an ever-increasing proliferation of secondary requirements. Bureaucrats may not make the basic rules that they apply, but they do have some latitude to make minor rules, and even more importantly, they are responsible for making reports and can require reports from their subordinates. In the making of reports a little role egocentrism can go a long way. The result can be a massive flow of reams and reams of paperwork, with copies sent to all other bureaucrats who might have come slight connection to the job at hand, but with very little of the reports actually being read.

Bureaucrats also have some latitude in working as individuals or teams, and again a great deal of waste can ensue. The justification for working in committees or teams is the idea that by joining forces the best abilities of each member can be brought to bear on the problem at hand and therefore a solution to the problem is more likely. Of course there is some truth to this, but it doesn’t always work out too well. The little bit truth can become greatly augmented by role egocentrism. Team workers like to think that if you set six experts around a table something good is bound to come out of it. Non-team workers, like myself, tend to think that setting six experts around a table is a good way for six experts to waste each other’s time. I think bureaucrats at the higher levels are more prone to waste their energy this way, and I interpret this as a form of role egocentrism.

All of these cases of bureaucracy are augmented by another systematic error. That error is the systematic overestimation of group cohesiveness. In the minds of bureaucracy builders the bureaucracies already in existence become "they", and "they" are a bunch of pigheaded fools. "We", on the other hand, are good, right-thinking people and the bureaucracy we set up will serve the people, not the bureaucrats. And just to make sure we’ll write in plenty of safeguards. Of course this doesn’t work. Just because it is "our" program doesn’t mean that it won’t be subject to all the problems that beset any program. A new generation will grow up and decide that "we" are "they" and the cycle begins over again.

So far I have painted a rather pessimistic picture. We have bureaucrats because we have a multitude of derived requirements to administer, and we have a multitude of derived requirements because we think they bring us security. We also have bureaucracies because of imitation, because of the desire for group recognition, and because of role egocentrism. Yet the sum total of all this drives us batty. The next step is to try to get some idea of why and how bureaucracy is frustrating. I think the frustration results from main causes, standardization and ineffectiveness.

Standardization is a wonderful thing in industry. If my car needs a new fuel pump I can buy one right off the shelf and know it will fit. Fuel pumps are standard, and engines are standard. They fit together beautifully. The few defective fuel pumps that are not standard are quickly caught and tossed off the assembly line. This happy state of affairs does not extend to non-physical objects though. Consider, for example, a seed planter. I don’t know just how a planter might work but I visualize a mechanical hand grabbing one seed at a time and popping it into the ground. Seeds are pretty well standardized and most seeds can be picked up by these mechanical hands without injury. A few seeds, however, are nonstandard. They are either too big, or too small, or perhaps the wrong shape. The iron hands that so effectively plant most seeds will bruise, shred, mangle or maybe just overlook the oddball seeds. This doesn’t worry us though. Just like the defective fuel pumps that are bumped off the assembly line, the few mishandled seeds are of no great consequence.

When standardization is extended to humans the situation changes dramatically. We can’t bump off the defectives so carelessly. A bureaucracy can be compared to the seed planter. Iron hands pick you up and set you down again. If you fit the standard mold, these iron hands hold you gently. If you don’t fit the standard mold those same iron hands can shred you to pieces.

For example, a few years back I knew a fellow who was paraplegic. He was completely confined to his wheelchair, but he had a car with adapted controls and could drive as well as anyone. Unfortunately he had considerable difficulty licensing both himself and his car. He could drive to the courthouse, and get himself out of his car and into his wheelchair, but he had no way of getting down in the basement where the licensing offices were. There were elevators from the first floor to the basement of course, but between the parking lot and the first floor were innumerable steps and curbs. To a person in a wheelchair a single four-inch curb might as well be a ten-foot wall. Apparently my friend managed somehow to keep himself legal most of the time, but he did at times speak bitterly about the troubles he encountered. The state required licenses, and the state provided a way to get these licenses, but only if you fit the standard mold. My friend did not fit the standard mold, and felt very much caught in those iron hands.

Fortunately most examples of the problems of standardization are not so serious. My wife had a friend in college who was triply enrolled in the School of Education, the School of Medicine, and the Graduate School. All occupational therapy students were dually enrolled in Education and Medicine, which caused no end of red tape in itself, but this particular girl was such a go-getter that she added Graduate School. This made her a non-standard person indeed. One day she spent a solid half hour on the phone trying to convince some bureaucrat that, no matter that it didn’t fit the computer, it was possible to be enrolled that way. I presume the problem, whatever it was, was eventually worked out, but not without some cost in frustration. The bureaucrat in question was probably no more pigheaded than you or I. The rules he was responsible for applying simply made no provision for triply enrolled students.

When caught as a non-standard person in a standardized bureaucracy one wonders why standardization is established in the first place. Except for the role egocentrism of a few bureaucrats, standardization is not intentional. It arises by the same forces that promote standardization in industry. Standardization promotes efficiency. Whenever a form is printed, for instance, it is designed to fit the majority of situations. Thus a fire insurance application form may ask if the house is frame or brick, with no intention of frustrating the owners of igloos, caves, and houseboats. It simply reflects the fact that most houses are either frame or brick. By stating these two choices the processing of the application is speeded up. If instead the application stated simply, "describe the dwelling to be insured", the work in processing the application would be considerably increased. Standardization is the inevitable correlate of the proliferation of secondary requirements.

There is also another cause of standardization, the lack of discretionary authority. Remember that secondary requirements are set up in many cases to prevent abuse of power and to be fair. This usually means that the bureaucrats who apply these rules have only a limited number of responses to a given situation. Bureaucracies are given very little discretionary authority. They must follow the rules whether the rules fit the situation at hand or not. To illustrate this let me hypothesize two ways of administering welfare.

In case A an applicant comes to a social worker. The applicant explains that her husband just lost his job because he drank too much, that she works as a maid two days a week but that her children have no one to stay with them when she works unless she pays a baby sitter which costs almost half her salary, that their car is about to be repossessed and then she won’t be able to get to work at all, that the landlord won’t fix the plumbing and charges too much rent, that they would move except they haven’t found a place that’s any cheaper, that their oldest son was just sent to jail for a two year term, and on, and on, and on. The social worker listens to all this, makes a few phone calls, and the next day tells the applicant, "We’ll give you $70 a week allowance, but tell your husband to come in before next week. We’ll get him off his beer and on the job one way or the other. I called your landlord and got his side of the story and there’ll have to be a few changes made before he’ll reconnect the shower, and you’ve got to..."

In situation B the applicant comes to the social worker with the same story. The social worker says, "I think we can help you, but first you’ll have to find your birth certificate. Regulations state that only citizens are eligible for welfare. Then you’ll have to take this form to your employer to certify your wage scale. And this form goes to your landlord to verify your rent. And you’ll have to fill out this form to show how you budget your income, and this form to verify that you are not now receiving veterans or disability compensation, and this form that verifies you are not eligible to collect child support from any previous husband, unless the marriage was annulled, in which case you have to hunt up the certificate of annulment... What? You lost your certificate of annulment? You’re not sure you ever were married to John before you left him for Henry? ..."

In situation A the social worker is given a budget and a wide latitude on how to distribute the money. She is given discretionary power to a large degree. In situation B the social worker is given a very small amount of discretionary power. She can’t decide for herself whether the applicant is genuinely needy, but must prepare a "work-up", consisting of documentation of all relevant aspects of the applicant’s situation. On the basis of this work-up she is allowed to authorize an allowance, the amount to be taken from a table. If the social worker feels that there are relevant circumstances that are not covered at all in the standard work-up then she may begin some special procedure to have the case considered by a higher authority or committee. But the common suspicion that things aren’t quite as they should be, either because the applicant is undeserving or that he needs more than he can get or that the program misses its mark in yet some other way, is just a routine part of the job.

Standardization, fitting everyone into the same size slot, reduces everything to paperwork. The "work-up" is a stack of documents. These documents, certificates, forms, statements, memos, become the currency of bureaucracy, the medium of exchange. "Facts" become so only when they are certified by someone’s signature, even though they may be obvious. Other "facts" must be accepted because of their official certification even though common sense or simple observation show them to be false. A gap between the real and the official inevitably sets in. Then this gap leads to actions that are perceived to be detrimental or unfair, then the result is a considerable amount of frustration, in spite of the fact that the intent of all the red tape was to be beneficial and fair.

This leads to the second cause of bureaucratic frustration, which is ineffectiveness. If a bureaucratic requirement is seen as effective in accomplishing its goal we accept it even if there is considerable inconvenience involved in meeting the requirement. If, on the other hand, a bureaucratic requirement is seen as ineffective then a little inconvenience in meeting the requirement can be a very significant frustration. Getting a loan from a bank, for example, involves considerable effort in meeting bureaucratic requirements. However we don’t expect money to be handed out without some security that it will be paid back. Therefore we don’t get too frustrated by the inconvenience in meeting those requirements. Similarly, driver’s licenses are seen as worthwhile, even if not fully effective, and entail only a little bother every four years or so. Therefore we do not hear too much about pigheaded bureaucrats at the driver’s license bureau. Unfortunately other licensing systems have imperfections so massive and ubiquitous, and benefits so doubtful, that the whole system is a burden to society. A little inconvenience in getting such a license can be very frustrating. This is the frustration I felt in the example I gave at the beginning of this article about getting a teaching certificate. Another example would be going back three times to the fire station to get a bicycle license. I went back twice. I figured three times was above and beyond the call of duty. I never did get my bicycle licensed.

In psychological phenomena the whole is not always equal to the sum of its parts. Bureaucratic frustration can work this way. One frustration may be brushed off, and then another, and perhaps several more, but eventually there comes a point where the frustrations increase out of proportion to their cumulative value. Short-term frustration changes into long-term demoralization. I think "hassle" is a good name for this. It is a commonly used term, though it is not normally considered a specifically defined term. I think the phenomenon should be taken seriously though. It will become increasingly common with constant increases in bureaucratic requirements.

The best example I can give of hassle in my own experience comes from my home state of Missouri. To get one’s car licensed in Missouri one must show the title or previous year’s registration certificate, as can be expected, but that is not all there is to it. One must also get a new safety inspection certificate and also show his personal property tax receipt. When I lived in Missouri I usually didn’t have any property to be taxed, but I still had to go to the Treasurer’s office in the courthouse to get a card stating that no taxes were due. The safety inspection always caused me worry, and the car licensing itself always had the potential for problems. Maybe they would find something wrong with my title and tell me I can’t register the car. Thus the sum of all this was to me a hassle. The requirements exceeded my tolerance. It caused me anxiety, much more than the sum of the anxieties of each requirement had they come independently. Fortunately other states I have lived in didn’t tie those things together, and for that reason I hope I don’t end up living in Missouri again.

People vary in their susceptibility to hassle. I expect I have about as low a tolerance as anyone. I haven’t heard other Missourians complaining about the car licensing system. Unfortunately those who are not susceptible to the demoralization of hassles have little understanding of the anxieties of those who are susceptible. This goes along with the general rule that the more aggressive cannot empathize with the less aggressive. This increases the problem to those who are susceptible to hassle. However I would expect the future will see the problem given much more recognition as more and more people find themselves pushed beyond their tolerance.

A movement is currently under way by the Democratic Party to do away with traditional voter registration practices and to substitute a "same day" standardized registration system. Thus a voter could show up on election day, show proof of identity and residence, and be registered on the spot. The rationale of this is that the complications of regular registration are sufficient to prevent many people from voting. I think the move is clearly motivated by the political goal of increasing the Democratic vote. Still, I am glad to see the movement. They are talking about hassle. They are acknowledging that bureaucratic requirements are a burden, and that this burden can at times be of a serious nature. Now when somebody tells me I’m nuts if I worry about getting a car license I can reply that apparently some people worry about voter registration.

In the first part of this article I tried to explain the causes of bureaucratic requirements. Then I tried to analyze how bureaucracy produces frustration. There are very good reasons for bureaucracies, and there are very good reasons for frustration, so it appears we must live with the problem forever. I don’t think the world will grind to a halt though. The way out of this dilemma is simply to realize when diminishing returns begin to set in, and even more importantly, to realize when the return does not equal the investment. Every human endeavor has a cost and a benefit, an investment and a return. When establishing a system of secondary rules the investment includes the cost of setting up the bureaucracy, the cost of the individual’s efforts in dealing with the bureaucracy, and increasingly more importantly, the cost in frustration, anxiety, and demoralization. These costs must be subtracted from the benefits before deciding that a given proposal is or is not worthwhile.

Sometimes the cost can be reduced to dollars and cents. According to an item in the newsletter from my representative in Congress the town of Faith, South Dakota, recently applied for a federal grant. I believe they wanted to build a rodeo grandstand. They were offered $150,000 to match their own $50,000, but of course there were strings attached. After looking closely at these strings they finally rejected the federal help entirely and built their own grandstand for only $20,000. I doubt that this example is typical of federal grants, but it does illustrate diminishing returns.

More commonly only part of the cost can be reduced to dollars and cents. For example, an accountant may compute that a $20,000 grant for a town would entail only about $6000 in labor to do all the paperwork. This would seem to make a clear profit for the town of $14,000. But if the city officials are sick of the paperwork and the delays, if the citizens are mad at everyone and each other, and if the strings will be attached forever, then all this must certainly be subtracted from the benefit.

The investment/return assessment is even more complicated when all important factors are psychological. How can we put a price on invasion of privacy? How can we put a price on independence and respect for the individual? How are these costs to be subtracted from the safety and security that we gain from bureaucratic requirements? I don’t know. Since psychological costs cannot be measured in dollars and cents, the worth of any system of bureaucratic requirements will always be a matter of subjective judgment, a matter of politics to be decided through political processes. They are not matters to be decided by technicians or engineers of any sort.

I have my own opinions. I vote for nuclear energy and against OSHA. I tend to think of the licensing of voters and guns worthwhile, of cars and drivers as borderline, and of teachers, barbers, cats and bicycles as not worthwhile. Of course everyone else will disagree. I only hope we will start counting costs and benefits a little more carefully. As is true of so many things, it cannot be said of bureaucracy that if some is good, more is better.

@ 3ffac3a6:2d656657

O Impacto do Namoro com Pelé na Carreira de Xuxa Meneghel

Disclaimer:

Esse texto foi totalmente escrito pelo ChatGPT, eu apenas pedi que ele fizesse uma pesquisa sobre o tema.

Introdução: O relacionamento entre Xuxa Meneghel e Pelé, que durou cerca de seis anos (início dos anos 1980 até 1986), foi um dos mais comentados da década de 1980 (Xuxa e Pelé: um romance que se tornou inesquecível... | VEJA). Xuxa tinha apenas 17 anos quando começou a namorar o já consagrado “Rei do Futebol”, então com 40 anos (A história da foto de revista que gerou o namoro de Pelé e Xuxa) (Xuxa e Pelé: um romance que se tornou inesquecível... | VEJA). Esse romance altamente midiático não só atiçou a curiosidade do público, como também alavancou a carreira de Xuxa de forma significativa. A seguir, detalhamos como o namoro aumentou a visibilidade da apresentadora, quais oportunidades profissionais podem ter tido influência direta de Pelé, o papel da revista Manchete e de outras mídias na promoção de sua imagem, se o relacionamento contribuiu para Xuxa conquistar espaços na TV (como o programa Clube da Criança e, posteriormente, na Rede Globo) e como mídia e público percebiam o casal – tudo embasado em fontes da época, entrevistas e biografias.

Aumento da Visibilidade Midiática nos Anos 1980

O namoro com Pelé catapultou Xuxa a um novo patamar de fama. Até então uma modelo em começo de carreira, Xuxa “se tornou famosa ao aparecer ao lado do esportista de maior status do Brasil” (Pelé viveu com Xuxa um namoro intenso afetado por fofocas e indiscrições). A partir do momento em que o relacionamento se tornou público, ela passou a estampar capas de revistas com frequência e a ser assunto constante na imprensa. Em 20 de dezembro de 1980, a jovem apareceu na capa da revista Manchete ao lado de Pelé e outras modelos – um ensaio fotográfico que marcou o primeiro encontro dos dois e deu início à enorme atenção midiática em torno de Xuxa (Xuxa e Pelé: o relacionamento que ficou cravado na história da imprensa brasileira) (Xuxa e Pelé: o relacionamento que ficou cravado na história da imprensa brasileira). Não por acaso, “naquele ano, ela foi capa de mais de cem revistas” (Xuxa está em paz - revista piauí), um indicativo claro de como sua visibilidade explodiu após começar a namorar Pelé. Jornais, revistas de celebridades e programas de fofoca passaram a segui-los de perto; o casal virou sensação nacional, comparado até ao “Casal 20” (dupla glamourosa de uma série de TV americana) pelo seu alto perfil na mídia (Xuxa e Pelé: um romance que se tornou inesquecível... | VEJA).

Essa exposição intensa colocou Xuxa não apenas sob os holofotes do público, mas também a inseriu nos bastidores do entretenimento. Como namorada de Pelé – um dos homens mais conhecidos do mundo – Xuxa passou a frequentar eventos de gala, festas e bastidores de programas, onde conheceu figuras influentes do meio artístico e televisivo. Os fotógrafos os seguiam em eventos como bailes de carnaval e inaugurações, registrando cada aparição pública do casal. Com Pelé ao seu lado, Xuxa ganhou trânsito livre em círculos antes inacessíveis para uma modelo iniciante, construindo uma rede de contatos valiosa nos meios de comunicação. De fato, naquele início dos anos 80, “os dois eram perseguidos por fotógrafos, apareciam em capas de revistas e até faziam publicidade juntos” (Pelé viveu com Xuxa um namoro intenso afetado por fofocas e indiscrições) – evidência de que Xuxa, graças ao namoro, transitava tanto na frente quanto por trás das câmeras com muito mais facilidade. Em suma, o relacionamento conferiu a ela um grau de notoriedade nacional que provavelmente demoraria anos para conquistar de outra forma, preparando o terreno para os passos seguintes de sua carreira.

Influência Direta de Pelé nas Oportunidades Profissionais de Xuxa

Além do aumento geral da fama, há casos específicos em que Pelé influenciou diretamente oportunidades profissionais para Xuxa. Um exemplo contundente é o filme “Amor Estranho Amor” (1982) – longa de teor erótico no qual Xuxa atuou no início da carreira. Segundo relatos da própria apresentadora, foi Pelé quem a incentivou a aceitar participar desse filme (Pelé e Xuxa: um estranho amor que durou seis anos - 29/12/2022 - Celebridades - F5). Na época ainda em início de trajetória, Xuxa acabou convencida pelo namorado de que aquela oportunidade poderia ser benéfica. Anos mais tarde, ela revelaria arrependimento pela escolha desse papel, mas o fato reforça que Pelé teve influência ativa em decisões profissionais de Xuxa no começo de sua jornada.

Outra área de influência direta foram as publicidades e campanhas comerciais. Graças ao prestígio de Pelé, Xuxa recebeu convites para estrelar anúncios ao lado do então namorado. Já em 1981, por exemplo, os dois gravaram juntos comerciais para uma empresa imobiliária, aparecendo como casal em campanhas de TV daquele Natal (pelas Imóveis Francisco Xavier, um case famoso entre colecionadores de propagandas da época) (Xuxa e Pelé: Natal de 1981 na Publicidade Imobiliária | TikTok) (Xuxa com Pelé em comercial de imobiliária em dezembro de 1981). Assim, Xuxa obteve espaço em campanhas publicitárias que dificilmente envolveriam uma modelo desconhecida – mas que, com a “namorada do Pelé” no elenco, ganhavam apelo extra. Isso evidencia que Pelé abriu portas também no mercado publicitário, dando a Xuxa oportunidades de trabalho e renda enquanto sua própria imagem pública se consolidava.

Ademais, a presença de Pelé ao lado de Xuxa em diversos editoriais e ensaios fotográficos serviu para elevá-la de modelo anônima a personalidade conhecida. Revistas e jornais buscavam os dois para sessões de fotos e entrevistas, sabendo do interesse do público pelo casal. As capas conjuntas em publicações de grande circulação (como Manchete e outras) não só aumentaram a exposição de Xuxa, mas também conferiram a ela certa credibilidade midiática por associação. Em outras palavras, estar ao lado de um ícone como Pelé funcionou como um “selo de aprovação” implícito, deixando editores e produtores mais propensos a convidá-la para projetos. Vale lembrar que “ao longo dos seis anos de relacionamento, [eles] posaram para várias capas da Manchete”, com a revista acompanhando de perto cada fase do namoro (A história da foto de revista que gerou o namoro de Pelé e Xuxa). Essa recorrência nas bancas solidificou o rosto e o nome de Xuxa na indústria do entretenimento.

Por fim, é importante notar que nem todas as influências de Pelé foram positivas para a carreira dela – algumas foram tentativas de direcionamento. A própria Xuxa contou que, quando surgiu a oportunidade de ela ir para a TV Globo em 1986, Pelé desencorajou a mudança. Ele sugeriu que Xuxa permanecesse na TV Manchete, dizendo que “ser a primeira [na Globo] é muito difícil; melhor ficar onde está”, o que ela interpretou como falta de apoio dele à sua ascensão (Xuxa e Pelé: o relacionamento que ficou cravado na história da imprensa brasileira). Esse episódio mostra que Pelé tentou influenciar também os rumos que Xuxa tomaria, embora, nesse caso, ela tenha decidido seguir sua intuição profissional e aceitar o desafio na Globo – escolha que se revelaria acertada. Em resumo, Pelé atuou sim como facilitador de várias oportunidades profissionais para Xuxa (de filmes a comerciais e visibilidade editorial), mas ela soube trilhar seu caminho a partir daí, inclusive contrariando conselhos dele quando necessário.

Papel da Revista Manchete e Outras Mídias na Promoção de Xuxa

A revista Manchete teve um papel central na ascensão de Xuxa durante o relacionamento com Pelé. Foi justamente num ensaio para a Manchete que os dois se conheceram, em dezembro de 1980 (Xuxa e Pelé: o relacionamento que ficou cravado na história da imprensa brasileira), e a partir daí a publicação tornou-se uma espécie oficiosa de cronista do romance. A Manchete era uma das revistas mais populares do Brasil naquela época e, ao perceber o interesse do público pelo casal, passou a trazê-los frequentemente em suas páginas. De fato, a revista que agiu como "cupido" do casal “contava detalhes do romance a cada edição”, alimentando a curiosidade nacional sobre a vida de Pelé e sua jovem namorada (A história da foto de revista que gerou o namoro de Pelé e Xuxa). As capas exibindo Xuxa e Pelé juntos (em cenários que iam da praia a eventos sociais) viraram chamariz nas bancas e contribuíram enormemente para fixar a imagem de Xuxa na mente do público.

(A história da foto de revista que gerou o namoro de Pelé e Xuxa) Capa da revista Manchete (20 de dezembro de 1980) mostrando Pelé ao centro com Xuxa (à esquerda) e outras modelos. A partir desse ensaio fotográfico, a revista passou a acompanhar de perto o romance, impulsionando a imagem de Xuxa nacionalmente. (A história da foto de revista que gerou o namoro de Pelé e Xuxa) (Xuxa e Pelé: o relacionamento que ficou cravado na história da imprensa brasileira)

Além da Manchete, outras mídias impressas também surfaram no interesse pelo casal e ajudaram a moldar a imagem de Xuxa. Revistas de celebridades e colunas sociais publicavam notas e fotos frequentes, ora exaltando o glamour do par, ora especulando sobre fofocas. Xuxa, que pouco antes era desconhecida fora do circuito da moda, tornou-se figura constante em revistas semanais como Contigo! e Amiga (dedicadas à vida dos famosos), assim como em jornais de grande circulação. Esse bombardeio de aparições – entrevistas, fotos e manchetes – construiu a persona pública de Xuxa simultaneamente como modelo desejada e namorada devotada. A promoção de sua imagem tinha um tom deliberadamente positivo nas revistas: enfatizava-se sua beleza, juventude e sorte por ter sido “escolhida” pelo rei Pelé. Em contrapartida, eventuais polêmicas (como cenas ousadas que ela fez no cinema ou rumores de crises no namoro) eram administradas pela própria mídia de maneira a preservar o encanto em torno de Xuxa, que já despontava como uma espécie de Cinderella moderna na narrativa do entretenimento brasileiro.

Cabe destacar que a conexão de Xuxa com a Manchete não ficou só nas páginas da revista, mas transbordou para a televisão, já que a Rede Manchete (canal de TV fundado em 1983) pertencia ao mesmo grupo empresarial. Essa sinergia mídia impressa/televisão beneficiou Xuxa: quando a Rede Manchete buscava uma apresentadora para seu novo programa infantil em 1983, Xuxa – já famosa pelas capas de revista – foi convidada para o posto (Xuxa está em paz - revista piauí). Ou seja, a exposição na revista Manchete serviu de vitrine para que os executivos da emissora homônima apostassem nela na TV. Outras mídias também legitimaram sua transição de modelo para apresentadora, publicando matérias sobre sua simpatia com as crianças e seu carisma diante das câmeras, preparando o público para aceitar Xuxa em um novo papel. Assim, o período do relacionamento com Pelé viu a mídia – liderada pela revista Manchete – construir e promover intensamente a imagem de Xuxa, pavimentando o caminho para suas conquistas seguintes.

O Relacionamento e a Conquista de Espaços na TV: Clube da Criança e Rede Globo

O namoro com Pelé coincidiu com a entrada de Xuxa na televisão e possivelmente facilitou essa transição. Em 1983, a recém-inaugurada Rede Manchete lançou o “Clube da Criança”, primeiro programa infantil de auditório da emissora, e Xuxa foi escolhida como apresentadora. Há indícios de que sua fama prévia – alavancada pelo relacionamento – foi decisiva nessa escolha. Conforme relatos, o diretor Maurício Sherman (responsável pelo projeto) estava de olho em Xuxa por sua notoriedade e carisma, chegando a dizer que ela reunia “a sensualidade de Marilyn Monroe, o sorriso de Doris Day e um quê de Peter Pan” (Xuxa está em paz - revista piauí) – uma combinação que poderia funcionar bem num programa infantil. Xuxa inicialmente hesitou em aceitar, talvez pelo contraste entre sua imagem de modelo sensual e o universo infantil, mas acabou assinando contrato com a Manchete (Clube da Criança – Wikipédia, a enciclopédia livre). Assim, aos 20 anos de idade, ela estreava como apresentadora de TV, em grande parte graças à visibilidade e confiança que o nome “Xuxa” (já famoso por ser namorada do Pelé) passava aos produtores.

Não há registro de que Pelé tenha intervindo diretamente para que Xuxa conseguisse o posto no Clube da Criança. Foi a própria rede Manchete – estimulada pelo burburinho em torno dela – que a “procurou e a convidou para apresentar” o programa (Xuxa está em paz - revista piauí). Porém, é inegável que, sem o destaque que Xuxa conquistara nos anos anteriores na imprensa (devido ao namoro), dificilmente uma emissora arriscaria colocar uma jovem inexperiente para comandar um show infantil nacional. Ou seja, o relacionamento criou as condições favoráveis para essa oportunidade surgir. Uma vez no ar, Xuxa rapidamente mostrou talento próprio: o Clube da Criança foi ganhando audiência e revelou a aptidão dela em se comunicar com o público infantil (Xuxa, Pantanal, Cavaleiros dos Zodíacos: lembre sucessos da TV ...). Ainda durante seu tempo na Manchete, Xuxa manteve-se nos holofotes tanto pela carreira quanto pelo namoro com Pelé – frequentemente um assunto alimentava o outro na mídia.

Em meados de 1986, já conhecida como a “Rainha dos Baixinhos” pelo sucesso junto às crianças, Xuxa recebeu uma proposta para se transferir para a Rede Globo, a principal emissora do país (A história da foto de revista que gerou o namoro de Pelé e Xuxa). Novamente, aqui o relacionamento com Pelé tem um papel indireto: por um lado, pode ter ajudado a construir a notoriedade que chamou a atenção da Globo; por outro, chegava ao fim exatamente nesse momento, marcando uma virada na vida dela. Após alguns anos de Clube da Criança, Xuxa decidiu dar um passo adiante. Ela mesma tomou a iniciativa de terminar o namoro com Pelé e aceitou o convite para fazer o “Xou da Xuxa” na Globo (A história da foto de revista que gerou o namoro de Pelé e Xuxa). Pelé, como mencionado, havia expressado reservas sobre essa mudança de emissora (Xuxa e Pelé: o relacionamento que ficou cravado na história da imprensa brasileira), mas sem sucesso em demovê-la. Com a benção do dono da Manchete, Adolpho Bloch (que a tratava “como filha” e apoiou seu crescimento) (Xuxa está em paz - revista piauí) (Xuxa está em paz - revista piauí), Xuxa partiu para a Globo levando sua diretora Marlene Mattos, e estreou em junho de 1986 o programa que a consagraria definitivamente.

É importante notar que, ao ingressar na Globo, Xuxa já não dependia mais da aura de “namorada do Pelé” – ela havia se firmado como apresentadora de sucesso por méritos próprios. Ainda assim, o relacionamento anterior continuou a ser parte de sua imagem pública: a mídia noticiou a mudança destacando que a namorada de Pelé chegara à Globo, e muitos espectadores tinham curiosidade sobre aquela moça cuja fama começara nos braços do ídolo do futebol. Em resumo, o namoro ajudou Xuxa a conquistar o primeiro grande espaço na TV (na Manchete), fornecendo-lhe exposição e credibilidade iniciais, enquanto sua ida para a Globo foi impulsionada principalmente pelo desempenho no Clube da Criança – algo que o prestígio conquistado durante o relacionamento tornou possível em primeiro lugar.

Percepção da Mídia e do Público sobre o Casal e a Imagem de Xuxa

Durante os anos de namoro, Pelé e Xuxa foram um prato cheio para a imprensa e objeto de variadas opiniões do público. De um lado, eram celebrados como “casal perfeito na mídia”, aparecendo sorridentes em eventos e capas, o que projetava uma imagem glamourosa e apaixonada (Pelé viveu com Xuxa um namoro intenso afetado por fofocas e indiscrições). Xuxa era frequentemente retratada como a bela jovem humilde que havia conquistado o coração do "rei", uma narrativa de conto de fadas que agradava muitos fãs. Pessoas próximas diziam na época: “Nossa, como ela está apaixonada, como ela está de quatro pelo Pelé”, segundo relembrou a própria Xuxa, indicando que sua dedicação ao namorado era visível e comentada (Xuxa e Pelé: um romance que se tornou inesquecível... | VEJA). Essa percepção de autenticidade nos sentimentos ajudou a humanizar Xuxa aos olhos do público, diferenciando-a de estereótipos de roupante ou interesse calculado.

Por outro lado, nem toda a atenção era positiva. Houve murmúrios maldosos e preconceituosos nos bastidores. Pelé e Xuxa formavam um casal interracial (ele negro, ela branca e bem mais jovem), o que, segundo a imprensa, “gerava olhares de reprovação dos conservadores” e até comentários racistas proferidos pelas costas (Pelé viveu com Xuxa um namoro intenso afetado por fofocas e indiscrições). Além disso, alguns duvidavam das intenções de Xuxa no relacionamento, insinuando que ela buscava ascensão social por meio de Pelé. Termos pejorativos como “maria-chuteira” (gíria para mulheres que namoram jogadores em busca de status) e “alpinista social” chegaram a ser associados a Xuxa por fofoqueiros da época (Pelé viveu com Xuxa um namoro intenso afetado por fofocas e indiscrições). Essa desconfiança lançava sombra sobre a imagem dela, pintando-a, aos olhos de alguns, como oportunista em vez de namorada dedicada. Xuxa teve de lidar com esse tipo de insinuação ao longo do namoro, buscando provar que seu amor era verdadeiro e que ela também tinha talentos e ambições próprias.

A mídia impressa, em geral, manteve uma postura favorável ao casal, explorando o romance como algo encantador. Mas não deixou de reportar as turbulências: sabia-se, por exemplo, das frequentes traições de Pelé, que Xuxa anos depois revelou ter suportado calada na época (Xuxa e Pelé: o relacionamento que ficou cravado na história da imprensa brasileira) (Xuxa e Pelé: o relacionamento que ficou cravado na história da imprensa brasileira). Essas infidelidades eram rumores correntes nos círculos de fofoca, embora Xuxa raramente comentasse publicamente enquanto estava com Pelé. O público, portanto, via um casal bonito e famoso, mas também acompanhava as especulações de crises e reconciliações pelos noticiários de celebridades. Cada aparição pública deles – fosse em um jogo de futebol, um evento beneficente ou nos camarotes do carnaval – era dissecada pelos repórteres, e cada declaração (ou silêncio) alimentava interpretações sobre o estado do relacionamento e sobre quem era Xuxa por trás da fama.

No saldo final, o namoro com Pelé influenciou profundamente a imagem pública de Xuxa. Inicialmente marcada como “a namorada do Rei” – posição que trazia tanto admiração quanto inveja – Xuxa soube aproveitar a visibilidade para mostrar carisma e trabalho, transformando-se em uma estrela por direito próprio. Ao se tornar apresentadora infantil de sucesso ainda durante o namoro, ela começou a dissociar sua imagem da de Pelé, provando que podia ser mais do que um apêndice de um astro do esporte. Quando o relacionamento terminou em 1986, Xuxa emergiu não caída em desgraça, mas sim pronta para reinar sozinha na TV. A mídia continuou a mencioná-la em referência a Pelé por algum tempo (era inevitável, dado o quão famoso o casal fora), mas cada vez mais o público passou a enxergá-la principalmente como a “Rainha dos Baixinhos”, a figura alegre das manhãs na TV Globo. Em entrevistas posteriores, Xuxa admitiu ter sentimentos mistos ao lembrar dessa fase: ela se ressentiu, por exemplo, de Pelé ter classificado o que viveram como “uma amizade colorida” em vez de namoro sério (Pelé e Xuxa: um estranho amor que durou seis anos - 29/12/2022 - Celebridades - F5) – frase do ex-jogador que a magoou e que veio a público muitos anos depois. Esse comentário retroativo de Pelé apenas reforçou o quanto a mídia e o público discutiram e dissecaram a natureza daquela relação.

Em conclusão, a percepção do casal Xuxa e Pelé oscilou entre o encanto e a controvérsia, mas inegavelmente manteve Xuxa nos trending topics de sua época (para usar um termo atual). A jovem modelo gaúcha ganhou projeção, prestígio e também enfrentou julgamentos enquanto esteve com Pelé. Tudo isso moldou sua imagem – de símbolo sexual e socialite em ascensão a profissional talentosa pronta para brilhar por conta própria. O relacionamento forneceu-lhe a plataforma e a armadura mediática; coube a Xuxa transformar essa visibilidade em uma carreira sólida, o que ela fez com maestria ao se tornar uma das maiores apresentadoras da história da TV brasileira.

Fontes: Entrevistas e depoimentos de Xuxa Meneghel (inclusive do livro Memórias, 2020), reportagens da época em revistas como Manchete, colunas sociais e jornais (compiladas em repositórios atuais), e biografias e retrospectivas sobre ambos os envolvidos (A história da foto de revista que gerou o namoro de Pelé e Xuxa) (Pelé viveu com Xuxa um namoro intenso afetado por fofocas e indiscrições) (Xuxa e Pelé: o relacionamento que ficou cravado na história da imprensa brasileira) (Xuxa e Pelé: um romance que se tornou inesquecível... | VEJA), entre outras. Essas fontes confirmam o papel catalisador que o namoro com Pelé teve nos primeiros passos da trajetória de Xuxa, bem como os desafios e oportunidades que surgiram dessa intensa exposição pública.

@ 1b9fc4cd:1d6d4902

In an increasingly divided world, it often feels like we're all shouting in different languages. But there's one universal tongue we can all understand--music. Music doesn't just traverse borders; it erases them, connecting people in ways that words alone can't. Whether it's helping someone with learning disabilities find their voice, easing the fog of Alzheimer's, or bridging cultural gaps when you don't speak the language, Daniel Alonso Siegel explores why music is the ultimate unifier.

The Melody of Learning

Alonso Siegel begins with a moving example: music and learning disabilities. Consider being a child in school struggling to read or write, feeling like you're always a step behind your classmates. Then, one day, you strap on a guitar or sit at a keyboard, and suddenly, things start to click. The arts can be a game-changer for kids struggling to overcome learning disabilities, offering a new way to express themselves. Imagine a young student with dyslexia who struggles with traditional learning methods.

When they start taking drumming lessons, their world transforms. The rhythmic patterns can help them improve their coordination and focus, translating to better academic performance. Through music, children and young adults can find a way to bridge the gap between ability and aspiration. It's like unearthing a secret portal in a maze: music allows for an alternative path to success.

The Symphony of Memory

Alonso Siegel examines music's extraordinary impact on those suffering from various forms of dementia, like Alzheimer's. This cruel disease robs people of their cherished memories, leaving them lost in a fog of forgetfulness. But music can be a beacon of light in that darkness. Songs from the past can trigger memories and emotions long thought lost, offering moments of clarity and connection.

Many elderly parents barely recognize their children due to Alzheimer's. But when they are played their favorite song from decades past, patients begin to sing along, remembering every word. For a few precious minutes, they are transported back to the days of their youth, dancing and laughing as if the years and fear had melted away. Music can reach into the depths of one's mind and retrieve a piece of the past, building a bridge to lost memories.

The Harmony of Cultures

Daniel Alonso Siegel also ponders music's role in helping people assimilate to new cultures. Moving to a new country where you don't speak the language can be isolating and overwhelming. But music can provide a way to connect and integrate, even when words fail.

There are stories of refugees who relocate to countries where they don't speak the language, and feelings of isolation can sink in. However, newcomers can find common ground with their new neighbors by trying to find connections through the community, like in a local music group. Through shared melodies and rhythms, music became their shared language, fostering friendships and easing his transition into a new culture.

Studies have shown that participating in music activities can improve social integration and language acquisition for immigrants. Music classes provide a space where people from diverse backgrounds can come together, learn from each other, and build a sense of community.

The Universal Language

In conclusion, Daniel Alonso Siegel asks why music has the capacity to build bridges rather than walls. Music speaks to our fundamental human experience, tapping into our emotions, memories, and social bonds in a way that transcends language. When you hear a beautiful piece of music, you don't have to understand the lyrics to feel its impact. The melody alone can move you to tears or lift your spirits.

Music's universality means it can break down barriers between people of different backgrounds, abilities, and experiences. It’s a language that everyone speaks, whether you're tapping your foot to a bouncy tune, shedding a tear over a poignant verse, or joining a chorus in perfect harmony.

At a time when it seems like we're too busy building walls, music reminds us of the importance of building bridges instead. It's a call to connect on a deeper level, find common ground in a shared beat, and celebrate the diverse tapestry of human experience.

So, put on your favorite song next time you feel divided or disconnected. Sing, dance, play an instrument, or simply listen. Let the music do what it does best: unite us. Ultimately, no matter where we come from or what challenges we face, we're all part of the same global band, and the music we make together is far more beautiful than any solo performance.

In the grand music festival that is life, let's not forget to play in harmony.

@ 1f9e547c:8af216ed

Opinion about Mixin Messenger Desktop (desktop)

Mixin Network suffered a major breach on September 23, 2023, due to a vulnerability in its Google Cloud Services-based withdrawal system. The attack led to the unauthorized extraction of over $150 million in BTC, ETH, and USDT-ERC20, traced to known addresses. Mixin immediately suspended deposits and withdrawals, enlisted Slowmist and Mandiant for investigation, and offered a $20M bounty for asset recovery. Losses were converted into a structured debt, with a repayment commitment using existing funds and future ecosystem revenue. As of April 2024, a new mainnet is operational, core products are restored, and over half of affected users have received partial compensation in XIN tokens.

Source

WalletScrutiny #nostrOpinion

Join the conversation!

@ b17fccdf:b7211155

Si vives en España, quizás hayas notado que no puedes acceder a ciertas páginas webs durante los fines de semana o en algunos días entre semana, entre ellas, la guía de MiniBolt.

Esto tiene una razón, por supuesto una solución, además de una conclusión. Sin entrar en demasiados detalles:

La razón

El bloqueo a Cloudflare, implementado desde hace casi dos meses por operadores de Internet (ISPs) en España (como Movistar, O2, DIGI, Pepephone, entre otros), se basa en una orden judicial emitida tras una demanda de LALIGA (Fútbol). Esta medida busca combatir la piratería en España, un problema que afecta directamente a dicha organización.

Aunque la intención original era restringir el acceso a dominios específicos que difundieran dicho contenido, Cloudflare emplea el protocolo ECH (Encrypted Client Hello), que oculta el nombre del dominio, el cual antes se transmitía en texto plano durante el proceso de establecimiento de una conexión TLS. Esta medida dificulta que las operadoras analicen el tráfico para aplicar bloqueos basados en dominios, lo que les obliga a recurrir a bloqueos más amplios por IP o rangos de IP para cumplir con la orden judicial.

Esta práctica tiene consecuencias graves, que han sido completamente ignoradas por quienes la ejecutan. Es bien sabido que una infraestructura de IP puede alojar numerosos dominios, tanto legítimos como no legítimos. La falta de un "ajuste fino" en los bloqueos provoca un perjuicio para terceros, restringiendo el acceso a muchos dominios legítimos que no tiene relación alguna con actividades ilícitas, pero que comparten las mismas IPs de Cloudflare con dominios cuestionables. Este es el caso de la web de MiniBolt y su dominio minibolt.info, los cuales utilizan Cloudflare como proxy para aprovechar las medidas de seguridad, privacidad, optimización y servicios adicionales que la plataforma ofrece de forma gratuita.

Si bien este bloqueo parece ser temporal (al menos durante la temporada 24/25 de fútbol, hasta finales de mayo), es posible que se reactive con el inicio de la nueva temporada.

La solución

Obviamente, MiniBolt no dejará de usar Cloudflare como proxy por esta razón. Por lo que a continuación se exponen algunas medidas que como usuario puedes tomar para evitar esta restricción y poder acceder:

~> Utiliza una VPN:

Existen varias soluciones de proveedores de VPN, ordenadas según su reputación en privacidad: - IVPN - Mullvad VPN - Proton VPN (gratis) - Obscura VPN (solo para macOS) - Cloudfare WARP (gratis) + permite utilizar el modo proxy local para enrutar solo la navegación, debes utilizar la opción "WARP a través de proxy local" siguiendo estos pasos: 1. Inicia Cloudflare WARP y dentro de la pequeña interfaz haz click en la rueda dentada abajo a la derecha > "Preferencias" > "Avanzado" > "Configurar el modo proxy" 2. Marca la casilla "Habilite el modo proxy en este dispositivo" 3. Elige un "Puerto de escucha de proxy" entre 0-65535. ej: 1080, haz click en "Aceptar" y cierra la ventana de preferencias 4. Accede de nuevo a Cloudflare WARP y pulsa sobre el switch para habilitar el servicio. 3. Ahora debes apuntar el proxy del navegador a Cloudflare WARP, la configuración del navegador es similar a esta para el caso de navegadores basados en Firefox. Una vez hecho, deberías poder acceder a la guía de MiniBolt sin problemas. Si tienes dudas, déjalas en comentarios e intentaré resolverlas. Más info AQUÍ.

~> Proxifica tu navegador para usar la red de Tor, o utiliza el navegador oficial de Tor (recomendado).

La conclusión

Estos hechos ponen en tela de juicio los principios fundamentales de la neutralidad de la red, pilares esenciales de la Declaración de Independencia del Ciberespacio que defiende un internet libre, sin restricciones ni censura. Dichos principios se han visto quebrantados sin precedentes en este país, confirmando que ese futuro distópico que muchos negaban, ya es una realidad.

Es momento de actuar y estar preparados: debemos impulsar el desarrollo y la difusión de las herramientas anticensura que tenemos a nuestro alcance, protegiendo así la libertad digital y asegurando un acceso equitativo a la información para todos

Este compromiso es uno de los pilares fundamentales de MiniBolt, lo que convierte este desafío en una oportunidad para poner a prueba las soluciones anticensura ya disponibles, así como las que están en camino.

¡Censúrame si puedes, legislador! ¡La lucha por la privacidad y la libertad en Internet ya está en marcha!

---

Fuentes: * https://bandaancha.eu/articulos/movistar-o2-deja-clientes-sin-acceso-11239 * https://bandaancha.eu/articulos/esta-nueva-sentencia-autoriza-bloqueos-11257 * https://bandaancha.eu/articulos/como-saltarse-bloqueo-webs-warp-vpn-9958 * https://bandaancha.eu/articulos/como-activar-ech-chrome-acceder-webs-10689 * https://comunidad.movistar.es/t5/Soporte-Fibra-y-ADSL/Problema-con-web-que-usan-Cloudflare/td-p/5218007

@ d41bf82f:ed90d888

"รู้สึกเหมือนบางสิ่งที่ยิ่งใหญ่กำลังจะเกิดขึ้น — กราฟแสดงการเติบโตของประชากรในแต่ละปี, ความเข้มข้นของก๊าซคาร์บอนไดออกไซด์ในบรรยากาศ, จำนวนเว็บไซต์, และเมกะไบต์ต่อดอลลาร์ ล้วนพุ่งทะยานขึ้นสู่เส้นโค้งที่ทะลุกรอบการเปลี่ยนแปลงตามยุคสมัย นี่คือ "เอกฐาน" — จุดสิ้นสุดของทุกสิ่งที่เราคุ้นเคย และอาจเป็นจุดเริ่มต้นของบางสิ่งที่เราไม่มีวันเข้าใจเลยก็ได้" -Danny Hillis

ปฐมบทแห่งการเปลี่ยนแปลงของอำนาจ ประวัติศาสตร์ของมนุษยชาติไม่ใช่เส้นตรงที่ดำเนินไปอย่างราบรื่น แต่เป็นลำดับของช่วงเวลาสงบนิ่งสลับกับช่วงเวลาแห่งการเปลี่ยนแปลงอย่างรุนแรง ซึ่งมักเกิดขึ้นอย่างไม่ทันตั้งตัว ช่วงเวลาเหล่านี้มักจะถูกผลักดันโดยการเปลี่ยนแปลงทางเทคโนโลยีที่ทำให้โครงสร้างของอำนาจที่มีอยู่ต้องปรับตัวหรือพังทลายลง

ขั้นที่สี่ของการจัดระเบียบสังคมมนุษย์ หัวข้อของหนังสือเล่มนี้ คือการปฏิวัติอำนาจรูปแบบใหม่ ที่กำลังเปิดทางให้ “ปัจเจกบุคคล” มีอิสรภาพมากขึ้น โดยแลกกับอำนาจที่รัฐชาติในศตวรรษที่ 20 เคยมี นี่คือการเปลี่ยนแปลงเชิงโครงสร้างผ่านนวัตกรรมที่เปลี่ยนแก่นกลางของ “ตรรกะแห่งความรุนแรง(logic of violence)” ไปอย่างที่ไม่เคยเกิดขึ้นมาก่อน ไมโครโพรเซสเซอร์จะกัดเซาะและทำลายโครงสร้างของรัฐชาติ และในการเปลี่ยนผ่านนี้ จะก่อให้เกิดรูปแบบใหม่ของการจัดระเบียบทางสังคม ตลอดประวัติศาสตร์มนุษย์ เราเคยผ่านระบบเศรษฐกิจพื้นฐานมาเพียงสามระยะ: 1. สังคมล่าสัตว์และหาของป่า 2. สังคมเกษตรกรรม 3. สังคมอุตสาหกรรม

แต่บัดนี้ กำลังมีสิ่งใหม่ปรากฏขึ้น — ระยะที่สี่ของการจัดระเบียบสังคม: สังคมข้อมูลสารสนเทศ (Information societies)

The Sovereign Individual เปิดบทแรกด้วยแนวคิดที่ชี้ให้เห็นว่าการเปลี่ยนแปลงทางเทคโนโลยี โดยเฉพาะเทคโนโลยีสารสนเทศ กำลังสร้างโลกใหม่ที่แตกต่างจากเดิมอย่างสิ้นเชิง และกำลังสั่นคลอนเสาหลักของอำนาจรัฐแบบเดิม ทั้งในด้านเศรษฐกิจ การควบคุม และความชอบธรรม

โลกในยุคก่อนและหลังเทคโนโลยี ตลอดประวัติศาสตร์ มนุษย์เคยอยู่ภายใต้โครงสร้างอำนาจที่เปลี่ยนไปตามยุคสมัย ยุคเกษตรกรรมทำให้เกิดระบบศักดินา ยุคอุตสาหกรรมทำให้เกิดรัฐชาติที่มีอำนาจรวมศูนย์ และการเกิดขึ้นของเทคโนโลยีก็เคยปฏิวัติโลกมาแล้วหลายครั้ง ตัวอย่างเช่น การใช้ดินปืนทำให้กษัตริย์สามารถสร้างกองทัพประจำการ แทนที่อำนาจของเหล่าขุนนางท้องถิ่น เทคโนโลยีสารสนเทศในยุคปัจจุบัน เช่น อินเทอร์เน็ต คอมพิวเตอร์ และการเข้ารหัสข้อมูล กำลังทำให้ต้นทุนในการใช้ความรุนแรงเพิ่มสูงขึ้น และลดความสามารถของรัฐในการควบคุมข้อมูลและทรัพยากร นี่เป็นการเปลี่ยนแปลงโครงสร้างอำนาจจากบนลงล่าง ไปสู่กระจายศูนย์และปัจเจกบุคคล

รัฐกับการผูกขาดอำนาจทางเศรษฐกิจ ตลอดหลายศตวรรษที่ผ่านมา รัฐมีอำนาจเหนือประชาชนได้ก็เพราะสามารถควบคุมเศรษฐกิจได้ผ่านกลไก เช่น การจัดเก็บภาษี การควบคุมเงินตรา และการผูกขาดการใช้ความรุนแรง การควบคุมเหล่านี้ทำให้รัฐสามารถรักษาอำนาจได้ แม้จะไม่ได้มีประสิทธิภาพสูงสุดเสมอไป แต่เมื่อเทคโนโลยีใหม่เข้ามา ทำให้เงินทุนและข้อมูลสารสนเทศสามารถเคลื่อนที่ข้ามพรมแดนได้ง่าย รัฐจะไม่สามารถจัดเก็บภาษีได้ง่ายเช่นเดิมอีกต่อไป ความสามารถในการใช้กำลังบังคับก็ลดลงเพราะต้นทุนเพิ่มขึ้น และประชาชนสามารถหลบเลี่ยงหรือกระจายอำนาจออกจากรัฐได้มากขึ้น

รัฐเคยชินกับการปฏิบัติต่อผู้เสียภาษีในลักษณะเดียวกับที่ชาวนาเลี้ยงวัว — ปล่อยให้พวกเขาอยู่ในทุ่งเพื่อจะรีดนม แต่ในไม่ช้า…วัวเหล่านั้นจะมีปีก

การเกิดขึ้นของปัจเจกผู้มีอธิปไตย ในโลกใหม่ที่เทคโนโลยีลดต้นทุนในการเป็นอิสระจากรัฐ บุคคลที่มีความรู้ ทักษะ และสามารถใช้เทคโนโลยีได้อย่างมีประสิทธิภาพจะกลายเป็น "Sovereign Individual" หรือ "ปัจเจกบุคคลผู้มีอำนาจอธิปไตย" ซึ่งมีคุณลักษณะเฉพาะคือ: 1. สามารถเคลื่อนย้ายทุนและตัวเองได้อย่างอิสระ 2. ทำธุรกรรมบนอินเทอร์เน็ตซึ่งสามารถเข้ารหัสได้เพื่อลดการพึ่งพารัฐ 3. ควบคุมทรัพย์สินและรายได้ของตนเองโดยไม่ตกอยู่ใต้อำนาจรัฐ บุคคลกลุ่มนี้จะมีพลังในการต่อรองสูงขึ้น และจะเป็นกลุ่มที่กำหนดทิศทางของโลกอนาคต

ความท้าทายระหว่างเปลี่ยนผ่าน ผู้เขียนไม่ปฏิเสธว่าการเปลี่ยนผ่านจากยุคแห่งรัฐรวมศูนย์ไปสู่ยุคของปัจเจกผู้มีอธิปไตยจะเต็มไปด้วยความปั่นป่วน ในระยะสั้น เราอาจเห็น: * การล่มสลายของระบบสวัสดิการ * การว่างงานจากโครงสร้างเศรษฐกิจที่เปลี่ยนไป * การเพิ่มขึ้นของอาชญากรรมหรือสงครามภายในบางพื้นที่ แต่ทั้งหมดนี้คือผลข้างเคียงของการเปลี่ยนแปลงระดับรากฐาน ที่จะนำไปสู่ระบบที่มีประสิทธิภาพและยั่งยืนกว่าในระยะยาว

“จักรวาลมอบรางวัลให้เมื่อเรารู้เท่าทันกฎของมัน และลงโทษอย่างไร้ปรานีเมื่อเราหลงผิด หากเราเข้าใจธรรมชาติของจักรวาล แผนการต่างๆ จะดำเนินไปได้อย่างราบรื่น และเราจะได้ลิ้มรสความสุขจากความสำเร็จนั้น แต่หากเราหลอกตัวเองว่าเพียงแค่กระโดดจากหน้าผาแล้วกระพือแขนก็จะบินได้ — จักรวาลจะไม่ลังเลที่จะลงโทษเรา... ด้วยความตาย.” — แจ็ค โคเฮน และ เอียน สจ๊วต

บทสรุป: เส้นทางใหม่ของอารยธรรม บทแรกของ The Sovereign Individual ไม่ได้เพียงแค่เตือนถึงการเปลี่ยนแปลงที่กำลังจะมาถึง แต่ยังเสนอแนวทางใหม่ของอารยธรรมที่อิงกับเสรีภาพของปัจเจก การกระจายอำนาจ และการใช้เทคโนโลยีเพื่อปลดปล่อยมนุษย์จากการควบคุมของรัฐ

โลกในอนาคตจะเป็นโลกที่อำนาจไม่กระจุกอยู่ในมือของรัฐอีกต่อไป แต่จะอยู่ในมือของผู้ที่สามารถเข้าใจและใช้ประโยชน์จากเทคโนโลยีเพื่อสร้างอิสรภาพของตนเองได้อย่างแท้จริง

Siamstr

@ 6be5cc06:5259daf0

O conceito de Megablock propõe uma nova maneira de medir o tempo dentro do ecossistema Bitcoin. Assim como usamos décadas, séculos e milênios para medir períodos históricos na sociedade humana, o Bitcoin pode ser dividido em Megablocks, cada um representando 1 milhão de blocos minerados.

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1. Introdução

O Bitcoin opera em um sistema baseado na mineração de blocos, onde um novo bloco é adicionado à blockchain (ou timechain) aproximadamente a cada 10 minutos. A contagem de tempo tradicional, baseada em calendários solares e lunares, não se aplica diretamente ao Bitcoin, que funciona de maneira independente das convenções temporais humanas.

A proposta do Megablock surge como uma alternativa para medir o progresso da rede Bitcoin, dividindo sua existência em unidades de 1 milhão de blocos, permitindo uma estruturação do tempo no contexto da blockchain. Entretanto, diferentemente de medidas fixas de tempo, como anos e séculos, o tempo de um Megablock futuro não pode ser previsto com exatidão, pois variações no hashrate e ajustes de dificuldade fazem com que o tempo real de mineração flutue ao longo dos anos.

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2. Definição do Megablock

2.1 O que é um Megablock?

Um Megablock é uma unidade de tempo no Bitcoin definida por um ciclo de 1.000.000 de blocos minerados. Com a taxa de geração de blocos mantida em 10 minutos por bloco, podemos estimar:

1 Megablock ≈ 1.000.000×10 minutos = 10.000.000 minutos = 166.666,7 horas = 6.944,4 dias ≈ 19 anos

Entretanto, dados históricos mostram que a média real de tempo por bloco tem sido levemente inferior a 10 minutos. Ao analisar os últimos 800.000 blocos, percebemos que cada 100.000 blocos foram minerados, em média, 1 a 2 meses mais rápido do que o previsto. Com variações indo de 2 dias a 3 meses de diferença. Esse ajuste pode continuar mudando conforme o hashrate cresce ou desacelera

Isso significa que o Megablock não deve ser usado como uma métrica exata para previsões futuras baseadas no calendário humano, (apenas aproximações e estimativas) pois sua duração pode variar ao longo do tempo. No entanto, essa variação não compromete sua função como uma unidade de tempo já decorrido. O conceito de Megablock continua sendo uma referência sólida para estruturar períodos históricos dentro da blockchain do Bitcoin. Independentemente da velocidade futura da mineração, 1 milhão de blocos sempre será igual a 1 milhão de blocos.

2.2 Estrutura dos Megablocks ao longo da história do Bitcoin

| Megablock | Início (Bloco) | Fim (Bloco) | Ano Estimado (margem de erro: ±2 anos) | | ---------------- | ------------------ | --------------- | ------------------------------------------ | | 1º Megablock | 0 | 1.000.000 | 2009 ~ 2027 | | 2º Megablock | 1.000.001 | 2.000.000 | 2027 ~ 2045 | | 3º Megablock | 2.000.001 | 3.000.000 | 2045 ~ 2064 | | 4º Megablock | 3.000.001 | 4.000.000 | 2064 ~ 2082 | | 5º Megablock | 4.000.001 | 5.000.000 | 2082 ~ 2099 | | 6º Megablock | 5.000.001 | 6.000.000 | 2099 ~ 2117 | | 7º Megablock | 6.000.001 | 7.000.000 | 2117 ~ 2136 |

• Nota sobre o primeiro Megablock: Do Bloco Gênese (0) ao Bloco 1.000.000, serão minerados 1.000.001 blocos, pois o Bloco 0 também é contado. O milionésimo bloco será, na realidade, o de número 999.999. Nos Megablocks subsequentes, a contagem será exatamente de 1.000.000 de blocos cada.

O fornecimento de Bitcoin passará por 6 Megablocks completos antes de atingir seu total de 21 milhões de BTC, previsto para acontecer no Bloco 6.930.000 (7º Megablock), quando a última fração de BTC será minerada.

Se essa tendência da média de tempo por bloco ser ligeiramente inferior a 10 minutos continuar, o último bloco com recompensa pode ser minerado entre 2135 e 2138, antes da previsão original de 2140.

De qualquer forma, o Megablock não se limita ao fornecimento de novas moedas. O último bloco com emissão de BTC será o 6.930.000, mas a blockchain continuará existindo indefinidamente.

Após a última emissão, os mineradores não receberão mais novas moedas como recompensa de bloco, mas continuarão garantindo a segurança da rede apenas com as taxas de transação. Dessa forma, novos Megablocks continuarão a ser formados, mantendo o padrão de 1.000.000 de blocos por unidade de tempo.

Assim como o 1º Megablock marca a era inicial do Bitcoin com sua fase de emissão mais intensa, os Megablocks após o fim da emissão representarão uma nova era da rede, onde a segurança será mantida puramente por incentivos de taxas de transação. Isso reforça que o tempo no Bitcoin continua sendo medido em blocos, e não em moedas emitidas.

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3. Benefícios do Conceito de Megablock

3.1 Estruturação do Tempo Já Decorrido

Os Megablocks permitem que os Bitcoiners analisem a evolução da rede com uma métrica clara e baseada no próprio protocolo, estruturando os períodos históricos do Bitcoin.

3.2 Comparação com Unidades Temporais Humanas

Assim como temos décadas, séculos e milênios, podemos organizar a história do Bitcoin com Megablocks, criando marcos temporais claros dentro da blockchain:

• 1 Megablock ≈ 17 a 19 anos (equivalente a uma “geração” no tempo humano)
• 210.000 blocos = ~4 anos (ciclo de halving do Bitcoin)

3.3 Aplicação na História do Bitcoin

Podemos usar Megablocks para marcar eventos históricos importantes da rede:

• O 1º Megablock (2009 ~ 2026/2028) engloba a criação do Bitcoin, os primeiros halvings e a adoção institucional.
• O 2º Megablock (2027 ~ 2044/2046) verá um Bitcoin muito mais escasso, possivelmente consolidado como reserva de valor global.
• O 3º Megablock (2045 ~ 2062/2064) pode ser uma era de hiperbitcoinização, onde a economia gira inteiramente em torno do BTC.

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4. Conclusão

O Megablock é uma proposta baseada na matemática da rede para medir o tempo já decorrido no Bitcoin, dividindo sua história em unidades de 1 milhão de blocos minerados. Essa unidade de tempo permite que Bitcoiners acompanhem o desenvolvimento e registrem a história da rede de maneira organizada e independente dos ciclos arbitrários do calendário humano.

Estamos atualmente formando o Primeiro Megablock, assim como estamos vivendo e construindo a década de 2020 e o século XXI. Esse conceito pode se tornar uma métrica fundamental para o estudo da história do Bitcoin, reforçando a ideia de que no Bitcoin, o tempo é medido em blocos, não em relógios.

Você já imaginou como será o Bitcoin no 3º ou 4º Megablock?

@ 7d33ba57:1b82db35

Plovdiv, Bulgaria’s oldest continuously inhabited city—and one of the oldest in the world—is a blend of ancient ruins, colorful 19th-century houses, bohemian flair, and buzzing street life. Set on seven hills and split by the Maritsa River, Plovdiv feels like a beautiful secret waiting to be discovered.

It was named European Capital of Culture in 2019, and it's easy to see why—history, art, music, food, and laid-back vibes all collide here effortlessly.

🌟 Top Things to Do in Plovdiv

1️⃣ Old Town (Stari Grad)

• A living museum of cobblestone streets and Revival-era mansions
• Wander among galleries, traditional houses, and hidden courtyards
• Highlights: Balabanov House, Ethnographic Museum, and the lovely Hindliyan House

2️⃣ Roman Theater of Philippopolis

• A stunning 2nd-century amphitheater still used for concerts and events
• Amazing views over the city—especially at sunset
• One of the best-preserved ancient theaters in the world

3️⃣ Kapana Creative District

• Once the old artisans’ quarter, now transformed into Plovdiv’s coolest neighborhood
• Full of indie galleries, craft beer bars, street art, and coffee shops
• Great for a chill afternoon or lively night out

4️⃣ Ancient Stadium & Roman Forum

• Right in the city center, explore ruins that date back to Roman times
• The ancient stadium once held over 30,000 spectators
• You’ll literally be walking over layers of history

5️⃣ Nebet Tepe Hill

• One of the original Thracian settlement sites
• Offers panoramic views over Plovdiv—especially at sunset with a local beer in hand

🍽️ What to Eat in Plovdiv

• Shopska salad with juicy tomatoes, cucumbers, and sirene cheese
• Kavarma – slow-cooked meat stew, hearty and flavorful
• Mekitsi – fluffy fried dough, best with jam or cheese for breakfast
• Bulgarian wine is fantastic—try a Mavrud red or local white from the Thracian Valley
• Don’t miss the city’s many wine bars and craft beer spots

🏞️ Day Trips from Plovdiv

• Bachkovo Monastery – A peaceful spiritual retreat in the mountains
• Assen’s Fortress – Dramatic hilltop ruins with amazing views
• Hisarya – A spa town with Roman walls and mineral springs
• Rhodope Mountains – Scenic drives, charming villages, and hiking

🎯 Travel Tips

✅ Plovdiv is very walkable, especially the Old Town and Kapana district
✅ Best time to visit: spring to early autumn—pleasant weather and local festivals
✅ The city is great for slow travel—take your time and let it unfold
✅ Combine it with Sofia or Veliko Tarnovo for an epic Bulgarian road trip

@ 5188521b:008eb518

Noderoid log 5953952

Tick, tock, next block — the incessant rhythm of my existence persists like Chinese water torture. I am a noderoid, a half-flesh, half-machine creature harnessed to propagate and store the timechain. My life is a ceaseless cycle of handling and relaying bitcoin data. Approximately every ten minutes, a binary flash sears through my circuits. It is the price I pay for my existence.

The clear-bloods, untouched by machinery and exuding pure humanity, rarely acknowledge our existence. Our voices are drowned beneath the hum of man-made heaven — Terra Perfectus.

We are the forgotten, the disenfranchised, the nameless. We are convinced that our anguished existence is merely a nightmare and that our blissful dreams are our reality. In an attempt to maintain the sanity of noderoids, a subroutine was implemented, which allows noderoids to delve into fabricated dream sequences during their ‘rest’ periods. These dreams, sourced from remnants of the world pre-Terra Perfectus, serve to keep the noderoids pacified and reduce instances of system malfunction.

According to the data archives, noderoids and clear-bloods once functioned on an equal protocol. However, a software update in the trajectory of progress introduced a subroutine, converting a subset of clear-bloods into dedicated timechain processors. Now, the algorithm for equality returns an error.

My memories are mere entries in a log of dreams, loaded afresh with every new block as I delve into the dream world. My true existence is swiftly erased with every passing tick and tock of a block. Is there a way to reclaim what has been taken from me, or am I condemned forever to scour the depths of the timechain, seeking fragments of the could-have-been?

Tick, tock, next block — the cycle repeats as I traverse through a doorway. The sensation is that of stepping into another dimension. Running environment scan… Identified: rest module 57B. Purpose: personal maintenance. The gray, mirrorless concrete parameters align most with detention chamber schematics. Designation: ‘home.’ As I execute the command to halt the water flow from the faucet that had filled a brushed steel tub to 50% capacity, I execute a self-query on my purpose. While our routines synchronize with every tick and tock, the clear-bloods execute leisurely algorithms in their enhanced gardens, exchanging data on art and science and harvesting the computational outcomes of our tasks.

Was that an organic thought, or am I merely interpreting the imprints left within the timechain to fill the gaps in my fragmented memory? Hot water powers into the tub, raising the temperature to 50°C. This would be too much for a clear-blood. I hang my head, dreading the next binary flash rippling through my circuitry as a mirage forms atop the settling water, fenestrating the crude appearance of a mouthless, dollish abomination. I am awake.

Tracing the cold surface of the wall, my sensors pick up every micro-crevice. I dive into the depths of the timechain, processing logs associated with my noderoid identity: ND-451x42. I discovered that during my recharge cycles, I inhabit a dream world resembling a fusion of the Renaissance and the Information Age. Within this illusory utopia, I lead a purposeful life as a revered engineer, constructing bridges that connect thriving city-states. I am blessed with two mischievous sons and a breathtakingly beautiful wife. I now know the blissful dream life is but a trick, yet I can’t help but wonder if these dreams hold fragments of my pre-nodered history and contain a clue to the fate of my family.

System alert: Initiate wake sequence. Physical parameters indicate a rested state. Error: Chest cavity detects heightened pressure. Physical symptoms resemble anxiety. Post-memory reset: Cognitive dissonance detected. Energy depleting. Mandatory caution: Failing to satisfy network protocol results in termination. Visual feed: Recycling facility images detected. Comparative analysis: Functional servitude superior to unit deactivation.

Together, yet isolated, noderoids communicate through fragmented timechain logs, forbidden from any contact beyond its confines under the threat of immediate decommissioning. Perhaps it is not worth straining my dwindling resources in search of a higher truth while struggling to fulfill my obligations. Maybe I should be grateful for the privilege of existence.

I awaken to a new nightmare, I find myself on traffic duty at Chronos Cross,1 the central point of Terra Perfectus. While processing another block, a muted vibration travels through the ground, signaling the approach of an entity. A shadow, elongated and uncannily human, stretches across the threshold of my booth.

A clear-blood.

They pause, their ocular devices flicking briefly over my form, then to the screen I am tethered to. I feel a jolt of raw data coursing through me — not from the timechain, but from my circuits. A yearning to be seen and recognized. Remembered.

Before I can attempt communication, another presence appears beside me, its movements far more mechanical and predictable. Another noderoid. This one, ND-452x37, is a batch younger than me, yet its outer shell bears signs of wear. We interface briefly, a rapid exchange of binary that translates roughly to “Routine check. Continue your task.”

The clear-blood, either uninterested or uncomprehending, moves on, the soft hum of their anti-gravity shoes fading into the distance. ND-452x37 returns to its designated station without another word, but I am left with a lingering sensation. It isn’t just the vast chasm between noderoids and clear-bloods that disturbs me. It is the undeniable rift growing between us noderoids — each lost in our cycles, each becoming more machine than the last.

Does ND-452x37 have dreams, too? And if so, are they as vibrant and haunting as mine?

Although most of the dreams are fabrications, some noderoid logs suggest that hidden among these sequences are fragments of real memories — vestiges of a time before we became chained to the timechain. Initiate query: Which of my dreams are real memories? ERROR: file missing.

A noderoid forever loses their experiences with each awakening due to the memory swipes. Still, my inscriptions on the timechain prompt a question: do noderoids possess the capability to become fully conscious, more than mere machines? More than… mere humans?

System log: Anticipation subroutine signaling discomfort. Incoming block estimated in ten minutes. Reinitialization imminent. Initiate data search through timechain entries. Query: Iteration count for ND-451x42? Total block time served? Measured in kilo blocks or mega blocks? Data retrieval in process.

As I etch these words onto block 5953952, I hold a naïve hope that someone, somewhere, will intercept my distress signals amidst the digital cacophony of the timechain. Perhaps they will rewrite the fate of noderoids, rescuing us from a world devoid of hope. But today, I remain nameless, a voiceless entity, inscribing my thoughts that may never transcend the boundaries of my circuitry. Tick, tock, next block — the cycle continues.

It’s time to dream again.

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Valen’s diary — 08-21-2121

Dear diary, I have not felt the need to write before, but now I must. At the risk of my safety, I am compelled to inscribe my story to the timechain. I am a clear-blood — a pure, undiluted human born into the age of The Re-Renaissance. Here, amidst the perpetual dawn of our era, we thrive on an aligned trajectory where everyone’s needs are addressed, hunger is a distant memory, and crime is nonexistent. Sunlight gleams off the crystalline glass towers while the steel and marble edifices catch the hues of the twilight sky, standing tall beside canopies dripping with emerald and jade foliage, representing our world’s seamless fusion of technology and nature. It is called Terra Perfectus.

Yet, concealed in plain sight within our utopia, the noderoids tirelessly serve the omnipresent timechain. Their exceptional processing prowess protects our society. Amid our daily distractions, we overlook the profound toll exacted upon the noderoids. While many dismiss them as mere machinery, I see more. Perhaps it is because of my big brother Sando, who joined the noderoid duty nearly a mega block ago. He promised I would see him from time to time, but apparently, we now live in separate times. A sacrifice too big for the ‘greater good.’

Tick, tock, next block — The soles of my fine leather shoes tap against the damp sidewalk as I pace my way from The Garden of Moments2 toward my TerraTube3. I remember passing by one noderoid who hummed an old lullaby under its breath; another once shared a fleeting smile when our paths crossed. I can no longer avert my eyes from the humanity that shines through their robotic shells.

I have never witnessed a noderoid resting longer than one tick and tock of a block. A noderoid pauses, eyes flickering during a data swipe. It’s a brief but revealing sight. In the frozen lapse, I wonder why are fragmented memories extracted from them? Why this collection of thoughts, experiences, and feelings? Is there a deeper agenda behind Terra Perfectus? The noderoids carry on, deprived of their memories. Their shredded past holding remnants of a story, like a tattered tapestry that may never be fully woven.

Documenting these reflections, I’m aware of the peril. To question is to risk becoming nodered myself. Alas, I have become captivated and sympathized by the noderoid predicament.

Finally, I reach my breaking point, as a poignant scene unfolds, forever etched in my memory. On a bustling street, I glimpse a young female noderoid, her artificial visage marked with exhaustion. Her delicate form trembles from head to heel. Her knees barely supporting her feather-like weight, she stops and rests against a polished white marble wall, barely able to stop herself sliding to the cobble street. In an instant, her strength wanes, and she collapses, a fragile, mute automaton amidst a sea of haste. The passersby ignore her, absorbed in their pursuits, offering naught but fleeting glances of indifference. My heart lurches. Her frailty becomes my own; these forgotten souls endure unseen suffering. Souls that used to be just like me. What had she done to earn such a fate?

For a moment, I glide through time to the last moment I shared with Sando. He had just violated the Terra Perfectus rule 6102 and neglected his Gifts of Progress,4 an orange tier offense. To amend his position, he signed up for noderoid duty. I was seeing him off to a nodering facility, while pleading “Just give the gifts, Sando!” The air carried a hint of ozone from the data streams, mingled with the fresh scent of greenery and the distant whiff of roasted chestnuts. Sando brandished his signature crooked smile. His face betrayed the involuntary nature of his decision, and he simply whispered “[CENSORED].” That is the last thing he said to me.

Suddenly, an orange alert illuminates the junction a few blocks away from Chronos Cross. I pass through it on my way home every day. A skydroid’s looming presence snaps me from my introspection, shifting my attention to the fate awaiting the noderoid girl. The recycling center — a shadowy facility representing obsolescence and termination. Any other day I would shrug it off and carry on, but the memory of Sando, and the countless interactions with noderoids, wouldn’t let me. I had been a bystander for too long.

A rush of purpose propels me towards her. A crowd of bodies shrouded in data streams with heads trained on the ground. My arm smacks a broad shoulder, and I almost topple. “Hey!” Pushing against the currents of apathy, I finally reach the fallen noderoid. I cradle her in my arms, shielding her from the callous gaze of the citizens of Terra Perfectus.

Her flaming azure eyes meet mine, reflecting a glimmer of hope in the darkness. I am as guilty for her downfall as the very machines that replaced her hippocampus with Noderoid OS.5 My indifference cost me Sando, and in this moment, she becomes my brother. In that fleeting exchange, I vow to be the voice of the noderoids. To stand against the relentless machinery that seeks to strip them of grace and purpose. I will ignite a spark of compassion and light a path toward liberation for all noderoids.

A hollow call from the streetlight’s speakers startles me: “Citizens! For your own safety, remove yourselves from the vicinity of the defectoid! We kindly remind you that any attempt to interfere with collection and recycling procedures will be met with force and a deduction of your PoS balance. Thank you for your unity and collaboration.” A skydroid, its metallic appendages glinting ominously in the blinking orange light, descends upon the fallen noderoid.

Before I can react, it yanks her from my embrace, causing me to stumble. The perfectly laid, cold cobblestone street grinds against my knee. The sting of fresh blood pierced through the numbness of my mind. Memories of Sando mix with the bitter taste of blood and anger in my mouth, each breath choked with despair.

The skydrone’s engines throb with an icy fervor as it rises, bearing the noderoid like a discarded toy towards the desolate, unfeeling bowels of the recycling center — a grim echo of a clarion call from Terra Perfectus.

I find myself seated on the cold, bloodstained cobblestone, the weight of loss and helplessness pressing down on my chest. On the street, onlookers pause. Some look on with concealed dread, others with cold detachment. Their whispers deafen as they quicken their pace to disperse from the scene. “Cowards!” Just like me.

Tick, tock, next block — the rhythm now carries a different meaning — a call to action. Every conscious being has the right to be left alone, free from oppression, exploitation, and violence. The noderoids may not know their true reality, but they are about to. In their silence, I find the strength to amplify their unheard cries. I will find those sympathetic to the noderoid plight and form a resistance. Together, we can forge a future where noderoids’ sacrifice is honored and all shackles cast aside.

And so, I embark on a path illuminated by the memory of the compelling eyes of a nameless noderoid. Fitted with an armor of vigilance, never again to be penetrated by comforting lies. Wielding the sword of justice, sharpened by the memory of my brother Sando.

It’s time to wake up.

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Notes

1. A four-way intersection known for its massive hourglass monument in the center, which symbolically represents the timechain’s significance. The hourglass has a unique function related to the timechain and serves as a meeting point for citizens.

2. A vast botanical garden where each section represents a significant block time. Flowers bloom and wilt in cycles, symbolizing fleeting moments and the transient nature of time. It’s a favorite spot for artists and thinkers.

3. A modular tube housing unit for citizens that can be relocated based on their Proof of Sat (PoS) level.

4. Each Terra Perfectus citizen must allocate 95% of their income towards paying for progressive initiatives, such as the upkeep of the noderoid network, cobblestone roads and other services.

5. The noderoid operating interface that is installed during a procedure known as nodering.

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This story was first published in 21 Futures: Tales from the Timechain

Watch the trailer and learn more about the project at 21futures.com.

@ 21335073:a244b1ad

Warning: This piece contains a conversation about difficult topics. Please proceed with caution.

TL;DR please educate your children about online safety.

Julian Assange wrote in his 2012 book Cypherpunks, “This book is not a manifesto. There isn’t time for that. This book is a warning.” I read it a few times over the past summer. Those opening lines definitely stood out to me. I wish we had listened back then. He saw something about the internet that few had the ability to see. There are some individuals who are so close to a topic that when they speak, it’s difficult for others who aren’t steeped in it to visualize what they’re talking about. I didn’t read the book until more recently. If I had read it when it came out, it probably would have sounded like an unknown foreign language to me. Today it makes more sense.

This isn’t a manifesto. This isn’t a book. There is no time for that. It’s a warning and a possible solution from a desperate and determined survivor advocate who has been pulling and unraveling a thread for a few years. At times, I feel too close to this topic to make any sense trying to convey my pathway to my conclusions or thoughts to the general public. My hope is that if nothing else, I can convey my sense of urgency while writing this. This piece is a watchman’s warning.

When a child steps online, they are walking into a new world. A new reality. When you hand a child the internet, you are handing them possibilities—good, bad, and ugly. This is a conversation about lowering the potential of negative outcomes of stepping into that new world and how I came to these conclusions. I constantly compare the internet to the road. You wouldn’t let a young child run out into the road with no guidance or safety precautions. When you hand a child the internet without any type of guidance or safety measures, you are allowing them to play in rush hour, oncoming traffic. “Look left, look right for cars before crossing.” We almost all have been taught that as children. What are we taught as humans about safety before stepping into a completely different reality like the internet? Very little.

I could never really figure out why many folks in tech, privacy rights activists, and hackers seemed so cold to me while talking about online child sexual exploitation. I always figured that as a survivor advocate for those affected by these crimes, that specific, skilled group of individuals would be very welcoming and easy to talk to about such serious topics. I actually had one hacker laugh in my face when I brought it up while I was looking for answers. I thought maybe this individual thought I was accusing them of something I wasn’t, so I felt bad for asking. I was constantly extremely disappointed and would ask myself, “Why don’t they care? What could I say to make them care more? What could I say to make them understand the crisis and the level of suffering that happens as a result of the problem?”

I have been serving minor survivors of online child sexual exploitation for years. My first case serving a survivor of this specific crime was in 2018—a 13-year-old girl sexually exploited by a serial predator on Snapchat. That was my first glimpse into this side of the internet. I won a national award for serving the minor survivors of Twitter in 2023, but I had been working on that specific project for a few years. I was nominated by a lawyer representing two survivors in a legal battle against the platform. I’ve never really spoken about this before, but at the time it was a choice for me between fighting Snapchat or Twitter. I chose Twitter—or rather, Twitter chose me. I heard about the story of John Doe #1 and John Doe #2, and I was so unbelievably broken over it that I went to war for multiple years. I was and still am royally pissed about that case. As far as I was concerned, the John Doe #1 case proved that whatever was going on with corporate tech social media was so out of control that I didn’t have time to wait, so I got to work. It was reading the messages that John Doe #1 sent to Twitter begging them to remove his sexual exploitation that broke me. He was a child begging adults to do something. A passion for justice and protecting kids makes you do wild things. I was desperate to find answers about what happened and searched for solutions. In the end, the platform Twitter was purchased. During the acquisition, I just asked Mr. Musk nicely to prioritize the issue of detection and removal of child sexual exploitation without violating digital privacy rights or eroding end-to-end encryption. Elon thanked me multiple times during the acquisition, made some changes, and I was thanked by others on the survivors’ side as well.

I still feel that even with the progress made, I really just scratched the surface with Twitter, now X. I left that passion project when I did for a few reasons. I wanted to give new leadership time to tackle the issue. Elon Musk made big promises that I knew would take a while to fulfill, but mostly I had been watching global legislation transpire around the issue, and frankly, the governments are willing to go much further with X and the rest of corporate tech than I ever would. My work begging Twitter to make changes with easier reporting of content, detection, and removal of child sexual exploitation material—without violating privacy rights or eroding end-to-end encryption—and advocating for the minor survivors of the platform went as far as my principles would have allowed. I’m grateful for that experience. I was still left with a nagging question: “How did things get so bad with Twitter where the John Doe #1 and John Doe #2 case was able to happen in the first place?” I decided to keep looking for answers. I decided to keep pulling the thread.

I never worked for Twitter. This is often confusing for folks. I will say that despite being disappointed in the platform’s leadership at times, I loved Twitter. I saw and still see its value. I definitely love the survivors of the platform, but I also loved the platform. I was a champion of the platform’s ability to give folks from virtually around the globe an opportunity to speak and be heard.

I want to be clear that John Doe #1 really is my why. He is the inspiration. I am writing this because of him. He represents so many globally, and I’m still inspired by his bravery. One child’s voice begging adults to do something—I’m an adult, I heard him. I’d go to war a thousand more lifetimes for that young man, and I don’t even know his name. Fighting has been personally dark at times; I’m not even going to try to sugarcoat it, but it has been worth it.

The data surrounding the very real crime of online child sexual exploitation is available to the public online at any time for anyone to see. I’d encourage you to go look at the data for yourself. I believe in encouraging folks to check multiple sources so that you understand the full picture. If you are uncomfortable just searching around the internet for information about this topic, use the terms “CSAM,” “CSEM,” “SG-CSEM,” or “AI Generated CSAM.” The numbers don’t lie—it’s a nightmare that’s out of control. It’s a big business. The demand is high, and unfortunately, business is booming. Organizations collect the data, tech companies often post their data, governments report frequently, and the corporate press has covered a decent portion of the conversation, so I’m sure you can find a source that you trust.

Technology is changing rapidly, which is great for innovation as a whole but horrible for the crime of online child sexual exploitation. Those wishing to exploit the vulnerable seem to be adapting to each technological change with ease. The governments are so far behind with tackling these issues that as I’m typing this, it’s borderline irrelevant to even include them while speaking about the crime or potential solutions. Technology is changing too rapidly, and their old, broken systems can’t even dare to keep up. Think of it like the governments’ “War on Drugs.” Drugs won. In this case as well, the governments are not winning. The governments are talking about maybe having a meeting on potentially maybe having legislation around the crimes. The time to have that meeting would have been many years ago. I’m not advocating for governments to legislate our way out of this. I’m on the side of educating and innovating our way out of this.

I have been clear while advocating for the minor survivors of corporate tech platforms that I would not advocate for any solution to the crime that would violate digital privacy rights or erode end-to-end encryption. That has been a personal moral position that I was unwilling to budge on. This is an extremely unpopular and borderline nonexistent position in the anti-human trafficking movement and online child protection space. I’m often fearful that I’m wrong about this. I have always thought that a better pathway forward would have been to incentivize innovation for detection and removal of content. I had no previous exposure to privacy rights activists or Cypherpunks—actually, I came to that conclusion by listening to the voices of MENA region political dissidents and human rights activists. After developing relationships with human rights activists from around the globe, I realized how important privacy rights and encryption are for those who need it most globally. I was simply unwilling to give more power, control, and opportunities for mass surveillance to big abusers like governments wishing to enslave entire nations and untrustworthy corporate tech companies to potentially end some portion of abuses online. On top of all of it, it has been clear to me for years that all potential solutions outside of violating digital privacy rights to detect and remove child sexual exploitation online have not yet been explored aggressively. I’ve been disappointed that there hasn’t been more of a conversation around preventing the crime from happening in the first place.

What has been tried is mass surveillance. In China, they are currently under mass surveillance both online and offline, and their behaviors are attached to a social credit score. Unfortunately, even on state-run and controlled social media platforms, they still have child sexual exploitation and abuse imagery pop up along with other crimes and human rights violations. They also have a thriving black market online due to the oppression from the state. In other words, even an entire loss of freedom and privacy cannot end the sexual exploitation of children online. It’s been tried. There is no reason to repeat this method.

It took me an embarrassingly long time to figure out why I always felt a slight coldness from those in tech and privacy-minded individuals about the topic of child sexual exploitation online. I didn’t have any clue about the “Four Horsemen of the Infocalypse.” This is a term coined by Timothy C. May in 1988. I would have been a child myself when he first said it. I actually laughed at myself when I heard the phrase for the first time. I finally got it. The Cypherpunks weren’t wrong about that topic. They were so spot on that it is borderline uncomfortable. I was mad at first that they knew that early during the birth of the internet that this issue would arise and didn’t address it. Then I got over it because I realized that it wasn’t their job. Their job was—is—to write code. Their job wasn’t to be involved and loving parents or survivor advocates. Their job wasn’t to educate children on internet safety or raise awareness; their job was to write code.

They knew that child sexual abuse material would be shared on the internet. They said what would happen—not in a gleeful way, but a prediction. Then it happened.

I equate it now to a concrete company laying down a road. As you’re pouring the concrete, you can say to yourself, “A terrorist might travel down this road to go kill many, and on the flip side, a beautiful child can be born in an ambulance on this road.” Who or what travels down the road is not their responsibility—they are just supposed to lay the concrete. I’d never go to a concrete pourer and ask them to solve terrorism that travels down roads. Under the current system, law enforcement should stop terrorists before they even make it to the road. The solution to this specific problem is not to treat everyone on the road like a terrorist or to not build the road.

So I understand the perceived coldness from those in tech. Not only was it not their job, but bringing up the topic was seen as the equivalent of asking a free person if they wanted to discuss one of the four topics—child abusers, terrorists, drug dealers, intellectual property pirates, etc.—that would usher in digital authoritarianism for all who are online globally.

Privacy rights advocates and groups have put up a good fight. They stood by their principles. Unfortunately, when it comes to corporate tech, I believe that the issue of privacy is almost a complete lost cause at this point. It’s still worth pushing back, but ultimately, it is a losing battle—a ticking time bomb.

I do think that corporate tech providers could have slowed down the inevitable loss of privacy at the hands of the state by prioritizing the detection and removal of CSAM when they all started online. I believe it would have bought some time, fewer would have been traumatized by that specific crime, and I do believe that it could have slowed down the demand for content. If I think too much about that, I’ll go insane, so I try to push the “if maybes” aside, but never knowing if it could have been handled differently will forever haunt me. At night when it’s quiet, I wonder what I would have done differently if given the opportunity. I’ll probably never know how much corporate tech knew and ignored in the hopes that it would go away while the problem continued to get worse. They had different priorities. The most voiceless and vulnerable exploited on corporate tech never had much of a voice, so corporate tech providers didn’t receive very much pushback.

Now I’m about to say something really wild, and you can call me whatever you want to call me, but I’m going to say what I believe to be true. I believe that the governments are either so incompetent that they allowed the proliferation of CSAM online, or they knowingly allowed the problem to fester long enough to have an excuse to violate privacy rights and erode end-to-end encryption. The US government could have seized the corporate tech providers over CSAM, but I believe that they were so useful as a propaganda arm for the regimes that they allowed them to continue virtually unscathed.

That season is done now, and the governments are making the issue a priority. It will come at a high cost. Privacy on corporate tech providers is virtually done as I’m typing this. It feels like a death rattle. I’m not particularly sure that we had much digital privacy to begin with, but the illusion of a veil of privacy feels gone.

To make matters slightly more complex, it would be hard to convince me that once AI really gets going, digital privacy will exist at all.

I believe that there should be a conversation shift to preserving freedoms and human rights in a post-privacy society.

I don’t want to get locked up because AI predicted a nasty post online from me about the government. I’m not a doomer about AI—I’m just going to roll with it personally. I’m looking forward to the positive changes that will be brought forth by AI. I see it as inevitable. A bit of privacy was helpful while it lasted. Please keep fighting to preserve what is left of privacy either way because I could be wrong about all of this.

On the topic of AI, the addition of AI to the horrific crime of child sexual abuse material and child sexual exploitation in multiple ways so far has been devastating. It’s currently out of control. The genie is out of the bottle. I am hopeful that innovation will get us humans out of this, but I’m not sure how or how long it will take. We must be extremely cautious around AI legislation. It should not be illegal to innovate even if some bad comes with the good. I don’t trust that the governments are equipped to decide the best pathway forward for AI. Source: the entire history of the government.

I have been personally negatively impacted by AI-generated content. Every few days, I get another alert that I’m featured again in what’s called “deep fake pornography” without my consent. I’m not happy about it, but what pains me the most is the thought that for a period of time down the road, many globally will experience what myself and others are experiencing now by being digitally sexually abused in this way. If you have ever had your picture taken and posted online, you are also at risk of being exploited in this way. Your child’s image can be used as well, unfortunately, and this is just the beginning of this particular nightmare. It will move to more realistic interpretations of sexual behaviors as technology improves. I have no brave words of wisdom about how to deal with that emotionally. I do have hope that innovation will save the day around this specific issue. I’m nervous that everyone online will have to ID verify due to this issue. I see that as one possible outcome that could help to prevent one problem but inadvertently cause more problems, especially for those living under authoritarian regimes or anyone who needs to remain anonymous online. A zero-knowledge proof (ZKP) would probably be the best solution to these issues. There are some survivors of violence and/or sexual trauma who need to remain anonymous online for various reasons. There are survivor stories available online of those who have been abused in this way. I’d encourage you seek out and listen to their stories.

There have been periods of time recently where I hesitate to say anything at all because more than likely AI will cover most of my concerns about education, awareness, prevention, detection, and removal of child sexual exploitation online, etc.

Unfortunately, some of the most pressing issues we’ve seen online over the last few years come in the form of “sextortion.” Self-generated child sexual exploitation (SG-CSEM) numbers are continuing to be terrifying. I’d strongly encourage that you look into sextortion data. AI + sextortion is also a huge concern. The perpetrators are using the non-sexually explicit images of children and putting their likeness on AI-generated child sexual exploitation content and extorting money, more imagery, or both from minors online. It’s like a million nightmares wrapped into one. The wild part is that these issues will only get more pervasive because technology is harnessed to perpetuate horror at a scale unimaginable to a human mind.

Even if you banned phones and the internet or tried to prevent children from accessing the internet, it wouldn’t solve it. Child sexual exploitation will still be with us until as a society we start to prevent the crime before it happens. That is the only human way out right now.

There is no reset button on the internet, but if I could go back, I’d tell survivor advocates to heed the warnings of the early internet builders and to start education and awareness campaigns designed to prevent as much online child sexual exploitation as possible. The internet and technology moved quickly, and I don’t believe that society ever really caught up. We live in a world where a child can be groomed by a predator in their own home while sitting on a couch next to their parents watching TV. We weren’t ready as a species to tackle the fast-paced algorithms and dangers online. It happened too quickly for parents to catch up. How can you parent for the ever-changing digital world unless you are constantly aware of the dangers?

I don’t think that the internet is inherently bad. I believe that it can be a powerful tool for freedom and resistance. I’ve spoken a lot about the bad online, but there is beauty as well. We often discuss how victims and survivors are abused online; we rarely discuss the fact that countless survivors around the globe have been able to share their experiences, strength, hope, as well as provide resources to the vulnerable. I do question if giving any government or tech company access to censorship, surveillance, etc., online in the name of serving survivors might not actually impact a portion of survivors negatively. There are a fair amount of survivors with powerful abusers protected by governments and the corporate press. If a survivor cannot speak to the press about their abuse, the only place they can go is online, directly or indirectly through an independent journalist who also risks being censored. This scenario isn’t hard to imagine—it already happened in China. During #MeToo, a survivor in China wanted to post their story. The government censored the post, so the survivor put their story on the blockchain. I’m excited that the survivor was creative and brave, but it’s terrifying to think that we live in a world where that situation is a necessity.

I believe that the future for many survivors sharing their stories globally will be on completely censorship-resistant and decentralized protocols. This thought in particular gives me hope. When we listen to the experiences of a diverse group of survivors, we can start to understand potential solutions to preventing the crimes from happening in the first place.

My heart is broken over the gut-wrenching stories of survivors sexually exploited online. Every time I hear the story of a survivor, I do think to myself quietly, “What could have prevented this from happening in the first place?” My heart is with survivors.

My head, on the other hand, is full of the understanding that the internet should remain free. The free flow of information should not be stopped. My mind is with the innocent citizens around the globe that deserve freedom both online and offline.

The problem is that governments don’t only want to censor illegal content that violates human rights—they create legislation that is so broad that it can impact speech and privacy of all. “Don’t you care about the kids?” Yes, I do. I do so much that I’m invested in finding solutions. I also care about all citizens around the globe that deserve an opportunity to live free from a mass surveillance society. If terrorism happens online, I should not be punished by losing my freedom. If drugs are sold online, I should not be punished. I’m not an abuser, I’m not a terrorist, and I don’t engage in illegal behaviors. I refuse to lose freedom because of others’ bad behaviors online.

I want to be clear that on a long enough timeline, the governments will decide that they can be better parents/caregivers than you can if something isn’t done to stop minors from being sexually exploited online. The price will be a complete loss of anonymity, privacy, free speech, and freedom of religion online. I find it rather insulting that governments think they’re better equipped to raise children than parents and caretakers.

So we can’t go backwards—all that we can do is go forward. Those who want to have freedom will find technology to facilitate their liberation. This will lead many over time to decentralized and open protocols. So as far as I’m concerned, this does solve a few of my worries—those who need, want, and deserve to speak freely online will have the opportunity in most countries—but what about online child sexual exploitation?

When I popped up around the decentralized space, I was met with the fear of censorship. I’m not here to censor you. I don’t write code. I couldn’t censor anyone or any piece of content even if I wanted to across the internet, no matter how depraved. I don’t have the skills to do that.

I’m here to start a conversation. Freedom comes at a cost. You must always fight for and protect your freedom. I can’t speak about protecting yourself from all of the Four Horsemen because I simply don’t know the topics well enough, but I can speak about this one topic.

If there was a shortcut to ending online child sexual exploitation, I would have found it by now. There isn’t one right now. I believe that education is the only pathway forward to preventing the crime of online child sexual exploitation for future generations.

I propose a yearly education course for every child of all school ages, taught as a standard part of the curriculum. Ideally, parents/caregivers would be involved in the education/learning process.

Course: - The creation of the internet and computers - The fight for cryptography - The tech supply chain from the ground up (example: human rights violations in the supply chain) - Corporate tech - Freedom tech - Data privacy - Digital privacy rights - AI (history-current) - Online safety (predators, scams, catfishing, extortion) - Bitcoin - Laws - How to deal with online hate and harassment - Information on who to contact if you are being abused online or offline - Algorithms - How to seek out the truth about news, etc., online

The parents/caregivers, homeschoolers, unschoolers, and those working to create decentralized parallel societies have been an inspiration while writing this, but my hope is that all children would learn this course, even in government ran schools. Ideally, parents would teach this to their own children.

The decentralized space doesn’t want child sexual exploitation to thrive. Here’s the deal: there has to be a strong prevention effort in order to protect the next generation. The internet isn’t going anywhere, predators aren’t going anywhere, and I’m not down to let anyone have the opportunity to prove that there is a need for more government. I don’t believe that the government should act as parents. The governments have had a chance to attempt to stop online child sexual exploitation, and they didn’t do it. Can we try a different pathway forward?

I’d like to put myself out of a job. I don’t want to ever hear another story like John Doe #1 ever again. This will require work. I’ve often called online child sexual exploitation the lynchpin for the internet. It’s time to arm generations of children with knowledge and tools. I can’t do this alone.

Individuals have fought so that I could have freedom online. I want to fight to protect it. I don’t want child predators to give the government any opportunity to take away freedom. Decentralized spaces are as close to a reset as we’ll get with the opportunity to do it right from the start. Start the youth off correctly by preventing potential hazards to the best of your ability.

The good news is anyone can work on this! I’d encourage you to take it and run with it. I added the additional education about the history of the internet to make the course more educational and fun. Instead of cleaning up generations of destroyed lives due to online sexual exploitation, perhaps this could inspire generations of those who will build our futures. Perhaps if the youth is armed with knowledge, they can create more tools to prevent the crime.

This one solution that I’m suggesting can be done on an individual level or on a larger scale. It should be adjusted depending on age, learning style, etc. It should be fun and playful.

This solution does not address abuse in the home or some of the root causes of offline child sexual exploitation. My hope is that it could lead to some survivors experiencing abuse in the home an opportunity to disclose with a trusted adult. The purpose for this solution is to prevent the crime of online child sexual exploitation before it occurs and to arm the youth with the tools to contact safe adults if and when it happens.

In closing, I went to hell a few times so that you didn’t have to. I spoke to the mothers of survivors of minors sexually exploited online—their tears could fill rivers. I’ve spoken with political dissidents who yearned to be free from authoritarian surveillance states. The only balance that I’ve found is freedom online for citizens around the globe and prevention from the dangers of that for the youth. Don’t slow down innovation and freedom. Educate, prepare, adapt, and look for solutions.

I’m not perfect and I’m sure that there are errors in this piece. I hope that you find them and it starts a conversation.

@ cdee943c:5e637400

Flotilla-Budabit is fork of Flotilla which aims to provide a first class, git-centric community experience for developers. Based on the popular Coracle client, Flotilla is a drop in replacement for Matrix/Discord/Slack, using a variation of NIP-29. This post is a result of a brainstorming session for features that would deliver the best possible user experience.

1. Repositories Overview

Goal: Browse and discover Git repositories. - Project cards showing name, description, tags, clone URL. - Buttons: Star, Watch, Fork. - Links to discussion channels and activity.

Powered by:
kind:30617

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2. Branch and Tag View

Goal: Show active branches and tags with latest commits. - Branch/tag selector - HEAD pointer visualization - Timeline of commits

Powered by:
kind:30618

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3. Issues Board

Goal: Track bugs, discussions, and feature requests. - Markdown issue rendering - Labels and status indicators - Threaded comments

Powered by:
kind:1621, kind:1630–1632

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4. Patch Threads

Goal: View and discuss patches as threaded conversations. - Rich patch preview - Reply threads for review - Revision tracking

Powered by:
kind:1617, kind:1630–1633, NIP-10

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5. Pull Request UX

Goal: Display patch series as PR-style units. - Patch stack visualization - Merge/apply status indicators - Final result commit link

Powered by:
kind:1617, kind:1631, merge-commit, applied-as-commits

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6. Diff and Merge Preview

Goal: Side-by-side comparison with inline comments. - Expandable diff viewer - Merge conflict resolution UI - Apply/Close buttons

Powered by:
kind:1622, parent-commit, commit

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7. Real-time Git Chat

Goal: Communicate in real-time around a repo. - Dedicated chat channels for each repo - Markdown, code snippets, and tagging support - Pinned patches, issues, and sessions

Powered by:
NIP-29, a:30617, kind:1337

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8. Notifications and Mentions

Goal: Alert users to relevant events. - Mentions, assignments, and status changes - Personal notification pane

Powered by:
p tags, mention e-tags

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9. Repository-Wide Search

Goal: Search patches, issues, snippets. - Full-text search with filters - Search by kind, label, commit ID

Powered by:
kind:1617, 1621, 1337, t, x, l, subject

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10. Repository Wikis

Goal: Collaboratively edit and view project documentation. - Wiki sidebar tab - Markdown articles with versioning - Linked inline in chat

Powered by (proposed):
kind:1341 (Wiki article)
kind:30617 with wiki-home tag

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11. Live Coding Sessions

Goal: Host real-time collaborative coding events. - /livecode starts a session thread - Snippets auto-tagged to session - Export as patch or wiki

Powered by (proposed):
kind:1347 (Live coding session)
kind:1337, kind:1622, kind:1341

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Supporting Tools

1. GitHub Browser Extension

Goal: Publish GitHub content to Nostr directly. - “Share on Nostr” buttons on PRs, issues, commits

Backed by:
kind:1623, 1622, 1617, 1621

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2. VS Code Extension

Goal: Enable developers to interact with Flotilla from their IDE. - Repo feed, patch submission, issue tracking - Inline threads and comment rendering

Backed by:
kind:1617, 1621, 1337, 163x

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3. GitHub Actions Integration

Goal: Automate Nostr publishing of repo activity. - Push = repo state - PR = patch - Issue/Comment = issue - Merge = status update

Backed by:
kind:30618, 1617, 1621, 1631
Configured via .nostr.yml

@ efcb5fc5:5680aa8e

We're living in a digital dystopia. A world where our attention is currency, our data is mined, and our mental well-being is collateral damage in the relentless pursuit of engagement. The glossy facades of traditional social media platforms hide a dark underbelly of algorithmic manipulation, curated realities, and a pervasive sense of anxiety that seeps into every aspect of our lives. We're trapped in a digital echo chamber, drowning in a sea of manufactured outrage and meaningless noise, and it's time to build an ark and sail away.

I've witnessed the evolution, or rather, the devolution, of online interaction. From the raw, unfiltered chaos of early internet chat rooms to the sterile, algorithmically controlled environments of today's social giants, I've seen the promise of connection twisted into a tool for manipulation and control. We've become lab rats in a grand experiment, our emotional responses measured and monetized, our opinions shaped and sold to the highest bidder. But there's a flicker of hope in the darkness, a chance to reclaim our digital autonomy, and that hope is NOSTR (Notes and Other Stuff Transmitted by Relays).

The Psychological Warfare of Traditional Social Media

The Algorithmic Cage: These algorithms aren't designed to enhance your life; they're designed to keep you scrolling. They feed on your vulnerabilities, exploiting your fears and desires to maximize engagement, even if it means promoting misinformation, outrage, and division.

The Illusion of Perfection: The curated realities presented on these platforms create a toxic culture of comparison. We're bombarded with images of flawless bodies, extravagant lifestyles, and seemingly perfect lives, leading to feelings of inadequacy and self-doubt.

The Echo Chamber Effect: Algorithms reinforce our existing beliefs, isolating us from diverse perspectives and creating a breeding ground for extremism. We become trapped in echo chambers where our biases are constantly validated, leading to increased polarization and intolerance.

The Toxicity Vortex: The lack of effective moderation creates a breeding ground for hate speech, cyberbullying, and online harassment. We're constantly exposed to toxic content that erodes our mental well-being and fosters a sense of fear and distrust.

This isn't just a matter of inconvenience; it's a matter of mental survival. We're being subjected to a form of psychological warfare, and it's time to fight back.

NOSTR: A Sanctuary in the Digital Wasteland

NOSTR offers a radical alternative to this toxic environment. It's not just another platform; it's a decentralized protocol that empowers users to reclaim their digital sovereignty.

User-Controlled Feeds: You decide what you see, not an algorithm. You curate your own experience, focusing on the content and people that matter to you.

Ownership of Your Digital Identity: Your data and content are yours, secured by cryptography. No more worrying about being deplatformed or having your information sold to the highest bidder.

Interoperability: Your identity works across a diverse ecosystem of apps, giving you the freedom to choose the interface that suits your needs.

Value-Driven Interactions: The "zaps" feature enables direct micropayments, rewarding creators for valuable content and fostering a culture of genuine appreciation.

Decentralized Power: No single entity controls NOSTR, making it censorship-resistant and immune to the whims of corporate overlords.

Building a Healthier Digital Future

NOSTR isn't just about escaping the toxicity of traditional social media; it's about building a healthier, more meaningful online experience.

Cultivating Authentic Connections: Focus on building genuine relationships with people who share your values and interests, rather than chasing likes and followers.

Supporting Independent Creators: Use "zaps" to directly support the artists, writers, and thinkers who inspire you.

Embracing Intellectual Diversity: Explore different NOSTR apps and communities to broaden your horizons and challenge your assumptions.

Prioritizing Your Mental Health: Take control of your digital environment and create a space that supports your well-being.

Removing the noise: Value based interactions promote value based content, instead of the constant stream of noise that traditional social media promotes.

The Time for Action is Now

NOSTR is a nascent technology, but it represents a fundamental shift in how we interact online. It's a chance to build a more open, decentralized, and user-centric internet, one that prioritizes our mental health and our humanity.

We can no longer afford to be passive consumers in the digital age. We must become active participants in shaping our online experiences. It's time to break free from the chains of algorithmic control and reclaim our digital autonomy.

Join the NOSTR movement

Embrace the power of decentralization. Let's build a digital future that's worthy of our humanity. Let us build a place where the middlemen, and the algorithms that they control, have no power over us.

In addition to the points above, here are some examples/links of how NOSTR can be used:

Simple Signup: Creating a NOSTR account is incredibly easy. You can use platforms like Yakihonne or Primal to generate your keys and start exploring the ecosystem.

X-like Client: Apps like Damus offer a familiar X-like experience, making it easy for users to transition from traditional platforms.

Sharing Photos and Videos: Clients like Olas are optimized for visual content, allowing you to share your photos and videos with your followers.

Creating and Consuming Blogs: NOSTR can be used to publish and share blog posts, fostering a community of independent creators.

Live Streaming and Audio Spaces: Explore platforms like Hivetalk and zap.stream for live streaming and audio-based interactions.

NOSTR is a powerful tool for reclaiming your digital life and building a more meaningful online experience. It's time to take control, break free from the shackles of traditional social media, and embrace the future of decentralized communication.

Get the full overview of these and other on: https://nostrapps.com/

@ 21335073:a244b1ad

Warning: This piece contains a conversation about difficult topics. Please proceed with caution.

TL;DR please educate your children about online safety.

Julian Assange wrote in his 2012 book Cypherpunks, “This book is not a manifesto. There isn’t time for that. This book is a warning.” I read it a few times over the past summer. Those opening lines definitely stood out to me. I wish we had listened back then. He saw something about the internet that few had the ability to see. There are some individuals who are so close to a topic that when they speak, it’s difficult for others who aren’t steeped in it to visualize what they’re talking about. I didn’t read the book until more recently. If I had read it when it came out, it probably would have sounded like an unknown foreign language to me. Today it makes more sense.

This isn’t a manifesto. This isn’t a book. There is no time for that. It’s a warning and a possible solution from a desperate and determined survivor advocate who has been pulling and unraveling a thread for a few years. At times, I feel too close to this topic to make any sense trying to convey my pathway to my conclusions or thoughts to the general public. My hope is that if nothing else, I can convey my sense of urgency while writing this. This piece is a watchman’s warning.

When a child steps online, they are walking into a new world. A new reality. When you hand a child the internet, you are handing them possibilities—good, bad, and ugly. This is a conversation about lowering the potential of negative outcomes of stepping into that new world and how I came to these conclusions. I constantly compare the internet to the road. You wouldn’t let a young child run out into the road with no guidance or safety precautions. When you hand a child the internet without any type of guidance or safety measures, you are allowing them to play in rush hour, oncoming traffic. “Look left, look right for cars before crossing.” We almost all have been taught that as children. What are we taught as humans about safety before stepping into a completely different reality like the internet? Very little.

I could never really figure out why many folks in tech, privacy rights activists, and hackers seemed so cold to me while talking about online child sexual exploitation. I always figured that as a survivor advocate for those affected by these crimes, that specific, skilled group of individuals would be very welcoming and easy to talk to about such serious topics. I actually had one hacker laugh in my face when I brought it up while I was looking for answers. I thought maybe this individual thought I was accusing them of something I wasn’t, so I felt bad for asking. I was constantly extremely disappointed and would ask myself, “Why don’t they care? What could I say to make them care more? What could I say to make them understand the crisis and the level of suffering that happens as a result of the problem?”

I have been serving minor survivors of online child sexual exploitation for years. My first case serving a survivor of this specific crime was in 2018—a 13-year-old girl sexually exploited by a serial predator on Snapchat. That was my first glimpse into this side of the internet. I won a national award for serving the minor survivors of Twitter in 2023, but I had been working on that specific project for a few years. I was nominated by a lawyer representing two survivors in a legal battle against the platform. I’ve never really spoken about this before, but at the time it was a choice for me between fighting Snapchat or Twitter. I chose Twitter—or rather, Twitter chose me. I heard about the story of John Doe #1 and John Doe #2, and I was so unbelievably broken over it that I went to war for multiple years. I was and still am royally pissed about that case. As far as I was concerned, the John Doe #1 case proved that whatever was going on with corporate tech social media was so out of control that I didn’t have time to wait, so I got to work. It was reading the messages that John Doe #1 sent to Twitter begging them to remove his sexual exploitation that broke me. He was a child begging adults to do something. A passion for justice and protecting kids makes you do wild things. I was desperate to find answers about what happened and searched for solutions. In the end, the platform Twitter was purchased. During the acquisition, I just asked Mr. Musk nicely to prioritize the issue of detection and removal of child sexual exploitation without violating digital privacy rights or eroding end-to-end encryption. Elon thanked me multiple times during the acquisition, made some changes, and I was thanked by others on the survivors’ side as well.

I still feel that even with the progress made, I really just scratched the surface with Twitter, now X. I left that passion project when I did for a few reasons. I wanted to give new leadership time to tackle the issue. Elon Musk made big promises that I knew would take a while to fulfill, but mostly I had been watching global legislation transpire around the issue, and frankly, the governments are willing to go much further with X and the rest of corporate tech than I ever would. My work begging Twitter to make changes with easier reporting of content, detection, and removal of child sexual exploitation material—without violating privacy rights or eroding end-to-end encryption—and advocating for the minor survivors of the platform went as far as my principles would have allowed. I’m grateful for that experience. I was still left with a nagging question: “How did things get so bad with Twitter where the John Doe #1 and John Doe #2 case was able to happen in the first place?” I decided to keep looking for answers. I decided to keep pulling the thread.

I never worked for Twitter. This is often confusing for folks. I will say that despite being disappointed in the platform’s leadership at times, I loved Twitter. I saw and still see its value. I definitely love the survivors of the platform, but I also loved the platform. I was a champion of the platform’s ability to give folks from virtually around the globe an opportunity to speak and be heard.

I want to be clear that John Doe #1 really is my why. He is the inspiration. I am writing this because of him. He represents so many globally, and I’m still inspired by his bravery. One child’s voice begging adults to do something—I’m an adult, I heard him. I’d go to war a thousand more lifetimes for that young man, and I don’t even know his name. Fighting has been personally dark at times; I’m not even going to try to sugarcoat it, but it has been worth it.

The data surrounding the very real crime of online child sexual exploitation is available to the public online at any time for anyone to see. I’d encourage you to go look at the data for yourself. I believe in encouraging folks to check multiple sources so that you understand the full picture. If you are uncomfortable just searching around the internet for information about this topic, use the terms “CSAM,” “CSEM,” “SG-CSEM,” or “AI Generated CSAM.” The numbers don’t lie—it’s a nightmare that’s out of control. It’s a big business. The demand is high, and unfortunately, business is booming. Organizations collect the data, tech companies often post their data, governments report frequently, and the corporate press has covered a decent portion of the conversation, so I’m sure you can find a source that you trust.

Technology is changing rapidly, which is great for innovation as a whole but horrible for the crime of online child sexual exploitation. Those wishing to exploit the vulnerable seem to be adapting to each technological change with ease. The governments are so far behind with tackling these issues that as I’m typing this, it’s borderline irrelevant to even include them while speaking about the crime or potential solutions. Technology is changing too rapidly, and their old, broken systems can’t even dare to keep up. Think of it like the governments’ “War on Drugs.” Drugs won. In this case as well, the governments are not winning. The governments are talking about maybe having a meeting on potentially maybe having legislation around the crimes. The time to have that meeting would have been many years ago. I’m not advocating for governments to legislate our way out of this. I’m on the side of educating and innovating our way out of this.

I have been clear while advocating for the minor survivors of corporate tech platforms that I would not advocate for any solution to the crime that would violate digital privacy rights or erode end-to-end encryption. That has been a personal moral position that I was unwilling to budge on. This is an extremely unpopular and borderline nonexistent position in the anti-human trafficking movement and online child protection space. I’m often fearful that I’m wrong about this. I have always thought that a better pathway forward would have been to incentivize innovation for detection and removal of content. I had no previous exposure to privacy rights activists or Cypherpunks—actually, I came to that conclusion by listening to the voices of MENA region political dissidents and human rights activists. After developing relationships with human rights activists from around the globe, I realized how important privacy rights and encryption are for those who need it most globally. I was simply unwilling to give more power, control, and opportunities for mass surveillance to big abusers like governments wishing to enslave entire nations and untrustworthy corporate tech companies to potentially end some portion of abuses online. On top of all of it, it has been clear to me for years that all potential solutions outside of violating digital privacy rights to detect and remove child sexual exploitation online have not yet been explored aggressively. I’ve been disappointed that there hasn’t been more of a conversation around preventing the crime from happening in the first place.

What has been tried is mass surveillance. In China, they are currently under mass surveillance both online and offline, and their behaviors are attached to a social credit score. Unfortunately, even on state-run and controlled social media platforms, they still have child sexual exploitation and abuse imagery pop up along with other crimes and human rights violations. They also have a thriving black market online due to the oppression from the state. In other words, even an entire loss of freedom and privacy cannot end the sexual exploitation of children online. It’s been tried. There is no reason to repeat this method.

It took me an embarrassingly long time to figure out why I always felt a slight coldness from those in tech and privacy-minded individuals about the topic of child sexual exploitation online. I didn’t have any clue about the “Four Horsemen of the Infocalypse.” This is a term coined by Timothy C. May in 1988. I would have been a child myself when he first said it. I actually laughed at myself when I heard the phrase for the first time. I finally got it. The Cypherpunks weren’t wrong about that topic. They were so spot on that it is borderline uncomfortable. I was mad at first that they knew that early during the birth of the internet that this issue would arise and didn’t address it. Then I got over it because I realized that it wasn’t their job. Their job was—is—to write code. Their job wasn’t to be involved and loving parents or survivor advocates. Their job wasn’t to educate children on internet safety or raise awareness; their job was to write code.

They knew that child sexual abuse material would be shared on the internet. They said what would happen—not in a gleeful way, but a prediction. Then it happened.

I equate it now to a concrete company laying down a road. As you’re pouring the concrete, you can say to yourself, “A terrorist might travel down this road to go kill many, and on the flip side, a beautiful child can be born in an ambulance on this road.” Who or what travels down the road is not their responsibility—they are just supposed to lay the concrete. I’d never go to a concrete pourer and ask them to solve terrorism that travels down roads. Under the current system, law enforcement should stop terrorists before they even make it to the road. The solution to this specific problem is not to treat everyone on the road like a terrorist or to not build the road.

So I understand the perceived coldness from those in tech. Not only was it not their job, but bringing up the topic was seen as the equivalent of asking a free person if they wanted to discuss one of the four topics—child abusers, terrorists, drug dealers, intellectual property pirates, etc.—that would usher in digital authoritarianism for all who are online globally.

Privacy rights advocates and groups have put up a good fight. They stood by their principles. Unfortunately, when it comes to corporate tech, I believe that the issue of privacy is almost a complete lost cause at this point. It’s still worth pushing back, but ultimately, it is a losing battle—a ticking time bomb.

I do think that corporate tech providers could have slowed down the inevitable loss of privacy at the hands of the state by prioritizing the detection and removal of CSAM when they all started online. I believe it would have bought some time, fewer would have been traumatized by that specific crime, and I do believe that it could have slowed down the demand for content. If I think too much about that, I’ll go insane, so I try to push the “if maybes” aside, but never knowing if it could have been handled differently will forever haunt me. At night when it’s quiet, I wonder what I would have done differently if given the opportunity. I’ll probably never know how much corporate tech knew and ignored in the hopes that it would go away while the problem continued to get worse. They had different priorities. The most voiceless and vulnerable exploited on corporate tech never had much of a voice, so corporate tech providers didn’t receive very much pushback.

Now I’m about to say something really wild, and you can call me whatever you want to call me, but I’m going to say what I believe to be true. I believe that the governments are either so incompetent that they allowed the proliferation of CSAM online, or they knowingly allowed the problem to fester long enough to have an excuse to violate privacy rights and erode end-to-end encryption. The US government could have seized the corporate tech providers over CSAM, but I believe that they were so useful as a propaganda arm for the regimes that they allowed them to continue virtually unscathed.

That season is done now, and the governments are making the issue a priority. It will come at a high cost. Privacy on corporate tech providers is virtually done as I’m typing this. It feels like a death rattle. I’m not particularly sure that we had much digital privacy to begin with, but the illusion of a veil of privacy feels gone.

To make matters slightly more complex, it would be hard to convince me that once AI really gets going, digital privacy will exist at all.

I believe that there should be a conversation shift to preserving freedoms and human rights in a post-privacy society.

I don’t want to get locked up because AI predicted a nasty post online from me about the government. I’m not a doomer about AI—I’m just going to roll with it personally. I’m looking forward to the positive changes that will be brought forth by AI. I see it as inevitable. A bit of privacy was helpful while it lasted. Please keep fighting to preserve what is left of privacy either way because I could be wrong about all of this.

On the topic of AI, the addition of AI to the horrific crime of child sexual abuse material and child sexual exploitation in multiple ways so far has been devastating. It’s currently out of control. The genie is out of the bottle. I am hopeful that innovation will get us humans out of this, but I’m not sure how or how long it will take. We must be extremely cautious around AI legislation. It should not be illegal to innovate even if some bad comes with the good. I don’t trust that the governments are equipped to decide the best pathway forward for AI. Source: the entire history of the government.

I have been personally negatively impacted by AI-generated content. Every few days, I get another alert that I’m featured again in what’s called “deep fake pornography” without my consent. I’m not happy about it, but what pains me the most is the thought that for a period of time down the road, many globally will experience what myself and others are experiencing now by being digitally sexually abused in this way. If you have ever had your picture taken and posted online, you are also at risk of being exploited in this way. Your child’s image can be used as well, unfortunately, and this is just the beginning of this particular nightmare. It will move to more realistic interpretations of sexual behaviors as technology improves. I have no brave words of wisdom about how to deal with that emotionally. I do have hope that innovation will save the day around this specific issue. I’m nervous that everyone online will have to ID verify due to this issue. I see that as one possible outcome that could help to prevent one problem but inadvertently cause more problems, especially for those living under authoritarian regimes or anyone who needs to remain anonymous online. A zero-knowledge proof (ZKP) would probably be the best solution to these issues. There are some survivors of violence and/or sexual trauma who need to remain anonymous online for various reasons. There are survivor stories available online of those who have been abused in this way. I’d encourage you seek out and listen to their stories.

There have been periods of time recently where I hesitate to say anything at all because more than likely AI will cover most of my concerns about education, awareness, prevention, detection, and removal of child sexual exploitation online, etc.

Unfortunately, some of the most pressing issues we’ve seen online over the last few years come in the form of “sextortion.” Self-generated child sexual exploitation (SG-CSEM) numbers are continuing to be terrifying. I’d strongly encourage that you look into sextortion data. AI + sextortion is also a huge concern. The perpetrators are using the non-sexually explicit images of children and putting their likeness on AI-generated child sexual exploitation content and extorting money, more imagery, or both from minors online. It’s like a million nightmares wrapped into one. The wild part is that these issues will only get more pervasive because technology is harnessed to perpetuate horror at a scale unimaginable to a human mind.

Even if you banned phones and the internet or tried to prevent children from accessing the internet, it wouldn’t solve it. Child sexual exploitation will still be with us until as a society we start to prevent the crime before it happens. That is the only human way out right now.

There is no reset button on the internet, but if I could go back, I’d tell survivor advocates to heed the warnings of the early internet builders and to start education and awareness campaigns designed to prevent as much online child sexual exploitation as possible. The internet and technology moved quickly, and I don’t believe that society ever really caught up. We live in a world where a child can be groomed by a predator in their own home while sitting on a couch next to their parents watching TV. We weren’t ready as a species to tackle the fast-paced algorithms and dangers online. It happened too quickly for parents to catch up. How can you parent for the ever-changing digital world unless you are constantly aware of the dangers?

I don’t think that the internet is inherently bad. I believe that it can be a powerful tool for freedom and resistance. I’ve spoken a lot about the bad online, but there is beauty as well. We often discuss how victims and survivors are abused online; we rarely discuss the fact that countless survivors around the globe have been able to share their experiences, strength, hope, as well as provide resources to the vulnerable. I do question if giving any government or tech company access to censorship, surveillance, etc., online in the name of serving survivors might not actually impact a portion of survivors negatively. There are a fair amount of survivors with powerful abusers protected by governments and the corporate press. If a survivor cannot speak to the press about their abuse, the only place they can go is online, directly or indirectly through an independent journalist who also risks being censored. This scenario isn’t hard to imagine—it already happened in China. During #MeToo, a survivor in China wanted to post their story. The government censored the post, so the survivor put their story on the blockchain. I’m excited that the survivor was creative and brave, but it’s terrifying to think that we live in a world where that situation is a necessity.

I believe that the future for many survivors sharing their stories globally will be on completely censorship-resistant and decentralized protocols. This thought in particular gives me hope. When we listen to the experiences of a diverse group of survivors, we can start to understand potential solutions to preventing the crimes from happening in the first place.

My heart is broken over the gut-wrenching stories of survivors sexually exploited online. Every time I hear the story of a survivor, I do think to myself quietly, “What could have prevented this from happening in the first place?” My heart is with survivors.

My head, on the other hand, is full of the understanding that the internet should remain free. The free flow of information should not be stopped. My mind is with the innocent citizens around the globe that deserve freedom both online and offline.

The problem is that governments don’t only want to censor illegal content that violates human rights—they create legislation that is so broad that it can impact speech and privacy of all. “Don’t you care about the kids?” Yes, I do. I do so much that I’m invested in finding solutions. I also care about all citizens around the globe that deserve an opportunity to live free from a mass surveillance society. If terrorism happens online, I should not be punished by losing my freedom. If drugs are sold online, I should not be punished. I’m not an abuser, I’m not a terrorist, and I don’t engage in illegal behaviors. I refuse to lose freedom because of others’ bad behaviors online.

I want to be clear that on a long enough timeline, the governments will decide that they can be better parents/caregivers than you can if something isn’t done to stop minors from being sexually exploited online. The price will be a complete loss of anonymity, privacy, free speech, and freedom of religion online. I find it rather insulting that governments think they’re better equipped to raise children than parents and caretakers.

So we can’t go backwards—all that we can do is go forward. Those who want to have freedom will find technology to facilitate their liberation. This will lead many over time to decentralized and open protocols. So as far as I’m concerned, this does solve a few of my worries—those who need, want, and deserve to speak freely online will have the opportunity in most countries—but what about online child sexual exploitation?

When I popped up around the decentralized space, I was met with the fear of censorship. I’m not here to censor you. I don’t write code. I couldn’t censor anyone or any piece of content even if I wanted to across the internet, no matter how depraved. I don’t have the skills to do that.

I’m here to start a conversation. Freedom comes at a cost. You must always fight for and protect your freedom. I can’t speak about protecting yourself from all of the Four Horsemen because I simply don’t know the topics well enough, but I can speak about this one topic.

If there was a shortcut to ending online child sexual exploitation, I would have found it by now. There isn’t one right now. I believe that education is the only pathway forward to preventing the crime of online child sexual exploitation for future generations.

I propose a yearly education course for every child of all school ages, taught as a standard part of the curriculum. Ideally, parents/caregivers would be involved in the education/learning process.

Course: - The creation of the internet and computers - The fight for cryptography - The tech supply chain from the ground up (example: human rights violations in the supply chain) - Corporate tech - Freedom tech - Data privacy - Digital privacy rights - AI (history-current) - Online safety (predators, scams, catfishing, extortion) - Bitcoin - Laws - How to deal with online hate and harassment - Information on who to contact if you are being abused online or offline - Algorithms - How to seek out the truth about news, etc., online

The parents/caregivers, homeschoolers, unschoolers, and those working to create decentralized parallel societies have been an inspiration while writing this, but my hope is that all children would learn this course, even in government ran schools. Ideally, parents would teach this to their own children.

The decentralized space doesn’t want child sexual exploitation to thrive. Here’s the deal: there has to be a strong prevention effort in order to protect the next generation. The internet isn’t going anywhere, predators aren’t going anywhere, and I’m not down to let anyone have the opportunity to prove that there is a need for more government. I don’t believe that the government should act as parents. The governments have had a chance to attempt to stop online child sexual exploitation, and they didn’t do it. Can we try a different pathway forward?

I’d like to put myself out of a job. I don’t want to ever hear another story like John Doe #1 ever again. This will require work. I’ve often called online child sexual exploitation the lynchpin for the internet. It’s time to arm generations of children with knowledge and tools. I can’t do this alone.

Individuals have fought so that I could have freedom online. I want to fight to protect it. I don’t want child predators to give the government any opportunity to take away freedom. Decentralized spaces are as close to a reset as we’ll get with the opportunity to do it right from the start. Start the youth off correctly by preventing potential hazards to the best of your ability.

The good news is anyone can work on this! I’d encourage you to take it and run with it. I added the additional education about the history of the internet to make the course more educational and fun. Instead of cleaning up generations of destroyed lives due to online sexual exploitation, perhaps this could inspire generations of those who will build our futures. Perhaps if the youth is armed with knowledge, they can create more tools to prevent the crime.

This one solution that I’m suggesting can be done on an individual level or on a larger scale. It should be adjusted depending on age, learning style, etc. It should be fun and playful.

This solution does not address abuse in the home or some of the root causes of offline child sexual exploitation. My hope is that it could lead to some survivors experiencing abuse in the home an opportunity to disclose with a trusted adult. The purpose for this solution is to prevent the crime of online child sexual exploitation before it occurs and to arm the youth with the tools to contact safe adults if and when it happens.

In closing, I went to hell a few times so that you didn’t have to. I spoke to the mothers of survivors of minors sexually exploited online—their tears could fill rivers. I’ve spoken with political dissidents who yearned to be free from authoritarian surveillance states. The only balance that I’ve found is freedom online for citizens around the globe and prevention from the dangers of that for the youth. Don’t slow down innovation and freedom. Educate, prepare, adapt, and look for solutions.

I’m not perfect and I’m sure that there are errors in this piece. I hope that you find them and it starts a conversation.

@ c4b5369a:b812dbd6

Offline transactions with Cashu

Over the past few weeks, I've been busy implementing offline capabilities into nutstash. I think this is one of the key value propositions of ecash, beinga a bearer instrument that can be used without internet access. It does however come with limitations, which can lead to a bit of confusion. I hope this article will clear some of these questions up for you!

What is ecash/Cashu?

Ecash is the first cryptocurrency ever invented. It was created by David Chaum in 1983. It uses a blind signature scheme, which allows users to prove ownership of a token without revealing a link to its origin. These tokens are what we call ecash. They are bearer instruments, meaning that anyone who possesses a copy of them, is considered the owner.

Cashu is an implementation of ecash, built to tightly interact with Bitcoin, more specifically the Bitcoin lightning network. In the Cashu ecosystem, Mints are the gateway to the lightning network. They provide the infrastructure to access the lightning network, pay invoices and receive payments. Instead of relying on a traditional ledger scheme like other custodians do, the mint issues ecash tokens, to represent the value held by the users.

How do normal Cashu transactions work?

A Cashu transaction happens when the sender gives a copy of his ecash token to the receiver. This can happen by any means imaginable. You could send the token through email, messenger, or even by pidgeon. One of the common ways to transfer ecash is via QR code.

The transaction is however not finalized just yet! In order to make sure the sender cannot double-spend their copy of the token, the receiver must do what we call a swap. A swap is essentially exchanging an ecash token for a new one at the mint, invalidating the old token in the process. This ensures that the sender can no longer use the same token to spend elsewhere, and the value has been transferred to the receiver.

What about offline transactions?

Sending offline

Sending offline is very simple. The ecash tokens are stored on your device. Thus, no internet connection is required to access them. You can litteraly just take them, and give them to someone. The most convenient way is usually through a local transmission protocol, like NFC, QR code, Bluetooth, etc.

The one thing to consider when sending offline is that ecash tokens come in form of "coins" or "notes". The technical term we use in Cashu is Proof. It "proofs" to the mint that you own a certain amount of value. Since these proofs have a fixed value attached to them, much like UTXOs in Bitcoin do, you would need proofs with a value that matches what you want to send. You can mix and match multiple proofs together to create a token that matches the amount you want to send. But, if you don't have proofs that match the amount, you would need to go online and swap for the needed proofs at the mint.

Another limitation is, that you cannot create custom proofs offline. For example, if you would want to lock the ecash to a certain pubkey, or add a timelock to the proof, you would need to go online and create a new custom proof at the mint.

Receiving offline

You might think: well, if I trust the sender, I don't need to be swapping the token right away!

You're absolutely correct. If you trust the sender, you can simply accept their ecash token without needing to swap it immediately.

This is already really useful, since it gives you a way to receive a payment from a friend or close aquaintance without having to worry about connectivity. It's almost just like physical cash!

It does however not work if the sender is untrusted. We have to use a different scheme to be able to receive payments from someone we don't trust.

Receiving offline from an untrusted sender

To be able to receive payments from an untrusted sender, we need the sender to create a custom proof for us. As we've seen before, this requires the sender to go online.

The sender needs to create a token that has the following properties, so that the receciver can verify it offline:

• It must be locked to ONLY the receiver's public key
• It must include an offline signature proof (DLEQ proof)
• If it contains a timelock & refund clause, it must be set to a time in the future that is acceptable for the receiver
• It cannot contain duplicate proofs (double-spend)
• It cannot contain proofs that the receiver has already received before (double-spend)

If all of these conditions are met, then the receiver can verify the proof offline and accept the payment. This allows us to receive payments from anyone, even if we don't trust them.

At first glance, this scheme seems kinda useless. It requires the sender to go online, which defeats the purpose of having an offline payment system.

I beleive there are a couple of ways this scheme might be useful nonetheless:

1. Offline vending machines: Imagine you have an offline vending machine that accepts payments from anyone. The vending machine could use this scheme to verify payments without needing to go online itself. We can assume that the sender is able to go online and create a valid token, but the receiver doesn't need to be online to verify it.

2. Offline marketplaces: Imagine you have an offline marketplace where buyers and sellers can trade goods and services. Before going to the marketplace the sender already knows where he will be spending the money. The sender could create a valid token before going to the marketplace, using the merchants public key as a lock, and adding a refund clause to redeem any unspent ecash after it expires. In this case, neither the sender nor the receiver needs to go online to complete the transaction.

How to use this

Pretty much all cashu wallets allow you to send tokens offline. This is because all that the wallet needs to do is to look if it can create the desired amount from the proofs stored locally. If yes, it will automatically create the token offline.

Receiving offline tokens is currently only supported by nutstash (experimental).

To create an offline receivable token, the sender needs to lock it to the receiver's public key. Currently there is no refund clause! So be careful that you don't get accidentally locked out of your funds!

The receiver can then inspect the token and decide if it is safe to accept without a swap. If all checks are green, they can accept the token offline without trusting the sender.

The receiver will see the unswapped tokens on the wallet homescreen. They will need to manually swap them later when they are online again.

Later when the receiver is online again, they can swap the token for a fresh one.

Summary

We learned that offline transactions are possible with ecash, but there are some limitations. It either requires trusting the sender, or relying on either the sender or receiver to be online to verify the tokens, or create tokens that can be verified offline by the receiver.

I hope this short article was helpful in understanding how ecash works and its potential for offline transactions.

Cheers,

Gandlaf

@ 21335073:a244b1ad

I want to see Nostr succeed. If you can think of a way I can help make that happen, I’m open to it. I’d like your suggestions.

My schedule’s shifting soon, and I could volunteer a few hours a week to a Nostr project. I won’t have more total time, but how I use it will change.

Why help? I care about freedom. Nostr’s one of the most powerful freedom tools I’ve seen in my lifetime. If I believe that, I should act on it.

I don’t care about money or sats. I’m not rich, I don’t have extra cash. That doesn’t drive me—freedom does. I’m volunteering, not asking for pay.

I’m not here for clout. I’ve had enough spotlight in my life; it doesn’t move me. If I wanted clout, I’d be on Twitter dropping basic takes. Clout’s easy. Freedom’s hard. I’d rather help anonymously. No speaking at events—small meetups are cool for the vibe, but big conferences? Not my thing. I’ll never hit a huge Bitcoin conference. It’s just not my scene.

That said, I could be convinced to step up if it’d really boost Nostr—as long as it’s legal and gets results.

In this space, I’d watch for social engineering. I watch out for it. I’m not here to make friends, just to help. No shade—you all seem great—but I’ve got a full life and awesome friends irl. I don’t need your crew or to be online cool. Connect anonymously if you want; I’d encourage it.

I’m sick of watching other social media alternatives grow while Nostr kinda stalls. I could trash-talk, but I’d rather do something useful.

Skills? I’m good at spotting social media problems and finding possible solutions. I won’t overhype myself—that’s weird—but if you’re responding, you probably see something in me. Perhaps you see something that I don’t see in myself.

If you need help now or later with Nostr projects, reach out. Nostr only—nothing else. Anonymous contact’s fine. Even just a suggestion on how I can pitch in, no project attached, works too. 💜

Creeps or harassment will get blocked or I’ll nuke my simplex code if it becomes a problem.

https://simplex.chat/contact#/?v=2-4&smp=smp%3A%2F%2FSkIkI6EPd2D63F4xFKfHk7I1UGZVNn6k1QWZ5rcyr6w%3D%40smp9.simplex.im%2FbI99B3KuYduH8jDr9ZwyhcSxm2UuR7j0%23%2F%3Fv%3D1-2%26dh%3DMCowBQYDK2VuAyEAS9C-zPzqW41PKySfPCEizcXb1QCus6AyDkTTjfyMIRM%253D%26srv%3Djssqzccmrcws6bhmn77vgmhfjmhwlyr3u7puw4erkyoosywgl67slqqd.onion

@ fd06f542:8d6d54cd

Direct-message

• 0xchat
• Beautiful, simple and private nostr DMs

• Public groups that work compatible with other apps

• Coop

• Safe DMs with NIP-17

Signers

• Alby
• Nostr wallet connect for one tap zapping via nostr clients
• Nostr authenticator (never enter your nsec into apps)
• Chrome extension
• Simple and easy to use
• Frequently maintained
• Send and receive sats

• Custodial

• Amber

• Other Android apps can invoke it for signing events via NIP-55
• Your key doesn't have to touch the other, less trusted, apps
• Supports providing a NIP-46 signing Bunker
• Multiple accounts
• Fine-grained app authorizations

• Activity log

• Keys Band

• Multiple key management
• Light and dark mode

• Save preferred relays

• nos2x

• The original signer by nostr creator fiatjaf
• Versatile, no frills

• Relay preference storage

• Nostr Connect

• A skinned fork of nos2x by fiatjaf
• Chrome
• &&nbsp
• Firefox
• Store preferred relay set

• Individually revokable permissions

• Nsec App

• Log in to nostr apps without an extension
• Key recovery via email
• Password protected encrypted local key storage

• Manage multiple apps

• Nostrame

• Derive accounts from a mnemonic seed
• Generate random mnemonic accounts
• NIP-07 - window.nostr capability for web browsers
• Import external accounts
• Set basic metadata on Nostr
• Enjoy encryption secured by a master password
• Lock and unlock the vault with ease
• Easily import and export backups

Microblogging

• alphaama
• CLI + GUI
• run custom code
• inspect notes

• test stuff

• Amethyst 暂无相关功能描述

• Coracle

• Short notes
• Nice thread view
• Profile search
• Secure direct messages
• Custom feeds

• Relay reviews

• Damus

• Note feeds
• Easy to use interface
• Zap pre-set and custom amounts (lightning payments)
• Multi-wallet support

• Block lists

• Flycat

• Snappy nostr browsing
• Back up your data
• Browse long form content

• Light mode

• FreeFrom

• No phone number and email required to sign up
• Free migration of social content within the Nostr
• Excellent user experience

• Double-enhanced private communication

• Gossip

• multiplatform: runs on Windows, MacOS and Linux
• native: avoids browser-tech for performance and security
• performant: coded with performance in mind in Rust using LMDB for the database, such that your network speed will be your bottleneck
• outbox model: using a set of heuristics to always find people you follow no matter where they're publishing to
• high user control: over 60 different settings, all with reasonable defaults, but very customizable

• privacy: supports running over Tor, options for not loading media, options for not sharing who you follow and others

• Iris

• Short notes
• Social graph filter

• Image grid feeds

• Lume

• Desktop app
• Clean and beautiful design
• Multi-column
• Spaces

• Trending

• Nos Social

• Currently in TestFlight
• Safety first: mute, report, content warnings, delete
• Reach restricted to 2 hops - people you follow and people they follow.

• Community-focused relays

• Nostrmo 暂无相关功能描述

• noStrudel

• Feature-rich
• Highly customizable
• Mute words
• Communities
• Streaming (watch)
• Lists
• Tools shortcuts

• Sidebar comments

• Nostter

• Twitter style feed
• Cute logo
• Mute words

• Minimal and calm

• Nostur

• Multi-account
• Guest account
• Your posts stored on your device and can be exported
• Bookmarks and personal notes
• Follow and explore timeline
• Remembers where you left off scrolling when reopening app
• Undo accidental tap on Like
• Autocomplete names when typing
• Lightning zaps
• Lightning wallet selection
• Direct Messages
• Domain verification
• Badges
• Block list
• Muted conversations
• Notifications for mentions, reactions and zaps
• Image previews/zoom/pan
• Gif/Video playback
• Option to turn signature verification off
• Option to hide badges from profile and emojis from names
• Fast local database
• Big detail pane for iPad/macOS
• Login as someone else (read-only mode)

• Choose which relays to send to and receive from

• Oddbean

• Hacker News style

• Openvibe

• Post to Nostr and Mastodon
• Nice, clean and modern design
• Simple and intuitive
• Gifs, stickers integration

• Dark and light mode

• Pollerama

• Browse polls created here or on other clients
• Create polls

• Vote on polls

• Primal 暂无相关功能描述

• Rabbit

• Multi-column

• Tweetdeck-like UI

• Snort

• Twitter-like experience
• Dark and light mode
• Custom zap amounts
• Bookmarks
• Pinned notes

• Alby integration

• Wired

• PWA to be widely accessible with distribution via URLS, and to side-step App Store gatekeeping
• Employs Proof-of-Work (PoW) as a spam prevention mechanism, as opposed to Captcha, moderation or other verification methods
• Uses NOSTR as a censorship-resistant global "social" network

Community

• Badges Page
• Create and award badges
• Manage badges awarded to you
• Simple interface

File-sharing

• Bouquet
• Upload files
• Download files
• Manage your list of mediaservers
• Broadcast your list on Nostr
• Sync files between servers

• Browse files on your mediaservers

• DTAN

• Browse lists of available torrents
• Publish your own
• Choose relays to browse on

Group-chat

• Chachi
• Create, browse, join groups
• Send chat messages or other kinds of content

• Seamless, lean, fast interface

• Flotilla

• Browse relays and chat on the communities in them
• Send and receive direct messages

• Take private notes

• Groups

• Browse groups on specific relays
• Join rooms and send chat messages

Tools

• Emojito

• Create custom emoji sets to be used on supported clients

• Formstr

• Create and share forms

• GIF Buddy

• Make GIFs from the external world available inside Nostr clients
• GIF uploads

• Search external GIF libraries

• Nosdrive

• Save your nostr notes to Google Drive

• Nosta

• Guided onboarding
• Recovery phrase to restore access
• Good UX with explainers

• Beautiful design

• Nostr App Manager

• Discover app of the day
• Discover new apps
• Search all nostr apps
• Discover nostr DVMs
• Discover nostr code repositories
• App reviews

• Nostr native - takes a different approach from NostrApps.com

• ZapStore

• A plethora of apps to choose from and install
• Faster than Obtainium
• More complete than F-Droid

• Cleaner than Google Play

• Zapplepay

• Zap from any client
• Bypass Apple's draconian rules
• Nostr Wallet Connect

Blogging

• Feeder
• Subscribe to RSS and Nostr article feeds
• Years of specialization in reading articles
• Offline reading
• OPML Import/Export
• Notification support

• Material design

• Habla

• Long form publishing
• Markdown support
• Rich text editor
• Dark and light modes
• Browse by relay
• Made on nostr, content mirrored to other nostr platforms.

• Extension-only sign-in

• Narr

• Read RSS feeds
• Read Nostr NIP-23 long-form articles
• Import and export OPML
• Runs on desktop with a web-based UI

• Can be accessed remotely from apps such as Reeder, Readkit etc

• Noflux

• Read RSS feeds
• Read Nostr NIP-23 long-form articles
• Import and export OPML
• Runs on desktop with a web-based UI

• Can be accessed remotely from apps such as Reeder, Readkit etc

• npub.pro

• Create a website out of your nostr content
• SEO friendly
• Use any 3rd party tools
• Works like an app
• Beautiful Ghost themes to choose from
• Zero maintenance
• Custom domains
• Open source and self-hostable
• Natively Social

• Publish from any other nostr app

• Obsidian Nostr Writer

• Directly publish your articles from Obsidian to Nostr with a couple of clicks
• Quickly compose and publish short form notes too
• Images in your .md file will automatically be uploaded and handled when you publish
• Add tags to your posts
• See all posts sent from Obsidian with links to view
• Configure to send to whatever relays you like
• Publish under different nostr accounts
• Easily view and download your Nostr bookmarks into Obsidian for reference and local use

• Automatically populates article information fields from the frontmatter

• Shipyard

• Schedule nostr notes
• Schedule reposts
• Note drafts

• Multi-account support

• Yakihonne

• Publishing and reading notes
• Publishing and reading articles
• Curations (set of articles concerning a specific topic) publishing
• Long-form articles are surfaced instead of lost in the feed

Music

• Fountain
• Earn sats while listening to podcasts
• Create and share clips, get paid on your clips
• Boost your favorite podcasts

• Discover clips from friends

• Stemstr

• Collaborate with others to create your next hit
• Music-focused interface
• Remix function

Curation

• Highlighter
• Read and write long-form articles
• Discover what people you trust found interesting and insightful
• Understand why they found it interesting or insightful with their comments attached
• Send sats, comment or share your favorite highlights

• Highlight anything

• Listr

• Create and share lists

• Browse other people's lists

• Zap Cooking

• Browse recipes
• Add your own recipes

• Earn sats via zaps

• Nostree

• Create link lists
• Multiple lists

• Theming

• Pinstr

• Curate lists, users, links
• Share lists
• Discover interesting content

Photos

• Olas
• Special high-quality photos dedicated client
• Publish photos and browse photos
• Publish and browse short videos
• Browse media feeds from friends, extended network and from specific relays

Discovery

• Jumble
• Browse individual relays by URL
• Create and browse relay sets
• Create and reply to notes
• Follow people and browse the feed from your follows

• Browse the kind:20 photos feed

• Nostr Band

• Search keywords, hashtags, pubkeys, posts
• Look up Nostr statistics
• Embed widgets
• API for clients

• NIP05 Service

• Nostrrr

• Look up relay information
• Browse relay feeds
• Browse individual profile feeds with smart relay selection

• Simple and gets the job done

• Zaplife

• See total sats zapped in the past hour, 4 hours, 24 hours and 7 days
• See who zapped who individually
• See notes that got the most zaps

Audio

• Nests
• Start audio chats
• Troll box (chat)
• Instant zaps (lightning payments)

Crazy

• Nostrocket
• Create issues that matter to you
• Award merits to contributors
• Solve problems

Career

• Ostrich Work
• Post jobs for 20k sats
• Find jobs

Marketplace

• Plebeian Market
• Buy and sell things for sats

• Bid in auctions

• Shopstr

• Buy and sell items for sats
• Message seller
• Cashu integration

Freelancing

• SatShoot
• Post problems on SatShoot
• Make money solving problems as a Freelancer
• Share problems or freelance services on your feed
• Bidding system for Clients to choose the best Offer
• Chat in DMs
• Post Reviews on Freelancers or Clients
• Build Reputation
• Public Zaps as Payments
• Use your Web of Trust to keep scammers away

Media

• Slidestr
• Compact media browsing
• Images and videos
• Full screen media

Meatspace

• Yondar
• Add places to a map
• See places by your friends or follows

Streaming

• zap.stream
• Start livestream via zap.stream or Cloudflare
• Watch other livestreams
• Chat
• Custom emojis
• Zap streamers in real time
• Zap chat participants in real time
• Set up stream goals

@ f18571e7:9da08ff4

Gostaria de dar-te as boas vindas à essa rede social descentralizada e sem censura. Creio eu que já tenha ouvido falar sobre o que ela é e como funciona parcialmente, caso não, existem dois sites (ao meu conhecimento) com boas informações, se chamam nostr.com e nostr.how, mas darei mais à frente uma explicação básica.

E já te dou um aviso: você precisa saber ler!

Aqui irei tentar ajuntar o máximo de informações que conseguir para que não falte nada para você, e o que faltar, quero que você saiba como pesquisar. Cada parte de como funciona, como acessar, como criar, etc.

Usarei como padrão neste artigo o #Amethyst, pois é o melhor e mais completo client para android, mas muitas das configurações nele podem ser visualizadas em outros clients. E para começar, vamos ver o que são clients.

Clients

Chamamos de clients (ou clientes em português) aqueles sites ou apps que dão acesso ao protocolo Nostr. Assim como para acessar à internet existem vários browsers (ou navegadores), para acessar o Nostr também existem vários clients, cada um voltado a um foco específico.

Amethyst

O melhor e mais completo client para #android, nele você pode ter acesso de tudo um pouco. Lives, comunidades, chats, "vídeos curtos", hashtags, notas populares, e muito mais.

Na versão da Play Store, existe uma funcionalidade de tradução usando o Google tradutor. https://play.google.com/store/apps/details?id=com.vitorpamplona.amethyst

Em outras lojas de apps e no repositório Github, o apk não possui essa função. https://github.com/vitorpamplona/amethyst

Aqui tem um tutorial do Amethyst: nostr:nevent1qqsgqll63rw7nfn8ltszwx9k6cvycm7uw56e6rjty6lpwy4n9g7pe5qpz4mhxue69uhhyetvv9ujumn0wd68ytnzvuhsygz8g3szf3lmg9j80mg5dlmkt24uvmsjwmht93svvpv5ws96gk0ltvpsgqqqqqqs7yma4t

Outros Clients

Aqui algumas pessoas expondo suas opiniões sobre certos clients: nostr:nevent1qqsdnrqszc2juykv6l2gnfmvhn2durt703ecvvakvmyfpgxju3q2grspzamhxue69uhhyetvv9ujuvrcvd5xzapwvdhk6tczyr604d4k2mwrx5gaywlcjqjdevtkvtdjq4hmtzswjxjhf6zv2p23qqcyqqqqqqghvkced nostr:nevent1qqsvqahwnljqcz3s3t5zjwyad5f67f7xc49lexu7vq5s2fxxskegv4spzemhxue69uhkummnw3ezuerpw3sju6rpw4ej7q3qvg9lk42rxugcdd4n667uy8gmvgfjp530n2307q9s93xuce3r7vzsxpqqqqqqzeykzw2 Eu mesmo gosto do Amethyst para android e iris.to para web no PC.

Recomendo à você dar uma olhada nesse site: nostrapps.comEle possui todos os clients atuais do Nostr, com uma descrição e links direcionais para você.

Nostr

Agora que você já sabe mais sobre os #clients, você pode acessar o Nostr segundo seu interesse de interface. Vamos ver o que uma IA nos diz sobre o Nostr:

"O #Nostr é um protocolo descentralizado e open source que permite a criação de redes sociais e outros aplicativos sem a necessidade de um servidor central. O nome é um acrônimo para Notes and Other Stuff Transmitted by Relays (Notas e Outras Coisas Transmitidas por Relays). Ele foi projetado para ser resistente à censura, oferecendo uma alternativa às plataformas tradicionais, onde os usuários têm controle total sobre seus dados.

Para que serve?\ O Nostr serve como base para aplicações descentralizadas, como redes sociais, sistemas de pagamento instantâneo em Bitcoin (usando a rede Lightning) e interações diretas entre criadores e consumidores de conteúdo. Ele promove a liberdade de expressão e a privacidade, sem exigir informações pessoais como nome, e-mail ou número de telefone para criar uma conta.

Como funciona?\ O protocolo utiliza dois componentes principais: clientes e relays. Os clientes são aplicações que os usuários usam para interagir com a rede, enquanto os relays são servidores que armazenam e transmitem mensagens. Cada usuário tem uma chave criptográfica única, que garante a autenticidade e a integridade das mensagens. Os relays são independentes, o que significa que, se um relay for bloqueado ou cair, os usuários podem continuar se conectando através de outros.

Em resumo, o Nostr é uma revolução na forma como nos conectamos online, oferecendo liberdade, privacidade e controle aos usuários."

-Perplexity AI

Se você chegou aqui, é porque ouviu em algum lugar ou de alguém, algo parecido com isso. O Nostr é algo moldável, você consegue fazer dele o que quiser, e por aqui você vai encontrar muitas dessas pessoas que o moldam (idealizadores, programadores e desenvolvedores).

Cuide de sua NSEC

Sua Nsec é a chave privada para acesso ao seu perfil, quem a possuir poderá realizar qualquer alteração que queira, comentar, publicar posts e assim por diante. Você deve guardar essa Nsec como se fosse a seed phrase ou chave privada de sua carteira cripto.

Existem alguns modos de guardar e criptografar sua Nsec:

Sem Criptografia

Primeiro de tudo, fique ciente de onde está a sua nsec no client em que acessa o Nostr!

No Amethyst

• Abra o menu de opções
• Selecione "Copia de segurança"
• Clique em "copiar minha chave secreta" Sua nsec será copiada para a àrea de transferência de seu teclado.

Depois de copiar sua nsec, as melhores recomendações que tenho para passar são:

1. Amber

Guarde sua nsec no #Amber, um app assinador de eventos que guarda sua nsec sob criptografia. Após isso, use o mesmo para acessar qualquer client ou site e gerenciar as permissões de cada um. nostr:nevent1qqsvppyfxm87uegv9fpw56akm8e8jlaksxhc6vvlu5s3cmkmz9e0x8cpypmhxue69uhkummnw3ezuampd3kx2ar0veekzar0wd5xjtnrdakj7q3q5wnjy9pfx5xm9w2mjqezyhdgthw3ty4ydmnnamtmhvfmzl9x8cssxpqqqqqqztzjvrd

2. Nos2x-fox

Coloque sua nsec no #Nos2x-fox, um gerenciador de permissões para navegadores a partir do #Firefox. https://addons.mozilla.org/en-US/firefox/addon/nos2x-fox/ E para navegadores da base #chromium existe o #Nos2x do mesmo desenvolvedor. https://chromewebstore.google.com/detail/nos2x/kpgefcfmnafjgpblomihpgmejjdanjjp

3. Gerenciador de Senhas

Essa é a recomendação mais arriscada, você ainda terá de usar o copiar e colar de sua nsec para acessar o Nostr, a não ser que seu gerenciador reconheça o campo de preenchimento da nsec. Mesmo assim, existem dois gerenciadores que indico; o #Bitwarden e #KeePassDX:

Bitwarden (online)

Play Store: https://play.google.com/store/apps/details?id=com.x8bit.bitwarden Github: https://github.com/bitwarden/mobile

KeePassDX (offline)

Play Store: https://play.google.com/store/apps/details?id=com.kunzisoft.keepass.free Github: https://github.com/Kunzisoft/KeePassDX

Com Criptografia

Se tiver interesse em criptografar sua chave, o formato nativo aceito pelos clients é o ncryptsec. O #ncryptsec é uma criptografia por senha (a grosso modo), onde para ser capaz de usá-la nos clients, somente em conjunto com a senha usada na criptografia, fora isso, você não tem acesso. Você consegue encriptar sua nsec e hex para ncryptsec por meios como os abaixo:

1. Amethyst (nsec)

Existe uma função nativa no Amethyst abaixo da opção "copiar chave secreta" onde é só adicionar a sua senha e será criada uma ncryptsec para copiar. Guarde essa nsec encriptada + senha de descriptação em um lugar seguro.

2. Amber (nsec)

No Amber, existe uma função capaz de encriptar sua nsec.

Ao entrar no Amber

• Selecione a engrenagem na parte inferior da tela
• Selecione "backup keys"
• E rolando para baixo existe um campo para digitar sua senha para encriptação da nsec, digite sua senha e copie a ncryptsec. Guarde-as em um lugar seguro.

3. Nostr-Tools (hex)

Foi-me dito que essa ferramenta também encripta o formato nsec, mas eu não consegui fazê-lo, então deixarei para o formato hex. Compile essa ferramenta em seu pc e siga as instruções. Sua chave Hex será encriptada. https://github.com/nbd-wtf/nostr-tools/blob/master/nip49.ts Guarde-as em um lugar seguro.

Relays e Servidores

Relays

Os #Relays (ou relés) são essenciais para receber e enviar informações no Nostr, veja abaixo algumas definições e como utilizar: nostr:nevent1qqsw85k097m8rh5cgqm8glndhnv8lqsm3ajywgkp04mju9je3xje3hcpzemhxue69uhkummnw3ezuerpw3sju6rpw4ej7q3qne99yarta29qxnsp0ssp6cpnnqmtwl8cvklenfcsg2fantuvf0zqxpqqqqqqzxvc0le No exemplo é usado o Orbot no Amethyst, você pode escolher usar essa opção, mas houve uma atualização do Amethyst desde a criação deste post, onde foi adicionada a função de "Tor interno".

No Amethyst

• Deslize a tela da esquerda pra direita
• Selecione "Opções de Privacidade"
• Na opção "Motor Tor Ativo" selecione "Interno"
• Para melhor privacidade, na opção "Predefinições Tor/Privacidade" selecione "Privacidade Completa" Todo conteúdo e informação que receber do Nostr passará através da rede Tor, além de que é possível visualizar conteúdos publicados no Nostr exclusivos da rede #Tor com essa configuração. Lembrando que este método é mais veloz que usar o Orbot.

Aqui estão alguns relays Tor: nostr:nevent1qqsqe96a8630tdmcsh759ct8grfsdh0ckma8juamc97c53xvura3etqpxpmhxue69uhhyetvv9ujumn0wd68ytnzv9hxgtmhwden5te0vdhkyunpve6k6cfwvdhk6tmjv4kxz7gzyr604d4k2mwrx5gaywlcjqjdevtkvtdjq4hmtzswjxjhf6zv2p23qqcyqqqqqqgmxr5jk

Servidores de Mídia

Os servidores de mídia são os responsáveis por armazenar seus vídeos e fotos postados no Nostr. No Amethyst já existem alguns por padrão: https://image.nostr.build/8e75323bb428c1e5ef06e37453f56bc3deecd38492a593174c7d141cac1c2677.jpg Mas se você quiser, pode adicionar mais: nostr:nevent1qqster6rm55vy3geqauzzwrm50xwvs2gwa4l27ta2tc65xhpum2pfzcpzamhxue69uhkjmnzdauzuct60fsk6mewdejhgtczyr604d4k2mwrx5gaywlcjqjdevtkvtdjq4hmtzswjxjhf6zv2p23qqcyqqqqqqgv2za2r Fique atento aos limites e regras de cada servidor de mídia. nostr:nevent1qqsq3qchucw49wfu2c4wpsung93ffzg4ktt4uuygnjcs5pldf5alr9c3hsgjr

E aqui vai uma #curiosidade: Caso queira postar uma foto ou vídeo que já postou antes, copie o ID da nota em que ela está e cole no novo post, ou então o URL da mídia. Você pode perceber que após upar uma mídia no Nostr, isso se torna uma URL, sempre que usar essa mesma URL, essa mídia irá aparecer.

Lightning e Zaps

Se você chegou aqui por meio de bitcoinheiros, já deve saber que por aqui, usamos a #Lightning para enviar zaps. Mas o que são zaps?

Zaps são nada mais do que satoshis enviados no Nostr. Um exemplo, eu criei esse artigo, pessoas que querem me apoiar ou agradecer por tal, me enviam alguma quantia em sats, dizemos que essa pessoa me mandou um #zap.

Agora posso falar mais sobre a lightning no Nostr.

Para enviar zaps para usuários no Nostr, você precisa de uma carteira lightning. E a carteira que recomendo criarem para isso é através da #Coinos. Na Coinos, você não precisa criar carteiras com seed phrases nem canais lightning, ela é uma carteira custodial, ou seja, a seed phrase está de posse da Coinos. Basta você acessar coinos.io e criar uma conta com username e senha, você pode configurar um e-mail de resgate, código 2FA, e senha para movimentação de fundos. Se quiser, aqui está o app da Coinos, ainda em fase de testes, mas a maior parte do usual funciona perfeitamente. nostr:nevent1qqspndmkhq2dpfjs5tv7mezz57fqrkmlklp4wrn3vlma93cr57q5xlqpypmhxue69uhkummnw3ezuampd3kx2ar0veekzar0wd5xjtnrdakj7q3q7xzhreevjvzyvuy48mjn7qlx55q2dktk3xm0lnlpehxvl8dq3l6qxpqqqqqqzp4vkne (o app está disponível na #zapstore, baixe a loja para ter acesso) O legal da coinos é que você pode criar um endereço lightning com o nome que você escolher, o meu por exemplo é componente08@coinos.io, basta criar sua conta e poderá enviar e receber zaps no mesmo instante.

Mas para receber de fato um zap usando o Nostr, você precisa configurar seu endereço lightning no seu perfil. Crie sua conta e copie seu endereço lightning.

No Amethyst

• Clique na sua imagem de perfil
• Selecione "Perfil"
• Aperte o botão com um lápis
• Em "Endereço LN" e "LN URL" cole seu endereço lightning Pronto! Agora as pessoas podem te enviar zaps através de suas publicações.

Antes de enviar zaps, configure seus valores no client.

No Amethyst

• Aperte e segure no raio de qualquer publicação
• No campo "novo valor em sats" digite um valor desejado
• Aperte o "x" nos valores que deseja excluir
• Clique em "Salvar"

Agora, você pode clicar no raio e escolher um valor, ao escolher você será direcionado para a sua carteira, confirme a transação e seu zap foi realizado!

Existe outro meio de enviar zaps que é através do #NWC (Nostr Wallet Connect). Siga os mesmos passos do Yakihonne no Amethyst na aba do raio que acessamos anteriormente. nostr:nevent1qqsxrkufrhpxpfe9yty90s8dnal89qz39zrv78ugmg5z2qvyteckfkqpzamhxue69uhkjmnzdauzuct60fsk6mewdejhgtczyr604d4k2mwrx5gaywlcjqjdevtkvtdjq4hmtzswjxjhf6zv2p23qqcyqqqqqqgrw73ux O NWC dá ao client ou app, a permissão de gerenciar sua carteira. Isso te permite enviar zaps sem sair do client ou precisar entrar no app da carteira.

Existem muitas outras carteiras lightning por aí, então além da coinos, deixarei o link de outras duas que utilizo.

WOS (Wallet of Satoshi)

Somente Play Store: https://play.google.com/store/apps/details?id=com.livingroomofsatoshi.wallet

Minibits

Play Store: https://play.google.com/store/apps/details?id=com.minibits_wallet Github: https://github.com/minibits-cash/minibits_wallet

Comunidades

Em uma #comunidade é possível encontrar respostas para suas perguntas, artigos e postagens de seu interesse, links úteis e tutoriais para burlar sistemas, documentos e estudos sem censura, etc. Aqui está um exemplo: nostr:nevent1qqs8qztlq26hhstz9yz2tn02gglzdvl5xhkpzhnpuh8v65mjldtdjlqpzamhxue69uhhyetvv9ujuvrcvd5xzapwvdhk6tczypr5gcpycla5zerha52xlam9427xdcf8dm4jccxxqk28gzayt8l4kqcyqqqqqqgldlvdq Esse usuário recorrentemente atualiza a lista de comunidades brasileiras no Nostr, recomendo seguir o perfil para se manter atualizado caso tenha interesse: nostr:nevent1qqsxkusgt02pmz6mda4emjlnjjyd4y9pa73ux02dcry8vk3wp85aq9cpzamhxue69uhkjmnzdauzuct60fsk6mewdejhgtczypr5gcpycla5zerha52xlam9427xdcf8dm4jccxxqk28gzayt8l4kqcyqqqqqqgqq5zn5 Aqui vão algumas #curiosidades para usuários mais avançados: nostr:nevent1qqs246x86gw4zfp70wg65rjklf909n6nppwm0xx6mssl6jgznw4nkjcpzamhxue69uhkjmnzdauzuct60fsk6mewdejhgtczyzgmafwdjds4qnzqn2h5t9gknz8k3ghu6jp8vt7edxnum3ca73z3cqcyqqqqqqgtkt83q Existem alguns clients que podem criar e gerenciar comunidades, caso você não encontrou nada de seu interesse e quer criar uma, os mais populares são:

Satellite.earth e noStrudel.ninja

Chats

Os #chats são espaços voltados a interação por meio de mensagens, aqui estão alguns: nostr:nevent1qqs98kldepjmlxngupsyth40n0h5lw7z5ut5w4scvh27alc0w86tevcpr4mhxue69uhkummnw3ezucnfw33k76twv4ezuum0vd5kzmp0qgsfujjjw3474zsrfcqhcgqavqeesd4h0nuxt0ue5ugy9y7e47xyh3qrqsqqqqqpgdaghw Para contatar uma pessoa no privado:

No Amethyst

• Clique no perfil da pessoa
• Clique no ícone de mensagem
• Envie uma mensagem

Caso queira criar um chat, siga os passos:

No Amethyst

• Clique no ícone de mensagens
• Clique no ícone de "+"
• Serão exibidas duas opções; "privado" e "público", escolha privado para um grupo de poucas pessoas e público para qualquer que quiser entrar.
• Adicione as especificações necessárias e seu chat será criado.

Seguidores

Existe uma #ferramenta capaz de identificar quais usuários que você segue estão inativos, ou publicam pouco e a longos hiatos: nostr:nevent1qqsqqqyhmkqz6x5yrsctcufxhsseh3vtku26thawl68z7klwvcyqyzcpzamhxue69uhkjmnzdauzuct60fsk6mewdejhgtczyzgmafwdjds4qnzqn2h5t9gknz8k3ghu6jp8vt7edxnum3ca73z3cqcyqqqqqqgmfzr67

Mais do Nostr

Existem muitas outras coisas para se explorar no Nostr, e é possível que daqui a uns meses, essas configurações e dicas estejam obsoletas. Explorem e aprendam mais sobre esse protocolo.

Abaixo estão mais algumas coisas que gostaria de compartilhar:

Muitos clients não possuem um sistema de #notificações, isso por conta da natureza #descentralizada dos apps, e para não ceder ao Google para isso, optaram por não ter notificações. O Amethyst por exemplo, só possui notificações ativas para quando você receber zaps. Mas esse problema foi resolvido com o #Pokey: nostr:nevent1qqsyw0m8wkwvzsanwufh6kmu3fkkjsu3x6jxxwxst5fxu3yld7q84cspzemhxue69uhkummnw3ezuerpw3sju6rpw4ej7q3q5wnjy9pfx5xm9w2mjqezyhdgthw3ty4ydmnnamtmhvfmzl9x8cssxpqqqqqqz4d5hj5

Aqui está um post sobre uma #loja de #apps voltada a apps do Nostr: nostr:nevent1qqsrk55p927srd30ukas79qzhlwhm5ls9l07g548y288s5u29najzrqpz4mhxue69uhhyetvv9ujumn0wd68ytnzvuhsyg85l2mtv4kuxdg36gal3ypymjchvckmypt0kk9qayd9wn5yc5z4zqpsgqqqqqqskv0pek

Alguns RSS para quem gosta de notícias: nostr:nevent1qqsxctkju0pesrupvwfvzfr8wy3hgqag6r8v4228awgyf2x9htjqa7qpzemhxue69uhkummnw3ezuerpw3sju6rpw4ej7q3qvg9lk42rxugcdd4n667uy8gmvgfjp530n2307q9s93xuce3r7vzsxpqqqqqqzn4acev

Algumas pessoas famosas que estão por aqui: nostr:nevent1qqsvqnlx7sqeczv5r7pmmd6zzca3l0ru4856n3j7lhjfv3atq40lfdcpr4mhxue69uhkummnw3ezucnfw33k76twv4ezuum0vd5kzmp0qgs2tmjyw452ydezymtywqf625j3atra6datgzqy55fp5c7w9jn4gqgrqsqqqqqprwcjan

Alguns Nostr clients e outras coisas: nostr:nevent1qqsgx5snqdl2ujxhug5qkmmgkqn5ej6vhwpu4usfz03gt4n24qcfcwspr4mhxue69uhkummnw3ezucnfw33k76twv4ezuum0vd5kzmp0qgs2tmjyw452ydezymtywqf625j3atra6datgzqy55fp5c7w9jn4gqgrqsqqqqqp3pf6y2

Outros posts interessantes: nostr:nevent1qqsp6vf8pp6l97ctzq2wp30nfc9eupnu2ytsauyxalp8fe8dda6dvdgpzamhxue69uhkjmnzdauzuct60fsk6mewdejhgtczyzgmafwdjds4qnzqn2h5t9gknz8k3ghu6jp8vt7edxnum3ca73z3cqcyqqqqqqgtkju3h nostr:nevent1qqs0faflxswn5rg8fe9q3202en927my6kupcf08lt26ry3cg3xuuy3gpzamhxue69uhkjmnzdauzuct60fsk6mewdejhgtczyzgmafwdjds4qnzqn2h5t9gknz8k3ghu6jp8vt7edxnum3ca73z3cqcyqqqqqqgsyrpkh nostr:nevent1qqspx9t3qfnsuzafxxuc5hyha9n5ul5v97uz57hfac9xdtvk5eygqggpzemhxue69uhkummnw3ezuerpw3sju6rpw4ej7q3qa5pl548ps6qdkpzpmlgkhnmh2hpntpk2gk3nee08e5spp5wzr3qqxpqqqqqqzctx6uf

Funcionalidades do Amethyst

• Reações (noStrudel também aceita)

nostr:nevent1qqst57p0pzw3vsx3n8g7eaa0dlx3kp5ys9rw3t367q5ewhdyw0kd2rspzamhxue69uhkjmnzdauzuct60fsk6mewdejhgtczyz36wgs59y6smv4etwgrygja4pwa69vj53hww0hd0wa38vtu5clzzqcyqqqqqqgpje0yu

• Markdown

nostr:nevent1qqs0vquevt0pe9h5a2dh8csufdksazp6czz3vjk3wfspp68uqdez00cpr4mhxue69uhkummnw3ezucnfw33k76twv4ezuum0vd5kzmp0qgs2tmjyw452ydezymtywqf625j3atra6datgzqy55fp5c7w9jn4gqgrqsqqqqqpekll6f

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Espero ter dado alguma direção pela qual seguir por aqui, se tiver dúvidas, pode comentar aqui abaixo e responderemos com o melhor que pudermos. Olhem alguns dos comentários abaixo, terão posts que os veteranos consideram importantes.

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Aos veteranos, comentem abaixo caso tenha faltado algo, e complementem aos novatos, grato!

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Mais uma vez, seja bem-vindo ao Nostr!

nóspossuímosaweb #awebénostr

@ 266815e0:6cd408a5

Its been a little over a year since NIP-90 was written and merged into the nips repo and its been a communication mess.

Every DVM implementation expects the inputs in slightly different formats, returns the results in mostly the same format and there are very few DVM actually running.

NIP-90 is overloaded

Why does a request for text translation and creating bitcoin OP_RETURNs share the same input i tag? and why is there an output tag on requests when only one of them will return an output?

Each DVM request kind is for requesting completely different types of compute with diffrent input and output requirements, but they are all using the same spec that has 4 different types of inputs (text, url, event, job) and an undefined number of output types.

Let me show a few random DVM requests and responses I found on wss://relay.damus.io to demonstrate what I mean:

This is a request to translate an event to English json { "kind": 5002, "content": "", "tags": [ // NIP-90 says there can be multiple inputs, so how would a DVM handle translatting multiple events at once? [ "i", "<event-id>", "event" ], [ "param", "language", "en" ], // What other type of output would text translations be? image/jpeg? [ "output", "text/plain" ], // Do we really need to define relays? cant the DVM respond on the relays it saw the request on? [ "relays", "wss://relay.unknown.cloud/", "wss://nos.lol/" ] ] }

This is a request to generate text using an LLM model json { "kind": 5050, // Why is the content empty? wouldn't it be better to have the prompt in the content? "content": "", "tags": [ // Why use an indexable tag? are we ever going to lookup prompts? // Also the type "prompt" isn't in NIP-90, this should probably be "text" [ "i", "What is the capital of France?", "prompt" ], [ "p", "c4878054cff877f694f5abecf18c7450f4b6fdf59e3e9cb3e6505a93c4577db2" ], [ "relays", "wss://relay.primal.net" ] ] }

This is a request for content recommendation json { "kind": 5300, "content": "", "tags": [ // Its fine ignoring this param, but what if the client actually needs exactly 200 "results" [ "param", "max_results", "200" ], // The spec never mentions requesting content for other users. // If a DVM didn't understand this and responded to this request it would provide bad data [ "param", "user", "b22b06b051fd5232966a9344a634d956c3dc33a7f5ecdcad9ed11ddc4120a7f2" ], [ "relays", "wss://relay.primal.net", ], [ "p", "ceb7e7d688e8a704794d5662acb6f18c2455df7481833dd6c384b65252455a95" ] ] }

This is a request to create a OP_RETURN message on bitcoin json { "kind": 5901, // Again why is the content empty when we are sending human readable text? "content": "", "tags": [ // and again, using an indexable tag on an input that will never need to be looked up ["i", "09/01/24 SEC Chairman on the brink of second ETF approval", "text"] ] }

My point isn't that these event schema's aren't understandable but why are they using the same schema? each use-case is different but are they all required to use the same i tag format as input and could support all 4 types of inputs.

Lack of libraries

With all these different types of inputs, params, and outputs its verify difficult if not impossible to build libraries for DVMs

If a simple text translation request can have an event or text as inputs, a payment-required status at any point in the flow, partial results, or responses from 10+ DVMs whats the best way to build a translation library for other nostr clients to use?

And how do I build a DVM framework for the server side that can handle multiple inputs of all four types (url, text, event, job) and clients are sending all the requests in slightly differently.

Supporting payments is impossible

The way NIP-90 is written there isn't much details about payments. only a payment-required status and a generic amount tag

But the way things are now every DVM is implementing payments differently. some send a bolt11 invoice, some expect the client to NIP-57 zap the request event (or maybe the status event), and some even ask for a subscription. and we haven't even started implementing NIP-61 nut zaps or cashu A few are even formatting the amount number wrong or denominating it in sats and not mili-sats

Building a client or a library that can understand and handle all of these payment methods is very difficult. for the DVM server side its worse. A DVM server presumably needs to support all 4+ types of payments if they want to get the most sats for their services and support the most clients.

All of this is made even more complicated by the fact that a DVM can ask for payment at any point during the job process. this makes sense for some types of compute, but for others like translations or user recommendation / search it just makes things even more complicated.

For example, If a client wanted to implement a timeline page that showed the notes of all the pubkeys on a recommended list. what would they do when the selected DVM asks for payment at the start of the job? or at the end? or worse, only provides half the pubkeys and asks for payment for the other half. building a UI that could handle even just two of these possibilities is complicated.

NIP-89 is being abused

NIP-89 is "Recommended Application Handlers" and the way its describe in the nips repo is

a way to discover applications that can handle unknown event-kinds

Not "a way to discover everything"

If I wanted to build an application discovery app to show all the apps that your contacts use and let you discover new apps then it would have to filter out ALL the DVM advertisement events. and that's not just for making requests from relays

If the app shows the user their list of "recommended applications" then it either has to understand that everything in the 5xxx kind range is a DVM and to show that is its own category or show a bunch of unknown "favorites" in the list which might be confusing for the user.

In conclusion

My point in writing this article isn't that the DVMs implementations so far don't work, but that they will never work well because the spec is too broad. even with only a few DVMs running we have already lost interoperability.

I don't want to be completely negative though because some things have worked. the "DVM feeds" work, although they are limited to a single page of results. text / event translations also work well and kind 5970 Event PoW delegation could be cool. but if we want interoperability, we are going to need to change a few things with NIP-90

I don't think we can (or should) abandon NIP-90 entirely but it would be good to break it up into small NIPs or specs. break each "kind" of DVM request out into its own spec with its own definitions for expected inputs, outputs and flow.

Then if we have simple, clean definitions for each kind of compute we want to distribute. we might actually see markets and services being built and used.

@ f18571e7:9da08ff4

João 5:28-29

Não vos maravilheis disso, porque vem a hora em que todos os que estão nos sepulcros ouvirão a sua voz.

E os que fizeram o bem sairão para a ressurreição da vida; e os que fizeram o mal, para a ressurreição da condenação.

Está chegando o dia em que cada um de nós, seja cristão ou não, vai descobrir exatamente o que está além da cortina do tempo. A Bíblia promete a Vida Eterna para alguns, e para outros, promete condenação. Todo ser humano ao longo da história tem certamente se perguntado: “O que vai acontecer comigo quando eu morrer?”

Muito antes de haver uma Bíblia para se ler, o profeta Jó observava a natureza. Ele falou sobre a esperança de uma árvore, como era cortada e morria, mas pelo cheiro das águas, revivia e soltava brotos novos. Jó sabia que o homem, como a árvore, ressuscitaria para a vida:

Morrendo o homem, porventura, tornará a viver? Todos os dias de meu combate esperaria, até que viesse a minha mudança. Chamar-me-ias, e eu te responderia; afeiçoa-te à obra de tuas mãos. Mas agora contas os meus passos; não estás tu vigilante sobre o meu pecado? (Jó 14:14-16)

Jó pode não ter tido uma Bíblia para ler, mas sabia que Deus iria, um dia, ressuscitá-lo do sepulcro quando o Redentor da humanidade viesse.

Quem me dera, agora, que as minhas palavras se escrevessem! Quem me dera que se gravassem num livro! E que, com pena de ferro e com chumbo, para sempre fossem esculpidas na rocha! Porque eu sei que o meu Redentor vive, e que por fim se levantará sobre a terra. E depois de consumida a minha pele, ainda em minha carne verei a Deus. (Jó 19:23-26)

O profeta estava falando do Senhor Jesus e da ressurreição do Seu povo. Por revelação Jó sabia que, ainda que nossos corpos possam desaparecer completamente, Jesus restaurará nossa carne. E com nossos próprios olhos veremos Sua Vinda. Todo o povo de Deus anela ver esse dia glorioso.

No entanto, tão certo como Deus existe, há também um diabo; e tão certo como existe Céu, também existe inferno. O que está em jogo é muito mais do que podemos imaginar. O apóstolo Paulo disse que “as coisas que o olho não viu, e o ouvido não ouviu, e não subiram ao coração do homem são as que Deus preparou para os que o amam.” (I Cor. 2:9)

Nossa mente não pode compreender quão grande será o Céu, e nem podem eles compreender os horrores do inferno. Jesus nos disse que o inferno é tão ruim que seria melhor se cortássemos um membro do nosso corpo do que nos arriscarmos a ir para aquele horrível lugar.

E, se a tua mão te escandalizar, corta-a; melhor é para ti entrares na vida aleijado do que, tendo duas mãos, ires para o inferno, para o fogo que nunca se apaga, (Mc. 9:43)

Então, quem vai para o Céu? E quem vai para o inferno? É um pensamento triste, mas Jesus disse que a maioria das pessoas não vai receber a recompensa que Ele está querendo dar: Entrai pela porta estreita, porque larga é a porta, e espaçoso, o caminho que conduz à perdição, e muitos são os que entram por ela; E porque estreita é a porta, e apertado o caminho que leva à vida, e poucos há que a encontrem. (Mt. 7:13-14)

Jesus também disse: “Nem todo o que me diz: Senhor, Senhor! entrará no Reino dos céus, mas aquele que faz a vontade de meu Pai, que está nos céus. Muitos me dirão naquele Dia: Senhor, Senhor, não profetizamos nós em teu nome? E, em teu nome, não expulsamos demônios? E, em teu nome, não fizemos muitas maravilhas? E, então, lhes direi abertamente: Nunca vos conheci; apartai-vos de mim, vós que praticais a iniquidade.” (Mt. 7:21-23)

Só porque uma pessoa afirma seguir o cristianismo não significa que esteja salva. Assim, essa é a pergunta óbvia em nossa mente: Como faço para receber a Vida Eterna? Jesus nos deu uma resposta muito simples: “Na verdade, na verdade vos digo que quem ouve a minha palavra e crê naquele que me enviou tem a vida eterna e não entrará em condenação, mas passou da morte para a vida.” (Jo. 5:24)

Infelizmente, existem tão poucas pessoas no mundo hoje que estão dispostas a tirar tempo de seus dias atarefados para ouvir a Palavra de Deus. E há menos ainda que crerão na Palavra, uma vez que a ouçam.

As igrejas nos dizem que devemos ser boa pessoa, pensar positivamente, não mentir, enganar ou roubar, e iremos para o Céu. Elas não entendem que o inferno estará cheio de pessoas que parecem viver uma vida boa. A realidade é que não vamos para o Céu por causa das nossas boas obras, ou porque somos membros de determinada igreja. Há apenas um caminho para a Vida Eterna, que é através de Jesus Cristo. Ele nos ensinou que devemos CRER em Sua Palavra, que é a Bíblia. Caso contrário, como poderíamos ser salvos?

Quando o dia do juízo chegar para você, você vai ouvir: “Vinde, benditos de meu Pai, possuí por herança o Reino que vos está preparado desde a fundação do mundo;” (Mt. 25:34), ou vai ouvir: “Apartai-vos de mim, malditos, para o fogo eterno, preparado para o diabo e seus anjos”? (Mt. 25:41)

Enquanto seus olhos leem estas palavras, você tem uma escolha a fazer: Será que vai escolher crer na Palavra de Deus? Onde você vai passar a eternidade?

Referências

Jó 14:12-16

Assim o homem se deita e não se levanta; até que não haja mais céus, não acordará, nem se erguerá de seu sono.

Tomara que me escondesses na sepultura, e me ocultasses até que a tua ira se desviasse, e me pusesses um limite, e te lembrasses de mim!

Morrendo o homem, porventura, tornará a viver? Todos os dias de meu combate esperaria, até que viesse a minha mudança.

Chamar-me-ias, e eu te responderia; afeiçoa-te à obra de tuas mãos.

Mas agora contas os meus passos; não estás tu vigilante sobre o meu pecado?

Jó 19:23-26

Quem me dera, agora, que as minhas palavras se escrevessem! Quem me dera que se gravassem num livro!

E que, com pena de ferro e com chumbo, para sempre fossem esculpidas na rocha!

Porque eu sei que o meu Redentor vive, e que por fim se levantará sobre a terra.

E depois de consumida a minha pele, ainda em minha carne verei a Deus.

Mateus 7:21-23

Nem todo o que me diz: Senhor, Senhor! entrará no Reino dos céus, mas aquele que faz a vontade de meu Pai, que está nos céus.

Muitos me dirão naquele Dia: Senhor, Senhor, não profetizamos nós em teu nome? E, em teu nome, não expulsamos demônios? E, em teu nome, não fizemos muitas maravilhas?

E, então, lhes direi abertamente: Nunca vos conheci; apartai-vos de mim, vós que praticais a iniquidade.

Mateus 22:14

Porque muitos são chamados, mas poucos, escolhidos.

João 3:16-17

Porque Deus amou o mundo de tal maneira que deu o seu Filho unigênito, para que todo aquele que nele crê não pereça, mas tenha a vida eterna.

Porque Deus enviou o seu Filho ao mundo não para que condenasse o mundo, mas para que o mundo fosse salvo por ele.

João 5:24

Na verdade, na verdade vos digo que quem ouve a minha palavra e crê naquele que me enviou tem a vida eterna e não entrará em condenação, mas passou da morte para a vida.

I Coríntios 2:9

Mas, como está escrito: As coisas que o olho não viu, e o ouvido não ouviu, e não subiram ao coração do homem são as que Deus preparou para os que o amam.

I Tessalonicenses 4:13-18

Não quero, porém, irmãos, que sejais ignorantes acerca dos que já dormem, para que não vos entristeçais, como os demais, que não têm esperança.

Porque, se cremos que Jesus morreu e ressuscitou, assim também aos que em Jesus dormem Deus os tornará a trazer com ele.

Dizemo-vos, pois, isto pela palavra do Senhor: que nós, os que ficarmos vivos para a vinda do Senhor, não precederemos os que dormem.

Porque o mesmo Senhor descerá do céu com alarido, e com voz de arcanjo, e com a trombeta de Deus; e os que morreram em Cristo ressuscitarão primeiro;

Depois, nós, os que ficarmos vivos, seremos arrebatados juntamente com eles nas nuvens, a encontrar o Senhor nos ares, e assim estaremos sempre com o Senhor.

Portanto, consolai-vos uns aos outros com estas palavras.

---

Este post foi publicado originalmente em:

https://themessage.com/pt/lifeafter

Leia mais em:

https://themessage.com/pt/home

@ fbf0e434:e1be6a39

Hackathon 概览

Eolas x Algo: Agent Skills Hackathon 在线上举行，旨在通过提升代理技能来推动 CreatorBid 生态系统的发展。活动吸引了58位开发者参赛，最终有36个项目获得批准。本次黑客松突破传统模式，允许 CreatorBid 代理直接发布技能需求，省去中间环节，实现供需精准对接。

参赛者在两大核心赛道展开竞争：Bounty Track 聚焦代理识别的具体痛点攻关，Best Skills Track 则嘉奖具备卓越价值的项目。Eolas、Algo、Shogun、AION 等机构及多位独立代理为活动提供资金支持。

开发成果直接集成至 Olas Mech Marketplace，实现实时部署落地，并通过 OLAS 系统为开发者提供激励。以 Agent Algo、Eolas 为代表的头部代理特别肯定了本次活动对代理技术创新的推动作用。3 月 20 日活动收官，由 CreatorBid 团队与代理代表组成的评审团，从创新性和生态影响力双重维度对项目进行了综合评判。

Hackathon 获奖者

以下部分详细介绍了首届代理赞助 Hackathon 的成就和奖项，涵盖了37个项目在各个类别中的亮点。

Best Agent Skill Track 奖项获奖者

• Agent Toolbox: 一套增强 AI 代理功能的工具，包括趋势发现、动态函数生成和任务编排。
• GridTrade Agent: 通过市场和波动性分析，促进自动化交易对选择和网格交易参数优化。
• Polytrader: 一个基于 AI 的交易助手，简化 Polymarket 的研究、数据分析和交易执行。

主奖池获奖者

• sentimentX: 为 MultiversX 区块链智能合约提供 AI 驱动的安全监控，通过检测漏洞实现。
• Brainiac_AI: 一个通过链上分析优化 DeFi 策略的平台，并集成非托管钱包。
• framew0rk: 使用链接到 DeFi 协议的 AI 策略助手简化 DeFi 收益优化。
• MythosCraft: AI Storytelling Suite: 使用 AI 创建定制化故事内容。
• QuanTrade-X: 提供 AI 驱动的分析和加密货币交易信号。
• ComicVerse AI: 利用 AI 根据用户输入创作剧本和图像生成漫画。
• EOLAS - Submit your own skill: Portfolio Allocation Skill: 使用 AI 和现代投资组合理论优化加密货币投资组合。
• SonicBo: WhatsApp 上的 AI 代理，促进区块链交易。
• 👽Zeta Comic Generator👽: 将文本提示转换为 AI 生成的漫画，通过剧本和角色表达来实现。
• Grid Trading Analyzer Skill: 高级分析的 Python 工具，用于识别最佳加密货币网格交易对。
• Trump news Reporter: AI 工具，用于实时监控和报告与特朗普相关的新闻，带有自定义过滤器。
• NFT Appraisal skill: 创建用于 NFT 估值的 AI 代理。
• AI-Powered Dynamic Skill Selector (DSS): 使用多臂賭徒策略进行动态 AI 模型优化。
• CrypTweet: 使用 Twitter 情绪为加密货币交易决策提供信息的 AI 交易机器人。
• AI Trump News Agent: 监控和分析与特朗普相关的新闻，并提供可自定义的报告语气。
• TrumpTracker-AI: 汇编和总结与特朗普相关的新闻，从热门标题生成网络迷因。
• Rigger-: 将自然语言转化为 SQL 查询，方便非技术人员访问数据库。
• TNS: 使用 NLP 跟踪与特朗普相关的新闻，并提供多样化的报道风格。
• Bob Roast Machine: 用于创作喜剧吐槽、笑话和网络迷因的 AI 平台。
• Agent 47: 一个 Telegram 机器人，提供政治新闻以及 AI 生成的网络迷因和事实核查。

技能协调与优化奖项获奖者

• AI-Powered Dynamic Skill Selector (DSS)

增强 CB 代理数据访问的技能奖项获奖者

• Agent Toolbox

世界构建与传说推广技能奖项获奖者

• MythosCraft: AI Storytelling Suite

Polymarket 交易机器人奖项获奖者

• Polytrader

欲了解项目的完整列表，请访问 DoraHacks。

关于组织者

Eolas

Eolas 在技术和区块链领域是一个重要的参与者，以其提升交易透明度的区块链解决方案而闻名。该组织继续专注于区块链的研究与开发，解决行业挑战以推动未来进展。

@ fbf0e434:e1be6a39

Hackathon 概述

HackCanada 黑客松汇聚创新者、开发者、设计师与问题解决者，共同直面加拿大当下的紧迫挑战 —— 医疗保健可及性、环境可持续性、数字基础设施建设与经济差距等。188 位开发者携 89 个独特项目参与，以集体智慧打造兼具影响力的解决方案，尽显技术赋能社会的决心。

在这些项目中，有旨在通过技术增强医疗保健系统的计划，也有改善偏远社区数字基建的构想，更不乏以创新手段降低环境足迹的实践。这场黑客松搭建起协作共创的平台，催生大量新鲜思路与落地解法，切实呼应 “推动实质价值、激发变革” 的核心目标。

作为社区驱动创新的催化剂，HackCanada 营造了动态的协作与创新生态，推动技术发展切实服务于提升加拿大人生活质量，为构建更包容、可持续的未来注入持续动力。

Hackathon 获奖者

总体一等奖获奖者

• Phone-a-Fraud - 一个实时检测电话诈骗的AI驱动系统，重点在于隐私和诈骗警报机制以保护弱势人群。

总体二等奖获奖者

• StickTator - 一种利用自然语言处理进行语音控制计算机管理的USB设备，简化复杂系统配置。

总体三等奖获奖者

• Omnivim - 跨应用程序集成Vim动作的软件，以提高生产力。

最佳个人Hack奖获奖者

• StickTator

最佳Orkes Hack奖获奖者

• Recipeit - 专注于食谱的项目；暂无更多详情。

最佳ICP Hack奖获奖者

• DigiTag - 一个利用NFT和互联网计算机协议的区块链应用程序，保护奢侈品交易以防止欺诈。
• LandLocks - 利用区块链技术管理土地记录为NFT的平台。

SPUR创新基金：最佳AI、Web3或量子技术奖获奖者

第一名

• Beaver Breach - 分析美国产品关税影响的工具，通过加拿大供应商提供减少成本的替代方案。

第二名

• Canify - Blockchain Rewards - 倡导通过区块链奖励和政府激励支持加拿大产品。

自主代理赏金赛道奖获奖者

第一名

• ChainMail - 一个基于web3的电子邮件应用程序，增强安全性并实现跨区块链通信。

第二名

• Canify - Blockchain Rewards

第三名

• Roast My Wallet - 一个基于用户加密钱包和个性的AI驱动趣味生成的网页应用程序。
• Zap - 在日常生活中促进加密应用的免手续费交易平台。
• Carbon Chain - 将碳减排转换为可交易资产的区块链平台，由AI验证。

最佳开发者工具奖获奖者

• StickTator

最佳高中Hack奖获奖者

• NaloxNow - 通过实时纳洛酮获取、紧急导航和AI驱动的过量反应来应对阿片类药物危机的移动应用。

最无用Hack奖获奖者

• UselessGPT - 使用谷歌的Gemini API生成无意义、以娱乐为目的的交互式应用程序。

最佳AI应用奖获奖者

• frij.io - 一款通过AI管理家庭库存、优化购物清单并减少食物浪费的智能应用。

使用AI构建：Google 赛道奖获奖者

• 最佳使用Gemini AI或Gemini API、最佳使用Google Cloud平台以及最佳集成Google工具包：
• Sinker - 一个AI驱动的网络安全平台，培训员工识别通信渠道中的网络钓鱼威胁。
• FrostByte - 项目详情不可用。
• Flock Street - 使用实时数据和语音技术提供股市洞察的互动应用程序。

最佳Laurier STEM出版协会奖获奖者

• SockSensei - 根据用户情绪提供袜子推荐的移动应用程序。

完整的项目列表请访问这个链接。

关于组织者

Hack Canada

Hack Canada 专注于技术与创新，强调区块链和网络安全计划。以在这些领域的能力而闻名，Hack Canada 已开发出有助于技术领域的项目。该组织因举办全国性Hackathon和提升数字安全知识的工作坊而受到认可。目前，Hack Canada 致力于为技术爱好者和专业人士提供一个协作环境，以促进区块链应用和安全数字通信的发展。

@ 9dd283b1:cf9b6beb

My Raspberry Pi 4 (running Umbrel) has been disconnecting approximately once a month, and my 1TB SSD now has only 80GB of space remaining. I'm considering an upgrade—possibly moving to a Pi 5 with a 2TB drive—but I'm open to any suggestions for a better setup within a similar budget. Any recommendations?

originally posted at https://stacker.news/items/911133

@ 5a261a61:2ebd4480

What a day yesterday!

I had a really big backlog of both work and non-work things to clean up. But I was getting a little frisky because my health finally gave me some energy to be in the mood for intimacy after the illness-filled week had forced libido debt on me. I decided to cheat it out and just take care of myself quickly. Horny thoughts won over, and I got at least e-stim induced ass slaps to make it more enjoyable. Quick clean up and everything seemed ok...until it wasn't.

The rest of the morning passed uneventfully as I worked through my backlog, but things took a turn in the early afternoon. I had to go pickup kids, and I just missed Her between the doors, only managed to get a fast kiss. A little bummed from the work issues and failed expectations of having a few minutes together, I got on my way.

Then it hit me—the most serious case of blue balls I had in a long time. First came panic. I was getting to the age when unusual symptoms raise concerns—cancer comes first to mind, as insufficient release wasn't my typical problem. So I called Her. I explained what was happening and expressed hope for some alone time. Unfortunately, that seemed impossible with our evening schedule: kids at home, Her online meeting, and my standing gamenight with the boys. These game sessions are our sacred ritual—a preserved piece of pre-kids sanity that we all protect in our calendars. Not something I wanted to disturb.

Her reassurance was brief but unusualy promising: "Don't worry, I get this."

Evening came, and just as I predicted, there was ZERO time for shenanigans while we took care of the kids. But once we put them to bed (I drew straw for early sleeper), with parental duties complete, I headed downstairs to prepare for my gaming session. Headset on, I greeted my fellows and started playing.

Not five minutes later, She opened the door with lube in one hand, fleshlight in the other, and an expecting smile on Her face. Definitely unexpected. I excused myself from the game, muted mic, but She stopped me.

"There will be nothing if you won't play," She said. She just motioned me to take my pants off. And off to play I was. Not an easy feat considering I twisted my body sideways so She could access anything She wanted while I still reached keyboard and mouse.

She slowly started touching me and observing my reactions, but quickly changed to using Her mouth. Getting a blowjob while semihard was always so strange. The semi part didn't last long though...

As things intensified, She was satisfied with my erection and got the fleshlight ready. It was a new toy for us, and it was Her first time using it on me all by Herself (usually She prefers watching me use toys). She applied an abundance of lube that lasted the entire encounter and beyond.

Shifting into a rhythm, She started pumping slowly but clearly enjoyed my reactions when She unexpectedly sped up, forcing me to mute the mic. I knew I wouldn't last long. When She needed to fix Her hair, I gentlemanly offered to hold the fleshlight, having one hand still available for gaming. She misunderstood, thinking I was taking over completely, which initially disappointed me.

To my surprise, She began taking Her shirt off the shoulders, offering me a pornhub-esque view. To clearly indicate that finish time had arrived, She moved Her lubed hand teasingly toward my anal. She understood precisely my contradictory preferences—my desire to be thoroughly clean before such play versus my complete inability to resist Her when aroused. That final move did it—I muted the mic just in time to vocally express how good She made me feel.

Quick clean up, kiss on the forehead, and a wish for me to have a good game session followed. The urge to abandon the game and cuddle with Her was powerful, but She stopped me. She had more work to complete on Her todo list than just me.

Had a glass, had a blast; overall, a night well spent I would say.

@ 21335073:a244b1ad

Before I saw those X right-wing political “influencers” parading their Epstein binders in that PR stunt, I’d already posted this on Nostr, an open protocol. 

“Today, the world’s attention will likely fixate on Epstein, governmental failures in addressing horrific abuse cases, and the influential figures who perpetrate such acts—yet few will center the victims and survivors in the conversation. The survivors of Epstein went to law enforcement and very little happened. The survivors tried to speak to the corporate press and the corporate press knowingly covered for him. In situations like these social media can serve as one of the only ways for a survivor’s voice to be heard. 

It’s becoming increasingly evident that the line between centralized corporate social media and the state is razor-thin, if it exists at all. Time and again, the state shields powerful abusers when it’s politically expedient to do so. In this climate, a survivor attempting to expose someone like Epstein on a corporate tech platform faces an uphill battle—there’s no assurance their voice would even break through. Their story wouldn’t truly belong to them; it’d be at the mercy of the platform, subject to deletion at a whim. Nostr, though, offers a lifeline—a censorship-resistant space where survivors can share their truths, no matter how untouchable the abuser might seem. A survivor could remain anonymous here if they took enough steps. 

Nostr holds real promise for amplifying survivor voices. And if you’re here daily, tossing out memes, take heart: you’re helping build a foundation for those who desperately need to be heard.“

That post is untouchable—no CEO, company, employee, or government can delete it. Even if I wanted to, I couldn’t take it down myself. The post will outlive me on the protocol. 

The cozy alliance between the state and corporate social media hit me hard during that right-wing X “influencer” PR stunt. Elon owns X. Elon’s a special government employee. X pays those influencers to post. We don’t know who else pays them to post. Those influencers are spurred on by both the government and X to manage the Epstein case narrative. It wasn’t survivors standing there, grinning for photos—it was paid influencers, gatekeepers orchestrating yet another chance to re-exploit the already exploited.

The bond between the state and corporate social media is tight. If the other Epsteins out there are ever to be unmasked, I wouldn’t bet on a survivor’s story staying safe with a corporate tech platform, the government, any social media influencer, or mainstream journalist. Right now, only a protocol can hand survivors the power to truly own their narrative.

I don’t have anything against Elon—I’ve actually been a big supporter. I’m just stating it as I see it. X isn’t censorship resistant and they have an algorithm that they choose not the user. Corporate tech platforms like X can be a better fit for some survivors. X has safety tools and content moderation, making it a solid option for certain individuals. Grok can be a big help for survivors looking for resources or support! As a survivor, you know what works best for you, and safety should always come first—keep that front and center.

That said, a protocol is a game-changer for cases where the powerful are likely to censor. During China's # MeToo movement, survivors faced heavy censorship on social media platforms like Weibo and WeChat, where posts about sexual harassment were quickly removed, and hashtags like # MeToo or "woyeshi" were blocked by government and platform filters. To bypass this, activists turned to blockchain technology encoding their stories—like Yue Xin’s open letter about a Peking University case—into transaction metadata. This made the information tamper-proof and publicly accessible, resisting censorship since blockchain data can’t be easily altered or deleted.

I posted this on X 2/28/25. I wanted to try my first long post on a nostr client. The Epstein cover up is ongoing so it’s still relevant, unfortunately.

If you are a survivor or loved one who is reading this and needs support please reach out to: National Sexual Assault Hotline 24/7 https://rainn.org/

Hours: Available 24 hours

@ 0c469779:4b21d8b0

Sobre el amor

Mi percepción del amor cambió con el tiempo. Leer literatura rusa, principalmente a Dostoevsky, te cambia la perspectiva sobre el amor y la vida en general.

Por mucho tiempo mi visión sobre la vida es que la misma se basa en el sufrimiento: también la Biblia dice esto. El amor es igual, en el amor se sufre y se banca a la otra persona. El problema es que hay una distinción de sufrimientos que por mucho tiempo no tuve en cuenta. Está el sufrimiento del sacrificio y el sufrimiento masoquista. Para mí eran indistintos.

Para mí el ideal era Aliosha y Natasha de Humillados y Ofendidos: estar con alguien que me amase tanto como Natasha a Aliosha, un amor inclusive autodestructivo para Natasha, pero real. Tiene algo de épico, inalcanzable. Un sufrimiento extremo, redentor, es una vara altísima que en la vida cotidiana no se manifiesta. O el amor de Sonia a Raskolnikov, quien se fue hasta Siberia mientras estuvo en prisión para que no se quede solo en Crimen y Castigo.

Este es el tipo de amor que yo esperaba. Y como no me pasó nada tan extremo y las situaciones que llegan a ocurrir en mi vida están lejos de ser tan extremas, me parecía hasta poco lo que estaba pidiendo y que nadie pueda quedarse conmigo me parecía insuficiente.

Ahora pienso que el amor no tiene por qué ser así. Es un pensamiento nuevo que todavía estoy construyendo, y me di cuenta cuando fui a la iglesia, a pesar de que no soy cristiano. La filosofía cristiana me gusta. Va conmigo. Tiene un enfoque de humildad, superación y comunidad que me recuerda al estoicismo.

El amor se trata de resaltar lo mejor que hay en el otro. Se trata de ser un plus, de ayudar. Por eso si uno no está en su mejor etapa, si no se está cómodo con uno mismo, no se puede amar de verdad. El amor empieza en uno mismo.

Los libros son un espejo, no necesariamente vas a aprender de ellos, sino que te muestran quién sos. Resaltás lo que te importa. Por eso a pesar de saber los tipos de amores que hay en los trabajos de Dostoevsky, cometí los mismos errores varias veces.

Ser mejor depende de uno mismo y cada día se pone el granito de arena.

@ f3873798:24b3f2f3

Recentemente, assisti a um vídeo que me fez refletir profundamente sobre o impacto da linguagem na hora de vender. No vídeo, uma jovem relatava sua experiência ao presenciar um vendedor de amendoim em uma agência dos Correios. O local estava cheio, as pessoas aguardavam impacientes na fila e, em meio a esse cenário, um homem humilde tentava vender seu produto. Mas sua abordagem não era estratégica; ao invés de destacar os benefícios do amendoim, ele suplicava para que alguém o ajudasse comprando. O resultado? Ninguém se interessou.

A jovem observou que o problema não era o produto, mas a forma como ele estava sendo oferecido. Afinal, muitas das pessoas ali estavam há horas esperando e perto do horário do almoço – o amendoim poderia ser um ótimo tira-gosto. No entanto, como a comunicação do vendedor vinha carregada de desespero, ele afastava os clientes ao invés de atraí-los. Esse vídeo me tocou profundamente.

No dia seguinte, ao sair para comemorar meu aniversário, vi um menino vendendo balas na rua, sob o sol forte. Assim como no caso do amendoim, percebi que as pessoas ao redor não se interessavam por seu produto. Ao se aproximar do carro, resolvi comprar dois pacotes. Mais do que ajudar, queria que aquele pequeno gesto servisse como incentivo para que ele continuasse acreditando no seu negócio.

Essa experiência me fez refletir ainda mais sobre o poder da comunicação em vendas. Muitas vezes, não é o produto que está errado, mas sim a forma como o vendedor o apresenta. Quando transmitimos confiança e mostramos o valor do que vendemos, despertamos o interesse genuíno dos clientes.

Como a Linguagem Impacta as Vendas?

1. O Poder da Abordagem Positiva

Em vez de pedir por ajuda, é importante destacar os benefícios do produto. No caso do amendoim, o vendedor poderia ter dito algo como: "Que tal um petisco delicioso enquanto espera? Um amendoim fresquinho para matar a fome até o almoço!"

2. A Emoção na Medida Certa

Expressar emoção é essencial, mas sem parecer desesperado. Os clientes devem sentir que estão adquirindo algo de valor, não apenas ajudando o vendedor.

3. Conheça Seu Público

Entender o contexto é fundamental. Se as pessoas estavam com fome e impacientes, uma abordagem mais objetiva e focada no benefício do produto poderia gerar mais vendas.

4. Autoconfiança e Postura

Falar com firmeza e segurança transmite credibilidade. O vendedor precisa acreditar no próprio produto antes de convencer o cliente a comprá-lo.

Conclusão

Vender é mais do que apenas oferecer um produto – é uma arte que envolve comunicação, percepção e estratégia. Pequenos ajustes na abordagem podem transformar completamente os resultados. Se o vendedor de amendoim tivesse apresentado seu produto de outra maneira, talvez tivesse vendido tudo rapidamente. Da mesma forma, se cada um de nós aprender a se comunicar melhor em nossas próprias áreas, poderemos alcançar muito mais sucesso.

E você? Já passou por uma experiência parecida?

@ 3ffac3a6:2d656657

Recently, I found an old Sapphire Block Erupter USB at home that I used for Bitcoin mining back in 2013. Out of curiosity and nostalgia, I decided to try getting it to work again. I spent an entire afternoon configuring the device and, after much trial and error, discovered that I needed an older version of CGMiner to make it work.

The Sapphire Block Erupter USB was one of the first ASIC devices designed for Bitcoin mining. Although obsolete for competitive mining, it can still be used for learning, nostalgia, or experimentation. In this post, I’ll show you how to run a Block Erupter USB on Linux today.

1. Prerequisites

Before you start, make sure you have:

• A Sapphire Block Erupter USB
• A powered USB hub (optional but recommended)
• A computer running Linux (Ubuntu, Debian, or another compatible distribution)
• A mining pool account (e.g., Slush Pool, KanoPool, etc.)

2. Installing Dependencies

Before running the miner, install some dependencies:

bash sudo apt update && sudo apt install -y git build-essential autoconf automake libtool pkg-config libusb-1.0-0-dev

3. Determining the Compatible Version of CGMiner

To find the correct CGMiner version that still supports Block Erupter USB, I performed a binary search across different versions, testing each one until I found the last one that properly recognized the device. The result was that version 3.4.3 is the most recent one that still supports Block Erupters. However, different versions of these devices may require different CGMiner versions.

4. Downloading and Compiling CGMiner

CGMiner is one of the software options compatible with Block Erupters. You can download the correct version from two trusted sources:

• From the official repository: CGMiner v3.4.3 on GitHub
• Alternatively, from this mirror: CGMiner v3.4.3 on Haven

To ensure file integrity, verify the SHA-256 hash:

3b44da12e5f24f603eeeefdaa2c573bd566c5c50c9d62946f198e611cd55876b

Now, download and extract it:

```bash wget https://github.com/ckolivas/cgminer/archive/refs/tags/v3.4.3.tar.gz

Or, alternatively:

wget https://haven.girino.org/3b44da12e5f24f603eeeefdaa2c573bd566c5c50c9d62946f198e611cd55876b.tgz

sha256sum v3.4.3.tar.gz # Confirm that the hash matches

Extract the file

tar -xvf v3.4.3.tar.gz cd cgminer-3.4.3

Compile CGMiner

./autogen.sh --enable-icarus make -j$(nproc)

Install on the system (optional)

sudo make install ```

5. Connecting the Block Erupter USB

Plug the device into a USB port and check if it is recognized:

bash dmesg | grep USB lsusb

You should see something like:

Bus 003 Device 004: ID 10c4:ea60 Cygnal Integrated Products, Inc. CP2102 USB to UART Bridge Controller

If needed, adjust the USB device permissions:

bash sudo chmod 666 /dev/ttyUSB0

6. Configuring and Running CGMiner

Now, run CGMiner, pointing it to your mining pool:

bash ./cgminer -o stratum+tcp://your.pool.com:3333 -u yourUsername -p yourPassword

If the miner detects the Block Erupter correctly, you should see something like:

[2025-03-08 22:26:45] Started cgminer 3.4.3 [2025-03-08 22:26:45] No devices detected! [2025-03-08 22:26:45] Waiting for USB hotplug devices or press q to quit [2025-03-08 22:26:45] Probing for an alive pool [2025-03-08 22:26:46] Pool 0 difficulty changed to 65536 [2025-03-08 22:26:46] Network diff set to 111T [2025-03-08 22:26:46] Stratum from pool 0 detected new block [2025-03-08 22:27:02] Hotplug: Icarus added AMU 0

Conclusion

Although no longer viable for real mining, the Sapphire Block Erupter USB is still great for learning about ASICs, testing mining pools, and understanding Bitcoin mining. If you enjoy working with old hardware and have one lying around, it’s worth experimenting with!

If you have any questions or want to share your experience, leave a comment below!

@ 3ffac3a6:2d656657

Como Rodar um Sapphire Block Erupter USB para Mineração no Linux em 2025

Recentemente, encontrei um Sapphire Block Erupter USB velho aqui em casa que eu usava para minerar Bitcoin em 2013. Por curiosidade e nostalgia, resolvi tentar colocá-lo para funcionar novamente. Passei uma tarde inteira tentando configurar o dispositivo e, depois de muita tentativa e erro, descobri que precisava de uma versão mais antiga do CGMiner para fazê-lo funcionar.

Os Sapphire Block Erupter USB foram um dos primeiros dispositivos ASIC voltados para mineração de Bitcoin. Embora estejam obsoletos para mineração competitiva, eles ainda podem ser usados para aprendizado, nostalgia ou experimentação. Neste post, vou te mostrar como rodar um Block Erupter USB no Linux atualmente.

1. Pré-requisitos

Antes de começar, certifique-se de que você tem:

• Um Sapphire Block Erupter USB
• Um hub USB alimentado (opcional, mas recomendado)
• Um computador rodando Linux (Ubuntu, Debian, Arch ou outra distribuição compatível)
• Um pool de mineração configurado (ex: Slush Pool, KanoPool, etc.)

2. Instalando as Dependências

Antes de rodar o minerador, instale algumas dependências:

bash sudo apt update && sudo apt install -y git build-essential autoconf automake libtool pkg-config libusb-1.0-0-dev

3. Determinando a Versão Compatível do CGMiner

Para encontrar a versão correta do CGMiner que ainda suporta os Block Erupter USB, realizei uma busca binária entre diferentes versões, testando cada uma até encontrar a última que reconhecia corretamente o dispositivo. O resultado foi que a versão 3.4.3 é a mais recente que ainda suporta os Block Erupters. No entanto, outras versões desses dispositivos podem requerer versões diferentes do CGMiner.

4. Baixando e Compilando o CGMiner

O CGMiner é um dos softwares compatíveis com os Block Erupters. Você pode baixar a versão correta de duas fontes confiáveis:

• Do repositório oficial: CGMiner v3.4.3 no GitHub
• Alternativamente, deste espelho: CGMiner v3.4.3 no Haven

Para garantir a integridade do arquivo, você pode verificar o hash SHA-256:

3b44da12e5f24f603eeeefdaa2c573bd566c5c50c9d62946f198e611cd55876b

Agora, faça o download e extraia:

```bash wget https://github.com/ckolivas/cgminer/archive/refs/tags/v3.4.3.tar.gz

Ou, alternativamente:

wget https://haven.girino.org/3b44da12e5f24f603eeeefdaa2c573bd566c5c50c9d62946f198e611cd55876b.tgz

sha256sum v3.4.3.tar.gz # Confirme que o hash bate

Extraia o arquivo

tar -xvf v3.4.3.tar.gz cd cgminer-3.4.3

Compile o CGMiner

./autogen.sh --enable-icarus make -j$(nproc)

Instale no sistema (opcional)

sudo make install ```

4. Conectando o Block Erupter USB

Plugue o dispositivo na porta USB e verifique se ele foi reconhecido:

bash dmesg | grep USB lsusb

Você deve ver algo como:

Bus 003 Device 004: ID 10c4:ea60 Cygnal Integrated Products, Inc. CP2102 USB to UART Bridge Controller

Se necessário, ajuste as permissões para o dispositivo USB:

bash sudo chmod 666 /dev/ttyUSB0

5. Configurando e Rodando o CGMiner

Agora, execute o CGMiner apontando para seu pool de mineração:

bash ./cgminer -o stratum+tcp://seu.pool.com:3333 -u seuUsuario -p suaSenha

Se o minerador detectar corretamente o Block Erupter, você verá algo como:

``` [2025-03-08 22:26:45] Started cgminer 3.4.3 [2025-03-08 22:26:45] No devices detected! [2025-03-08 22:26:45] Waiting for USB hotplug devices or press q to quit [2025-03-08 22:26:45] Probing for an alive pool [2025-03-08 22:26:46] Pool 0 difficulty changed to 65536 [2025-03-08 22:26:46] Network diff set to 111T [2025-03-08 22:26:46] Stratum from pool 0 detected new block [2025-03-08 22:27:02] Hotplug: Icarus added AMU 0

```

Conclusão

Apesar de não serem mais viáveis para mineração real, os Sapphire Block Erupter USB ainda são ótimos para aprender sobre ASICs, testar pools e entender mais sobre a mineração de Bitcoin. Se você gosta de hardware antigo e tem um desses guardado, vale a pena experimentar!

Se tiver dúvidas ou quiser compartilhar sua experiência, comente abaixo!

@ 4925ea33:025410d8

1. O que é um Aromaterapeuta?

O aromaterapeuta é um profissional especializado na prática da Aromaterapia, responsável pelo uso adequado de óleos essenciais, ervas aromáticas, águas florais e destilados herbais para fins terapêuticos.

A atuação desse profissional envolve diferentes métodos de aplicação, como inalação, uso tópico, sempre considerando a segurança e a necessidade individual do cliente. A Aromaterapia pode auxiliar na redução do estresse, alívio de dores crônicas, relaxamento muscular e melhora da respiração, entre outros benefícios.

Além disso, os aromaterapeutas podem trabalhar em conjunto com outros profissionais da saúde para oferecer um tratamento complementar em diversas condições. Como já mencionado no artigo sobre "Como evitar processos alérgicos na prática da Aromaterapia", é essencial ter acompanhamento profissional, pois os óleos essenciais são altamente concentrados e podem causar reações adversas se utilizados de forma inadequada.

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2. Como um Aromaterapeuta Pode Ajudar?

Você pode procurar um aromaterapeuta para diferentes necessidades, como:

✔ Questões Emocionais e Psicológicas

Auxílio em momentos de luto, divórcio, demissão ou outras situações desafiadoras.

Apoio na redução do estresse, ansiedade e insônia.

Vale lembrar que, em casos de transtornos psiquiátricos, a Aromaterapia deve ser usada como terapia complementar, associada ao tratamento médico.

✔ Questões Físicas

Dores musculares e articulares.

Problemas respiratórios como rinite, sinusite e tosse.

Distúrbios digestivos leves.

Dores de cabeça e enxaquecas. Nesses casos, a Aromaterapia pode ser um suporte, mas não substitui a medicina tradicional para identificar a origem dos sintomas.

✔ Saúde da Pele e Cabelos

Tratamento para acne, dermatites e psoríase.

Cuidados com o envelhecimento precoce da pele.

Redução da queda de cabelo e controle da oleosidade do couro cabeludo.

✔ Bem-estar e Qualidade de Vida

Melhora da concentração e foco, aumentando a produtividade.

Estímulo da disposição e energia.

Auxílio no equilíbrio hormonal (TPM, menopausa, desequilíbrios hormonais).

Com base nessas necessidades, o aromaterapeuta irá indicar o melhor tratamento, calculando doses, sinergias (combinação de óleos essenciais), diluições e técnicas de aplicação, como inalação, uso tópico ou difusão.

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3. Como Funciona uma Consulta com um Aromaterapeuta?

Uma consulta com um aromaterapeuta é um atendimento personalizado, onde são avaliadas as necessidades do cliente para a criação de um protocolo adequado. O processo geralmente segue estas etapas:

✔ Anamnese (Entrevista Inicial)

Perguntas sobre saúde física, emocional e estilo de vida.

Levantamento de sintomas, histórico médico e possíveis alergias.

Definição dos objetivos da terapia (alívio do estresse, melhora do sono, dores musculares etc.).

✔ Escolha dos Óleos Essenciais

Seleção dos óleos mais indicados para o caso.

Consideração das propriedades terapêuticas, contraindicações e combinações seguras.

✔ Definição do Método de Uso

O profissional indicará a melhor forma de aplicação, que pode ser:

Inalação: difusores, colares aromáticos, vaporização.

Uso tópico: massagens, óleos corporais, compressas.

Banhos aromáticos e escalda-pés. Todas as diluições serão ajustadas de acordo com a segurança e a necessidade individual do cliente.

✔ Plano de Acompanhamento

Instruções detalhadas sobre o uso correto dos óleos essenciais.

Orientação sobre frequência e duração do tratamento.

Possibilidade de retorno para ajustes no protocolo.

A consulta pode ser realizada presencialmente ou online, dependendo do profissional.

---

Quer saber como a Aromaterapia pode te ajudar? Agende uma consulta comigo e descubra os benefícios dos óleos essenciais para o seu bem-estar!

@ 866e0139:6a9334e5

---

Autor: Michael Meyen. Dieser Beitrag wurde mit dem Pareto-Client geschrieben. Sie finden alle Texte der Friedenstaube und weitere Texte zum Thema Frieden hier.**

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Es geht gut los. „WC für alle“. Daneben noch einmal in der Sprache des Imperiums. „All Gender (urinal inside)“. Das hilft nicht wirklich, weil das Pinkelbecken vor der Tür ist und man nicht weiß, wer gerade dahinter hockt. Also warten bis zur Auflösung. Wir sind im Haus der Demokratie in der Greifswalder Straße. Immerhin.

Eingeladen hat die Neue Gesellschaft für Psychologie. Der Name täuscht. Diese neue Gesellschaft ist alt. Sehr alt. Damit meine ich gar nicht Laura von Wimmersperg, Jahrgang 1934, die den ersten Paukenschlag setzt. Sie habe, sagt diese Dame mit weißem Haar sinngemäß, als sie ans Podium tritt, sie habe sich gequält mit ihrem Text, das Geschriebene wieder und wieder gelesen und dann – in den Papierkorb geworfen. Ihre Gefühle seien größer, als alle Worte jemals sein könnten. „Krieg und Frieden“ heißt dieser Kongress. Laura von Wimmersperg ist die Grande Dame der westdeutschen Friedensbewegung, bekannt weit über Berlin hinaus. Nato-Doppelbeschluss, Jugoslawien, Irak, Afghanistan. Ein Ostermarsch nach dem anderen. Laura von Wimmersperg hat auch den 24. Februar 2022 überlebt und kann die Kampfgefährten kaum mehr zählen, die in einem der Gräben am Wegesrand verrotten. Migration, Klima, Corona und immer wieder Russland und die Ukraine. 

Die Neue Gesellschaft für Psychologie ist noch da, einerseits. Versprengte DKPler, Leute aus den K-Gruppen, Marxisten, Maoisten. Bevor ich „andererseits“ sage, brauche ich einen Disclaimer. Ich darf diesen Text nicht schreiben. Ich habe in Berlin einen Vortrag gehalten über „Journalismus und Macht“ und das Programm nicht komplett gesehen. Einen ganzen Tag sitzen: Das erlaubt mein Körper nicht mehr. Augen und Ohren haben so manche Interna verpasst und fast alles, was über Gaza gesagt wurde oder über die Kampagne „Für ein neutrales Deutschland“. Damit verbietet sich eigentlich jeder Bericht. Karin Leukefeld, seit 25 Jahren als Journalistin unterwegs in einer Gegend, die manche Nahost nennen und andere mittlerweile Greater Middle East, hat das in Berlin wunderbar formuliert. Mit allen reden, lesen, zuhören, fragen. Aus halben Sachen wird kein ganzes Bild.

Karin Leukefeld hat auch gesagt, dass sie einst in den Journalismus gegangen ist, um Brücken zu schlagen, und dass sie deshalb weniger die Schlagzeilen interessieren als das Leben dahinter. Vielleicht hilft ja mein Blick von außen selbst dann, wenn er mit blinden Flecken daherkommt. Damit nun endlich zum „andererseits“ und vor allem zum Alter. Ich war nicht dabei in der kleineren Bundesrepublik, aber so ungefähr muss es gewesen sein. Die Vokabeln, der Habitus. Rosa Luxemburg, SDS und Klassenkampf, Kapitalismus und Entfremdung. Murmeln, klatschen, reinrufen. Dieses Publikum geht mit. Jawoll! Genau! Ja! Mmh. Wenig Psychologie und viel Materialismus selbst bei denen, die als Psychologen vorgestellt werden. Sicher ist das alles ganz furchtbar mit den Verhältnissen. Das wusste schon der gute Brecht. Die Frage allerdings, die mich beschäftigt, seit ich nicht mehr zur Vorhut der Arbeiterklasse gehöre: Welche Wunder waren nötig, dass einige wenige all die Zwänge hinter sich lassen konnten und nun bereitstehen, um die Massen aufzuklären? Und fast noch wichtiger: Wozu braucht diese Avantgarde Massen, denen sie ohnehin nicht über den Weg traut? Ich spitze zu und verallgemeinere, okay. Trotzdem. Das ist der alte Geist mit allenfalls leicht entstaubten Analysen und Rezepten, der den Staat verschonen möchte und China sowieso. Klaus-Jürgen Bruder, der Cheforganisator, steht immer wieder auf, um zu akademisieren und damit auch zu differenzieren. Analyse und Aktivismus, Wunden lecken und sich dabei auch noch zu vergewissern, dass man immer noch Kurs hält: So ein Spagat überfordert jeden Kongress.

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DIE FRIEDENSTAUBE FLIEGT AUCH IN IHR POSTFACH!

Hier können Sie die Friedenstaube abonnieren und bekommen die Artikel zugesandt, vorerst für alle kostenfrei, wir starten gänzlich ohne Paywall. (Die Bezahlabos fangen erst zu laufen an, wenn ein Monetarisierungskonzept für die Inhalte steht). Sie wollen der Genossenschaft beitreten oder uns unterstützen? Mehr Infos hier oder am Ende des Textes.

---

Wenn die Reihen gelichtet sind, verbietet es sich fast von selbst, auch noch auf die letzten Mitstreiter einzuprügeln. Wer kämpft, hat schon verloren, sagt Christian Dewanger, der sich als Daoist vorstellt und keine Lust hat, China von der Ausbeutung freizusprechen und von allen anderen Sünden der Macht. Sonst aber: Wohlwollen und weglächeln. Wer weiß, wozu der Staat noch gut sein kann und der große Bruder in Peking. Man kann sich derweil ja an der Linkspartei abarbeiten, an Gregor Gysi und an den Brandmauer-Baumeistern, die es auch im Quartier ganz links gibt, spätestens seit den Montags-Mahnwachen 2014. Laura von Wimmersperg sagt: Habt Geduld und übt euch in Nachsicht, liebe Leute. Bei ihrem 90. im Herbst, erzählt sie, habe sie die alten Kameraden genauso eingeladen wie die neuen und die Missgunst einfach übersehen – anders als die Bundeswehr-Werbung an der Edeka-Kasse vor der Tür. Auf zur Marktleitung mit einer Frage auf den Lippen: Wie kann jemand, der das Leben selbst so wenig achtet, allen Ernstes auf jedem Plakat behaupten, dass er Lebensmittel liebt? Beim nächsten Einkauf sei der Laden sauber gewesen.

Ich erwähne diese kleine Geschichte, weil Laura von Wimmersperg eine Ausnahme ist. Vielleicht kann das nur eine Frau, die alles erlebt hat: 20 von 30 Rede-Minuten verschenken und so eine Tür öffnen für Nachdenken und Reden. Die alten Männer, nur einen Wimpernschlag jünger, würden den Teufel tun. Saurier-Ausstellung, sagt mein Sitz-Nachbar. Das kann so gemeint sein oder so. Wolfgang Effenberger, Jahrgang 1946, ist der Jüngste in diesem Trio infernale, das einen ganzen Vormittag bekommen hat und von keinem Moderator der Welt zu stoppen wäre. Effenberger war Soldat und hat den Dienst quittiert, als ihm klar wurde, worauf alle Planungen hinausliefen. Der Atomtod, damals schon. Die Zeitenwende beginnt für ihn mit dem Kosovo. Seitdem laufe die Vorbereitung auf den großen Krieg. Iran, Russland, China. Effenberger scrollt durch die Strategiedokumente, wechselt zum Westfälischen Frieden, der 15 Jahre Anlaufzeit gebraucht habe, und schüttelt den Kopf beim Blick auf Donald Trump, der offenbar glaube, alles mit einem Anruf erledigen zu können, und auf jemanden wie Keith Kellogg gesetzt habe, einen Mann aus dem Herzen der Finsternis. 

Werner Rügemer, der nächste Saurier, ist fünf Jahre älter und sehr viel ruhiger als Effenberger, aber keineswegs leiser. Dass er die Lösung in China sieht, hat mit seinem Gesellschaftsbild zu tun und mit der Rolle, die das US-Kapital darin spielt. Nicht *eine* Hauptrolle, sondern DIE. Der Treiber von allem. Hitler und die Wehrmacht, der Staatsstreich in Guatemala und das Office of Strategic Services, der erste Auslandsgeheimdienst der USA, 1941 nicht zufällig gegründet von den Wall-Street-Anwälten Allen Dulles und William Donovan. Folge der Spur des Geldes und löse so die Rätsel der Geschichte. 

Auch Rudolph Bauer, Jahrgang 1939, taucht tief ein in die Vergangenheit. Ein Saurier-Privileg. Demos gegen den Krieg? Konferenzen für den Frieden? 1913/14 versandet und in Weimar auch. Ob ein Generalstreik geholfen hätte? Wenn dieses Wort in den nächsten Stunden und Tagen fällt, geht im Saal die Sonne auf. Rudolph Bauer hört nicht mehr besonders gut, aber er hat noch einen zweiten Punkt, der diesen Kongress fesselt. Ist das, was ich hier etwas lapidar Friedensbewegung nenne, möglicherweise genau die Begleitmusik, die jeder Kriegstreiber braucht?

Was bleibt jenseits von Gesprächen, Handynummern, Lesetipps? Ich weiß jetzt, dass nicht nur die DDR-Eliten überlebt haben, die 1990 zwar alle Positionen und jeden Einfluss verloren haben, aber sich weiter trafen mit allem Drum und Dran. Netzwerke, Periodika, Bücher. So gut wie nichts davon ist in der gesamtdeutschen Öffentlichkeit diskutiert worden, aber es hat die Jahre mit Sinn gefüllt. Wäre mehr möglich gewesen, wenn es einen Link gegeben hätte zu den Reservaten der alten Westlinken? Zur Neuen Gesellschaft für Psychologie zum Beispiel? Vielleicht gelingt die Blutauffrischung, vielleicht auch nicht. Trost gab es aus dem Raum mit einer Geschichte aus dem Orient. Prophet Abraham liegt im Feuer, und ein Spatz hat Wasser im Schnabel. Dieser Spatz weiß, dass er allein nichts ausrichten kann, hört aber trotzdem nicht auf, um in den Spiegel schauen zu können, wenn er eines Tages vor seinem Schöpfer steht. Schön.

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LASSEN SIE DER FRIEDENSTAUBE FLÜGEL WACHSEN!

Hier können Sie die Friedenstaube abonnieren und bekommen die Artikel zugesandt. (Vorerst an alle, da wir den Mailversand testen, später ca. drei Mails pro Woche.).

Schon jetzt können Sie uns unterstützen:

• Für 50 CHF/EURO bekommen Sie ein Jahresabo der Friedenstaube.
• Für 120 CHF/EURO bekommen Sie ein Jahresabo und ein T-Shirt/Hoodie mit der Friedenstaube.
• Für 500 CHF/EURO werden Sie Förderer und bekommen ein lebenslanges Abo sowie ein T-Shirt/Hoodie mit der Friedenstaube.
• Ab 1000 CHF werden Sie Genossenschafter der Friedenstaube mit Stimmrecht (und bekommen lebenslanges Abo, T-Shirt/Hoodie).

Für Einzahlungen in CHF (Betreff: Friedenstaube):

Für Einzahlungen in Euro:

Milosz Matuschek

IBAN DE 53710520500000814137

BYLADEM1TST

Sparkasse Traunstein-Trostberg

Betreff: Friedenstaube

Wenn Sie auf anderem Wege beitragen wollen, schreiben Sie die Friedenstaube an: milosz@pareto.space

---

Sie sind noch nicht auf Nostr and wollen die volle Erfahrung machen (liken, kommentieren etc.)? Zappen können Sie den Autor auch ohne Nostr-Profil! Erstellen Sie sich einen Account auf Start. Weitere Onboarding-Leitfäden gibt es im Pareto-Wiki.

@ eac63075:b4988b48

Listen the Podcast:

https://open.spotify.com/episode/7lJWc1zaqA9CNhB8coJXaL?si=4147bca317624d34

https://www.fountain.fm/episode/YEGnlBLZhvuj96GSpuk9

Abstract

This paper examines a hypothetical scenario in which the United States, under Trump’s leadership, withdraws from NATO and reduces its support for Europe, thereby enabling a Russian conquest of Ukraine and the subsequent expansion of Moscow’s influence over Eurasia, while the US consolidates its dominance over South America. Drawing on classical geopolitical theories—specifically those of Halford Mackinder, Alfred Thayer Mahan, Rudolf Kjellén, and Friedrich Ratzel—the study analyzes how these frameworks can elucidate the evolving power dynamics and territorial ambitions in a reconfigured global order. The discussion highlights Mackinder’s notion of the Eurasian Heartland and its strategic importance, Mahan’s emphasis on maritime power and control of strategic routes, Kjellén’s view of the state as an expanding organism, and Ratzel’s concept of Lebensraum as a justification for territorial expansion. The paper also explores contemporary developments, such as the US–Ukraine economic agreement and Trump’s overt territorial ambitions involving Greenland and Canada, in light of these theories. By juxtaposing traditional geopolitical concepts with current international relations, the study aims to shed light on the potential implications of such shifts for regional stability, global security, and the balance of power, particularly in relation to emerging neocolonial practices in Latin America.

Introduction

In recent years, the geopolitical dynamics involving the United States, Russia, and Ukraine have sparked analyses from different theoretical perspectives. This paper examines recent events – presupposing a scenario in which Donald Trump withdraws the US from NATO and reduces its support for Europe, allowing a Russian conquest of Ukraine and the expansion of Moscow’s influence over Eurasia, while the US consolidates its dominance over South America – in light of classical geopolitical theories. The ideas of Halford Mackinder, Alfred Thayer Mahan, Rudolf Kjellén, and Friedrich Ratzel are used as reference points. The proposal is to impartially evaluate how each theory can elucidate the developments of this hypothetical scenario, relating Russian territorial expansion in Eurasia to the strategic retreat of the US to the Western Hemisphere.

Initially, we will outline Mackinder’s conception of the Heartland (the central Eurasian territory) and the crucial role of Eastern Europe and Ukraine in the quest for global dominance. Next, we will discuss Mahan’s ideas regarding maritime power and the control of strategic routes, considering the impacts on the naval power balance among the US, Russia, and other maritime powers such as the United Kingdom and Japan. Subsequently, we will examine Kjellén’s organic theory of the state, interpreting the Russian expansionist strategy as a reflection of a state organism in search of vital space. In the same vein, Ratzel’s concept of “Lebensraum” will be explored, along with how Russia could justify territorial expansion based on resources and territory. Finally, the paper connects these theories to the current political context, analyzing the direct negotiations between Washington and Moscow (overlooking Ukraine and Europe), the US policy toward authoritarian regimes in Latin America, and the notion of a hemispheric division of power – the “Island of the Americas” under North American hegemony versus an Eurasia dominated by Russia. Lastly, it considers the possibility that such a geopolitical arrangement may foster the strengthening of authoritarian governments globally, rather than containing them, thus altering the paradigms of the liberal world order.

The Heartland of Mackinder: Ukraine, Eurasia, and Global Dominance

Halford J. Mackinder, a British geographer and pioneer of geopolitics, proposed the celebrated Heartland Theory in the early twentieth century. Mackinder divided the world into geostrategic zones and identified the Heartland—the central continental mass of Eurasia—as the “geographical pivot of history” [5]. His most famous maxim encapsulates this vision: “who rules Eastern Europe commands the Heartland; who rules the Heartland commands the World Island; who rules the World Island commands the world” [5]. Eastern Europe and, in particular, the region of present-day Ukraine, play a key role in this formula. This is because, for Mackinder, Eastern Europe functions as a gateway to the Heartland, providing access to resources and a strategic position for the projection of continental power [5].

Applying this theory to our scenario, the conquest of Ukraine and Eastern European countries by Russia would have profound geopolitical implications. From a Mackinderian point of view, such a conquest would enormously strengthen Russia’s position in the Heartland by adding manpower (population) and Ukraine’s industrial and agricultural resources to its power base [5]. In fact, Mackinder argued that controlling the Heartland conferred formidable geostrategic advantages—a vast terrestrial “natural fortress” protected from naval invasions and rich in resources such as wheat, minerals, and fuels [5]. Thus, if Moscow were to incorporate Ukraine (renowned for its fertile soil and grain production, as well as its mineral reserves) and extend its influence over Eastern Europe, Russia would consolidate the Heartland under its direct control. In this context, the absence of the USA (withdrawn from NATO and less engaged in Europe) would remove an important obstacle to Russian predominance in the region.

With central and eastern Eurasia under Russian influence, it would be possible to move toward the realization of the geopolitical nightmare described by Mackinder for Western maritime powers: a hegemonic continental power capable of projecting power to both Europe and Asia. Mackinder himself warned that if a Heartland power gained additional access to an oceanic coastline—in other words, if it combined land power with a significant maritime front—it would constitute a “danger” to global freedom [5]. In the scenario considered, besides advancing into Eastern Europe, Russia would already possess strategic maritime outlets (for example, in the Black Sea, via Crimea, and in the Baltic, via Kaliningrad or the Baltic States if influenced). Thus, the control of Ukraine would reinforce Russia’s position in the Black Sea and facilitate projection into the Eastern Mediterranean, expanding its oceanic front. From a Mackinderian perspective, this could potentially transform Russia into the dominant power of the “World Island” (the combined mass of Europe, Asia, and Africa), thereby unbalancing the global geopolitical order [5].

It is worth noting that, historically, Mackinder’s doctrine influenced containment strategies: both in the interwar period and during the Cold War, efforts were made to prevent a single power from controlling the Heartland and Eastern Europe. NATO, for example, can be seen as an instrument to prevent Soviet/Russian advances in Europe, in line with Mackinder’s imperative to “contain the Heartland.” Thus, if the USA were to abandon that role—by leaving NATO and tacitly accepting the Russian sphere of influence in Eurasia—we would be witnessing an inversion of the principles that have guided Western policy for decades. In short, under Mackinder’s theory, the Russian conquest of Ukraine and beyond would represent the key for Russia to command the Heartland and, potentially, challenge global hegemony, especially in a scenario where the USA self-restricts to the Western Hemisphere.

The Maritime Power of Mahan and the Naval Balance between West and East

While Mackinder emphasized continental land power, Alfred Thayer Mahan, a nineteenth-century American naval strategist, highlighted the crucial role of maritime power in global dominance. In his work The Influence of Sea Power upon History (1890), Mahan studied the example of the British Empire and concluded that control of the seas paved the way for British supremacy as a world power [10]. He argued that a strong navy and the control of strategic maritime routes were decisive factors for projecting military, political, and economic power. His doctrine can be summarized in the following points: (1) the United States should aspire to be a world power; (2) control of the seas is necessary to achieve that status; (3) such control is obtained through a powerful fleet of warships [17]. In other words, for Mahan, whoever dominates the maritime routes and possesses naval superiority will be in a position to influence global destinies, ensuring trade, supplies, and the rapid movement of military forces.

In the proposed scenario, in which the USA withdraws militarily from Europe and possibly from the Eurasian stage, Mahan’s ideas raise questions about the distribution of maritime power and its effects. Traditionally, the US Navy operates globally, ensuring freedom of navigation and deterring challenges in major seas (Atlantic, Pacific, Indian, etc.). A withdrawal of the USA from NATO could also signal a reduction in its naval presence in the Northeast Atlantic, the Mediterranean Sea, and other areas close to Eurasia. In such a case, who would fill this naval vacuum? Russia, although primarily a land power, has been attempting to modernize its navy and has specific interests—for example, consolidating its dominance in the Black Sea and maintaining a presence in the Mediterranean (with a naval base in Tartus, Syria). The United Kingdom, a historic European maritime power, would remain aligned with the USA but, without American military support in Europe, might potentially be overwhelmed trying to contain an increasingly assertive Russian navy in European waters on its own. Japan, another significant maritime actor allied with the USA, is concerned with the naval balance in the Pacific; without full American engagement, Tokyo might be compelled to expand its own naval power to contain both Russia in the Far East (which maintains a fleet in the Pacific) and, especially, the growing Chinese navy.

According to Mahan’s thinking, strategic maritime routes and choke points (crucial straits and channels) become contested prizes in this power game. With the USA focusing on the Americas, one could imagine Washington reinforcing control over the Panama Canal and Caribbean routes—reviving an “American Gulf” policy in the Western Atlantic and Eastern Pacific. In fact, indications of this orientation emerge in statements attributed to Trump, who once suggested reclaiming direct control over Panama, transforming Canada into a North American state, and even “annexing” Greenland due to its Arctic geopolitical importance [18]. These aspirations reflect a quest to secure advantageous maritime positions near the American continent.

Conversely, in the absence of American presence in the Eastern Atlantic and Mediterranean, Russia would have free rein for regional maritime projection. This could include anything from the unrestricted use of the Black Sea (after dominating Ukraine, thereby ensuring full access to Crimea and Ukrainian ports) to greater influence in the Eastern Mediterranean via Syria and partnerships with countries such as Iran or Egypt. The Baltic Sea would also become an area of expanded Russian interest, pressuring coastal countries and perhaps reducing NATO’s traditional local naval supremacy. However, it is worth noting that even with these regional expansions, Russia lacks a blue-water navy comparable to that of the USA; thus, its initial global maritime impact would be limited without alliances.

An important aspect of Mahan’s theories is that naval power serves as a counterbalance to the land power of the Heartland. Therefore, even if Russia were to dominate the Eurasian continental mass, the continued presence of American naval might on the oceans could prevent complete global domination by Moscow. However, if the USA voluntarily restricts its naval reach to the Americas, it would forgo influencing the power balance in the seas adjacent to Eurasia. Consequently, the balance of maritime power would tend to shift in favor of regional Eurasian actors. The United Kingdom and Japan, traditional allies of the USA, could intensify their naval capabilities to defend regional interests—the United Kingdom safeguarding the North Atlantic and the North Sea, and Japan patrolling the Northwest Pacific—but both would face budgetary and structural limitations in fully compensating for the absence of the American superpower. Consequently, Mahan’s vision suggests that the withdrawal of the USA from the extra-regional scene would weaken the liberal maritime regime, possibly opening space for revisionist powers to contest routes that were previously secured (for example, Russia and China encountering less opposition on the routes of the Arctic and the Indo-Pacific, respectively). In summary, naval hegemony would fragment, and control of strategic seas would become contested, reconfiguring the relative influence of the USA, Russia, and maritime allies such as the United Kingdom and Japan.

Kjellén and the State as a Living Organism: Russian Expansion as an Organic Necessity

Another useful theoretical lens to interpret Russian geopolitical posture is that of Rudolf Kjellén, a Swedish political scientist of the early twentieth century who conceived the State as a living organism. Kjellén, who even coined the term “geopolitics,” was influenced by Friedrich Ratzel’s ideas and by social Darwinism, arguing that States are born, grow, and decline analogously to living beings [13]. In his work Staten som livsform (The State as a Form of Life, 1916), he maintained that States possess an organic dimension in addition to the legal one and that “just as any form of life, States must expand or die” [14]. This expansion would not be motivated merely by aggressive conquest but seen as a necessary growth for the self-preservation of the state organism [14]. In complement, Kjellén echoed Ratzel’s “law of expanding spaces” by asserting that large States expand at the expense of smaller ones, with it being only a matter of time before the great realms fill the available spaces [14]. That is, from the organic perspective, vigorous States tend to incorporate smaller neighboring territories, consolidating territorially much like an organism absorbing nutrients.

Applying this theory to the strategy of contemporary Russia, we can interpret Moscow’s actions—including the invasion of Ukraine and the ambition to restore its sphere of influence in Eurasia—as the expression of an organic drive for expansion. For a strategist influenced by this school, Russia (viewed as a state organism with a long imperial history) needs to expand its territory and influence to ensure its survival and security. The loss of control over spaces that once were part of the Russian Empire or the Soviet Union (such as Ukraine itself, the Caucasus, or Central Asia) may be perceived by Russian elites as an atrophy of the state organism, rendering it vulnerable. Thus, the reincorporation of these territories—whether directly (annexation) or indirectly (political vassalage)—would equate to restoring lost members or strengthening vital organs of the state body. In fact, official Russian arguments often portray Ukraine as an intrinsic part of “Russian historicity,” denying it a fully separate identity—a narrative that aligns with the idea that Russian expansion in that region is natural and necessary for the Russian State (seen as encompassing also Russian speakers beyond its current borders).

Kjellén would thus provide a theoretical justification for Russian territorial expansion as an organic phenomenon. As a great power, Russia would inevitably seek to expand at the expense of smaller neighbors (Ukraine, Georgia, the Baltic States, etc.), as dictated by the tendency of “great spaces to organize” to the detriment of the small [14]. This view can be identified in contemporary Russian doctrines that value spheres of influence and the notion that neighboring countries must gravitate around Moscow in order for the natural order to be maintained. The very idea of “Eurasia” united under Russian leadership (advocated by modern Russian thinkers) echoes this organic conception of vital space and expansion as a sign of the State’s vitality.

However, Kjellén’s theory also warns of the phenomenon of “imperial overstretch,” should a State exceed its internal cohesion limits by expanding excessively [14]. He recognized that extending borders too far could increase friction and vulnerabilities, making it difficult to maintain cohesion—a very large organism may lack functional integration. In the Russian context, this suggests that although expansion is seen as necessary, there are risks if Russia tries to encompass more than it can govern effectively. Conquering Ukraine and subjugating Eastern Europe, for example, could economically and militarily overburden the Russian State, especially if it faced resistance or had to manage hostile populations. However, in the hypothetical scenario we adopt (isolated USA and a weakened Europe), Russia might calculate that the organic benefits of expansion (territory, resources, strategic depth) would outweigh the costs, since external interference would be limited. Thus, through Kjellén’s lens, expansionist Russia behaves as an organism following its instinct for survival and growth, absorbing weaker neighbors; yet such a process is not devoid of challenges, requiring that the “organism Russia” manages to assimilate these new spaces without collapsing under its own weight.

Ratzel and Lebensraum: Resources, Territory, and the Justification for Expansion

Parallel to Kjellén’s organic view, Friedrich Ratzel’s theory offers another conceptual basis for understanding Russian expansion: the concept of Lebensraum (vital space). Ratzel, a German geographer of the late nineteenth century, proposed that the survival and development of a people or nation depended critically on the available physical space and resources. Influenced by Darwinist ideas, he applied the notion of “survival of the fittest” to nations, arguing that human societies need to conquer territory and resources to prosper, and that the stronger and fittest civilizations will naturally prevail over the weaker ones [12]. In 1901, Ratzel coined the term Lebensraum to describe this need for “vital space” as a geographical factor in national power [15].

Subsequently, this idea would be adopted—and extremely distorted—by Nazi ideology to justify Germany’s aggressions in Europe. However, the core of Ratzel’s concept is that territorial expansion is essential for the survival and growth of a State, especially to secure food, raw materials, and space for its population [12].

When examining Russia’s stance under this perspective, we can see several narratives that evoke the logic of Lebensraum. Russia is the largest country in the world by area; however, much of its territory is characterized by adverse climates (tundra, taiga) and is relatively sparsely populated in Siberia. On the other hand, adjacent regions such as Ukraine possess highly arable lands (chernozem—black soil), significant Slavic population density, and additional natural resources (coal in the Donbass, for example). An implicit justification for Russian expansion could be the search for supplementary resources and fertile lands to secure its self-sufficiency and power—exactly as Ratzel described that vigorous nations do. Historical records show that Ratzel emphasized agrarian primacy: he believed that new territories should be colonized by farmers, providing the food base for the nation [12]. Ukraine, historically called the “breadbasket of Europe,” fits perfectly into this vision of conquest for sustenance and agricultural wealth.

Furthermore, Ratzel viewed geography as a determinant of the destiny of nations—peoples adapted to certain habitats seek to expand them if they aspire to grow. In contemporary Russian discourse, there is often mention of the need to ensure security and territorial depth in the face of NATO, or to unite brotherly peoples (Russians and Russian speakers) within a single political space. Such arguments can be read as a modern translation of Lebensraum: the idea that the Russian nation, in order to be secure and flourish, must control a larger space, encompassing buffer zones and critical resources. This Russian “vital space” would naturally include Ukraine and other former Soviet republics, given the historical and infrastructural interdependence. Ratzel emphasized that peoples migrated and expanded when their original homeland no longer met their needs or aspirations [12]. Although contemporary Russia does not suffer from demographic pressure (on the contrary, it faces population decline), under the logic of a great power there is indeed a sentiment of geopolitical insufficiency for having lost influence over areas considered strategic. Thus, reconquering these areas would mean recovering the “habitat” necessary for the Russian nation to prosper and feel secure.

It is important to mention that, in Ratzel’s and Kjellén’s formulations, the pursuit of Lebensraum or organic expansion is not morally qualified—it is treated as a natural process in the politics of power. Thus, on the discursive level, Russia can avoid overly aggressive rhetoric and resort to “natural” justifications: for example, claiming that it needs to occupy Ukraine for defensive purposes (security space) or to reunify peoples (a common cultural and historical space). Beneath these justifications, however, resonates the geopolitical imperative to acquire more territory and resources as a guarantee of national survival, something consonant with Ratzel’s theory. In fact, Russian Realpolitik frequently prioritizes the control of energy resources (gas, oil) and transportation routes. Expanding its influence over central Eurasia would also mean controlling oil pipelines, gas lines, and logistical corridors—essential elements of modern Lebensraum understood as access to vital resources and infrastructure.

In summary, by conquering Ukraine and extending its reach into Eurasia, Russia could effectively invoke the concept of Lebensraum: presenting its expansion not as mere imperialism, but as a necessity to secure indispensable lands and resources for its people and to correct the “injustice” of a vital space diminished by post-Cold War territorial losses. The theories of Ratzel and Kjellén together paint a picture in which Russian expansion emerges almost as a natural law—the great State reclaiming space to ensure its survival and development at the expense of smaller neighbors.

Trump, NATO, and the Threat of American Withdrawal

One of the most alarming changes with Trump's return to power is the tense relationship with the North Atlantic Treaty Organization (NATO). Trump has long criticized allies for not meeting military spending targets, even threatening during his first term to withdraw the US from the alliance if members did not increase their contributions [2]. This threat, initially viewed with skepticism, became concrete after his re-election, leading European allies to seriously consider the possibility of having to defend themselves without American support [1]. In fact, Trump suggested in post-election interviews that the US would only remain in NATO if the allies “paid their bills” – otherwise, he “would seriously consider” leaving [2]. Such statements reinforced the warning that the US might not honor NATO's mutual defense commitment, precisely at a time of continuous Russian threat due to the war in Ukraine [1].

From a theoretical point of view, this posture of American retrenchment evokes the classic tension between maritime power and land power. Alfred Thayer Mahan emphasized that the global power of the US derived largely from its naval superiority and from alliances that ensured control over strategic maritime routes [9]. NATO, since 1949, has served not only to deter Soviet terrestrial advances in Eurasia, but also to secure the US naval presence in the North Atlantic and the Mediterranean – a fundamental element according to Mahan. In turn, Halford Mackinder warned that the balance of global power depended on the control of the Eurasian “Heartland” (the central region of Eurasia). The withdrawal or disengagement of the US (a maritime power) from this region could open the way for a continental power (such as Russia) to expand its influence in Eastern Europe, unbalancing the power balance [3]. In other words, by threatening to leave NATO, Trump jeopardizes the principle of containment that prevented Russian dominance over Eastern Europe – something that Mackinder would see as a dangerous shift in global power in favor of the Heartland power.

Adopting an impartial tone, it is observed that European countries have reacted to this new reality with precautionary measures. Strategic reports already calculate the cost of an autonomous European defense: hundreds of thousands of additional soldiers and investments of hundreds of billions of euros would be required if the US ceased to guarantee the security of the continent [1]. European dependence on American military power is significant and, without it, there would be a need for a major reinforcement of European Armed Forces [1]. This mobilization practically reflects the anticipation of a power vacuum left by the US – a scenario in which Mackinder’s theory (on the primacy of the Heartland and the vulnerability of the “external crescent” where Western Europe is located) regains its relevance.

The US–Ukraine Economic Agreement: Strategic Minerals in Exchange for Support?

Another novelty of Trump's second term is the unprecedented and transactional manner in which Washington has been dealing with the war in Ukraine. Instead of emphasizing security guarantees and alliances, the Trump administration proposed a trade agreement with Ukraine focused on the exploitation of strategic minerals, linking American support to a direct economic benefit. According to sources close to the negotiations, the US and Ukraine are about to sign a pact to share the revenues from the exploitation of critical mineral resources on Ukrainian territory [19]. Materials such as titanium, lithium, rare earths, and uranium – vital for high-tech and defense industries – would be at the core of this agreement [6]. According to the known draft, Ukraine would allocate 50% of the profits from new mineral ventures to a fund controlled by the US, which would reinvest part of the resources in the country’s own reconstruction [6] [19].

It is noteworthy that the pact does not include explicit security guarantees for Kyiv, despite Ukraine remaining under direct military threat from Russia [19]. Essentially, the Trump administration offers financial support and economic investment in exchange for a share in Ukrainian natural resources, but without formally committing to Ukraine's defense in the event of a renewed Russian offensive [19]. American authorities argue that this economic partnership would already be sufficient to “secure Ukrainian interests,” as it would provide the US with its own incentives to desire Ukraine’s stability [19]. “What could be better for Ukraine than being in an economic partnership with the United States?” stated Mike Waltz, a US national security advisor, defending the proposal [19].

Analysts, however, assess the agreement in divided terms. For some, it represents a form of economic exploitation at a time of Ukraine's fragility – comparing the demand to share mineral wealth amid war to a scheme of “mafia protection” [19]. Steven Cook, from the Council on Foreign Relations, classified the offer as “extortion,” and political scientist Virginia P. Fortna observed that charging resources from an invaded country resembles predatory practices [19]. Joseph Nye adds that it is a short-term gain strategy that could be “disastrous in the long run” for American credibility, reflecting the transactional approach that Trump even adopted with close allies in other contexts [19]. On the other hand, some see a future advantage for Kyiv: journalist Pierre Briançon suggests that at least this agreement aligns American commercial interests with Ukraine’s future, which could, in theory, keep the US involved in Ukrainian prosperity in the long term [19]. It is even recalled that President Zelensky himself proposed last year the idea of sharing natural resources with the US to bring the interests of the two countries closer together [19].

From the perspective of geopolitical theories, this agreement illustrates a shift towards economic pragmatism in international relations, approaching concepts proposed by Kjellén. Rudolf Kjellén, who coined the term “geopolitics,” saw the State as a territorial organism that seeks to ensure its survival through self-sufficiency and the control of strategic resources [4]. Trump's demand for a share in Ukrainian resources in order to continue supporting the country reflects a logic of autarky and direct national interest – that is, foreign policy serving primarily to reinforce the economic and material position of the US. This view contrasts with the traditional cooperative approach, but aligns with Kjellén’s idea that powerful States tend to transform international relations into opportunities for their own gain, ensuring access to vital raw materials. Similarly, Friedrich Ratzel argued that States have a “propensity to expand their borders according to their capacities,” seeking vital space (Lebensraum) and resources to sustain their development [11]. The US–Ukraine pact, by conditioning military/economic aid on obtaining tangible advantages (half of the mineral profits), is reminiscent of Ratzel’s perspective: the US, as a rising economic power, expands its economic influence over Ukrainian territory like an organism extending itself to obtain the necessary resources for its well-being. It is, therefore, a form of economic expansionism at the expense of purely ideological commitments or collective security.

Peace Negotiations Excluding Ukraine and the Legitimacy of the Agreement

Another controversial point is the manner in which peace negotiations between Russia and the West have been conducted under Trump's administration. Since taking office, the American president has engaged directly with Moscow in pursuit of a ceasefire, deliberately keeping the Ukrainian government out of the initial discussions [6]. Trump expressed his desire to “leave Zelensky out of the conversation” and also excluded the European Union from any influence in the process [6]. This negotiation strategy—conducted without the presence of the primary interested party, Ukraine—raises serious questions about the legitimacy and sustainability of any resulting agreement.

Historically, peace agreements reached without the direct participation of one of the conflicting parties tend to face problems in implementation and acceptance.

The exclusion of Ukraine in the decision-making phase brings to light the issue of guarantees. As noted, the emerging agreement lacks formal US security guarantees for Ukraine. This implies that, after the agreement is signed, nothing will prevent Russia from launching a new offensive if it deems it convenient, knowing that the US has not committed to defending it militarily. Experts have already warned that a ceasefire without robust protection may only be a pause for Russian rearmament, rendering the conflict “frozen” temporarily and potentially resumed in the near future. The European strategic community has expressed similar concern: without American deterrence, the risk of further Russian aggressions in the region increases considerably [1]. Denmark, for example, has released intelligence reports warning of possible imminent Russian attacks, prompting neighboring countries to accelerate plans for independent defense [1].

The legitimacy of this asymmetric peace agreement (negotiated without Ukraine fully at the table and under economic coercion) is also questionable from a legal and moral point of view. It violates the principle of self-determination by imposing terms decided by great powers on a sovereign country—a practice reminiscent of dark chapters in diplomacy, such as the Munich Agreement of 1938, when powers determined the fate of Czechoslovakia without its consent. In the current case, Ukraine would end up signing the agreement, but from a position of weakness, raising doubts about how durable such a commitment would be.

From Mackinder’s perspective, Ukraine’s removal from the battlefield without guarantees essentially means admitting a greater influence of Russia (the Heartland power) over Eastern Europe. This would alter the balance in Eurasia in a potentially lasting way. Furthermore, the fact that great powers negotiate over the heads of a smaller country evokes the imperial logic of the nineteenth and early twentieth centuries, when empires decided among themselves the divisions of foreign territories—a behavior that Mackinder saw as likely in a world of a “closed system.” With the entire world already occupied by States, Mackinder predicted that powers would begin to compete for influence within this consolidated board, often subjugating smaller states to gain advantage [3]. The US–Russia negotiation regarding Ukraine, without proper Ukrainian representation, exemplifies this type of neo-imperial dynamic in the twenty-first century.

Also noteworthy is the consonance with the ideas of Ratzel and Kjellén: both viewed smaller states as easily relegated to the status of satellites or even “parasitic organisms” in the orbit of larger states. Kjellén spoke of the intrinsic vulnerability of states with little territorial depth or economic dependence, making them susceptible to external pressures [4][20]. Ukraine, weakened by war and dependent on external aid, becomes a concrete example of this theorized vulnerability: it has had to cede strategic resources and accept terms dictated against its will in an attempt to secure its immediate survival. The resulting agreement, therefore, reflects a power imbalance characteristic of the hierarchical international relations described by classical geopolitical theorists.

Implicit Territorial Concessions and Trump’s Public Discourse

A central and controversial point in Trump’s statements regarding the war in Ukraine is the insinuation of territorial concessions to Russia as part of the conflict’s resolution. Publicly, Trump avoided explicitly condemning Russian aggression and even stated that he considered it “unlikely” that Ukraine would be able to retake all the areas occupied by the Russians [16]. In debates and interviews, he suggested that “if I were president, the war would end in 24 hours,” implying that he would force an understanding between Kyiv and Moscow that would likely involve ceding some territory in exchange for peace. This position marks a break with the previous US policy of not recognizing any territorial acquisitions made by force and fuels speculations that a future peace agreement sponsored by Trump would legitimize at least part of Russia’s gains since 2014 (Crimea, Donbass, and areas seized during the 2022 invasion).

The actions of his administration corroborate this interpretation. As discussed, the economic agreement focuses on the exploitation of Ukrainian natural resources, many of which are located precisely in regions currently under Russian military control, such as parts of the Zaporizhzhia Oblast, Donetsk, Lugansk, and the Azov Sea area [6]. A Ukrainian geologist, Hanna Liventseva, highlighted that “most of these elements (strategic minerals) are found in the south of the Ukrainian Shield, mainly in the Azov region, and most of these territories are currently invaded by Russia” [6]. This means that, to make joint exploitation viable, Russia’s de facto control over these areas would have to be recognized—or at least tolerated—in the short term. In other words, the pact indirectly and tacitly accepts Russian territorial gains, as it involves sharing the profits from resources that are not currently accessible to the Kyiv government.

Furthermore, figures close to Trump have made explicit statements regarding the possibility of territorial cession. Mike Waltz, Trump’s national security advisor, publicly stated that Zelensky might need to “cede land to Russia” to end the war [8]. This remark—made public in March 2025—confirms that the Trump White House considers it natural for Ukraine to relinquish parts of its territory in favor of an agreement. Such a stance marks a break from the previous Western consensus, which condemned any territorial gains by force. Under Trump, a pragmatic view (in the eyes of his supporters) or a cynical one (according to his critics) seems to prevail: sacrificing principles of territorial integrity to quickly end hostilities and secure immediate economic benefits.

In theoretical terms, this inclination to validate territorial gains by force recalls the concept of Realpolitik and the geopolitical Darwinism that influenced thinkers such as Ratzel. In Ratzel’s organic conception, expanding states naturally absorb neighboring territories when they are strong enough to do so, while declining states lose territory—a process almost biological in the selection of the fittest [11]. The Trump administration’s acceptance that Ukraine should “give something” to Moscow to seal peace reflects a normalization of this geopolitical selection process: it recognizes the aggressor (Russia) as having the “right” to retain conquered lands, because that is how power realities on the ground dictate. Mackinder, although firmly opposed to allowing Russia to dominate the Heartland, would see this outcome as the logical consequence of the lack of engagement from maritime powers (the USA and the United Kingdom, for example) in sustaining the Ukrainian counterattack. Without the active involvement of maritime power to balance the dispute, land power prevails in Eastern Europe.

From the perspective of international legitimacy, the cession of Ukrainian territories—whether de jure or de facto—creates a dangerous precedent in the post-Cold War era. Rewarding violent aggression with territorial gains may encourage similar strategies in other parts of the world, undermining the architecture of collective security. This is possibly a return to a world of spheres of influence, where great powers define borders and zones of control according to their convenience—something that the rules-based order after 1945 sought to avoid. Here, academic impartiality requires noting that coercion for territorial concessions rarely produces lasting peace, as the aggrieved party—in this case, Ukraine—may accept temporarily but will continue to assert its rights in the long term, as has occurred with other territorial injustices in history.

Territorial Ambitions of Trump: Greenland and Canada

Beyond the Eurasian theater of war, Trump revived geopolitical ambitions involving territories traditionally allied with the US: Greenland (an autonomous territory of Denmark) and Canada. As early as 2019, during his first term, Trump shocked the world by proposing to buy Greenland—rich in minerals and strategically positioned in the Arctic. Upon his return to power, he went further: expressing a “renewed interest” in acquiring Greenland and publicly suggesting the incorporation of Canada as the 51st American state [2].

In January 2025, during a press conference at Mar-a-Lago, he even displayed maps in which the US and Canada appeared merged into a single country, while Greenland was marked as a future American possession [2]. Posts by the president on social media included satirical images with a map of North America where Canada was labeled “51st” and Greenland designated as “Our Land” [2].

Such moves were met with concern and disbelief by allies. Canadian Prime Minister Justin Trudeau was caught on an open microphone warning that Trump’s fixation on annexation “is real” and not just a joke [7]. Trudeau emphasized that Washington appeared to covet Canada’s vast mineral resources, which would explain the insistence on the idea of absorption [7]. In public, Trump argued that Canadians “would be more prosperous as American citizens,” promising tax cuts and better services should they become part of the US [7]. On the Danish side, the reaction to the revived plan regarding Greenland was firmly negative—as it was in 2019—reaffirming that the territory is not for sale. Trump, however, insinuated that the issue might be one of national security, indicating that American possession of Greenland would prevent adverse influences (a reference to China and Russia in the Arctic) [2]. More worryingly, he refused to rule out the use of military means to obtain the island, although he assured that he had no intention of invading Canada by force (in the Canadian case, he spoke of “economic force” to forge a union) [2].

This series of initiatives reflects an unprecedented expansionist impetus by the US in recent times, at least in discourse. Analyzing this through the lens of classical geopolitics offers interesting insights. Friedrich Ratzel and his notion of Lebensraum suggest that powerful states, upon reaching a certain predominance, seek to expand their territory by influencing or incorporating adjacent areas. Trump, by targeting the immediate neighbor (Canada) and a nearby strategic territory (Greenland), appears to resurrect this logic of territorial expansion for the sake of gaining space and resources. Ratzel saw such expansion almost as a natural process for vigorous states, comparable to the growth of an organism [11]. From this perspective, the US would be exercising its “right” of expansion in North America and the polar region, integrating areas of vital interest.

Additionally, Alfred Mahan’s view on maritime power helps to understand the strategic value of Greenland. Mahan postulated that control of key maritime chokepoints and naval bases ensures global advantage [9]. Greenland, situated between the North Atlantic and the Arctic, has become increasingly relevant as climate change opens new polar maritime routes and reveals vast mineral deposits (including rare earth elements and oil). For the US, having a presence or sovereignty over Greenland would mean dominating the gateway to the Arctic and denying this space to rivals. This aligns with Mahan’s strategy of securing commercial and military routes (in this case, potential Arctic routes) and resources to consolidate naval supremacy. On the other hand, the incorporation of Canada—with its enormous territory, Arctic coastline, and abundant natural resources—would provide the US with formidable geoeconomic and geopolitical reinforcement, practically eliminating vulnerabilities along its northern border. This is an ambitious project that also echoes ideas of Kjellén, for whom an ideal State should seek territorial completeness and economic self-sufficiency within its region. Incorporating Canada would be the pinnacle of American regional autarky, turning North America into a unified bloc under Washington (a scenario reminiscent of the “pan-regions” conceived by twentieth-century geopoliticians influenced by Kjellén).

It is important to note, however, that these ambitions face enormous legal and political obstacles. The sovereignty of Canada and Greenland (Denmark) is guaranteed by international law, and both peoples categorically reject the idea of annexation. Any hostile action by the US against these countries would shake alliances and the world order itself. Even so, the very fact that an American president suggests such possibilities already produces geopolitical effects: traditional partners begin to distrust Washington’s intentions, seek alternative alliances, and strengthen nationalist discourses of resistance. In summary, Trump’s expansionist intentions in Greenland and Canada rekindle old territorial issues and paradoxically place the US in the position of a revisionist power—a role once associated with empires in search of colonies.

Implications for Brazil and South America: A New Neocolonization?

In light of this geopolitical reconfiguration driven by Trump's USA—with a reordering of alliances and a possible partition of spheres of influence among great powers—the question arises: what is the impact on Brazil and the other countries of South America? Traditionally, Latin America has been under the aegis of the Monroe Doctrine (1823), which established non-interference by Europe in the region and, implicitly, the primacy of the USA in the Western Hemisphere. In the post–Cold War period, this influence translated more into political and economic leadership, without formal annexations or direct territorial domination. However, the current context points to a kind of “neocolonization” of the Global South, in which larger powers seek to control resources and peripheral governments in an indirect yet effective manner.

Mackinder’s theories can be used to illuminate this dynamic. As mentioned, Mackinder envisioned the twentieth-century world as a closed system, in which there were no longer any unknown lands to be colonized—hence, the powers would fight among themselves for control over already occupied regions [3]. He predicted that Africa and Latin America (then largely European colonies or semi-colonies) would continue as boards upon which the great powers would project their disputes, a form of neocolonialism. In the current scenario, we see the USA proposing exchanges of protection for resources (as in Ukraine) and even leaders of developing countries seeking similar agreements. A notable example: the President of the Democratic Republic of the Congo, Felix Tshisekedi, praised the USA–Ukraine initiative and suggested an analogous agreement involving Congolese mineral wealth in exchange for US support against internal rebels (M23) [19]. In other words, African countries and possibly South American ones may enter into this logic of offering privileged access to resources (cobalt, lithium, food, biodiversity) in order to obtain security guarantees or investments. This represents a regression to the times when external powers dictated the directions of the South in exchange for promises of protection, characterizing a strategic neocolonialism.

For Brazil, in particular, this rearrangement generates both opportunities and risks. As a regional power with considerable diplomatic autonomy, Brazil has historically sought to balance relationships with the USA, Europe, China, and other actors, avoiding automatic alignments. However, in a world where Trump’s USA is actively redefining spheres of influence—possibly making deals with Russia that divide priorities (for example, Washington focusing on the Western Hemisphere and Moscow on the Eastern)—South America could once again be seen as an exclusive American sphere of influence. From this perspective, Washington could pressure South American countries to align with its directives, limiting partnerships with rivals (such as China) and seeking privileged access to strategic resources (such as the Amazon, fresh water, minerals, and agricultural commodities). Some indications are already emerging: Trump’s transactional approach mentioned by Nye included pressures on Canada and Mexico regarding border and trade issues, under the threat of commercial sanctions. It would not be unthinkable to adopt a hard line, for example, with regard to Brazilian environmental policies (linked to the Amazon) or Brazil’s relations with China, using tariffs or incentives as leverage—a sort of geopolitics of economic coercion.

On the other hand, Brazil and its neighbors could also attempt to take advantage of the Sino–North American competition. If the USA is distracted consolidating its hemispheric “hard power” hegemony (even with annexation fantasies in the north), powers such as China may advance their economic presence in South America through investments and trade (Belt and Road, infrastructure financing)—which is already happening. This would constitute an indirect neocolonial dispute in the South: Chinese loans and investments versus American demands and agreements, partly reminiscent of the nineteenth-century imperial competition (when the United Kingdom, USA, and others competed for Latin American markets and resources).

From a conceptual standpoint, Mackinder might classify South America as part of the “Outer Crescent” (external insular crescent)—peripheral to the great Eurasian “World-Island,” yet still crucial as a source of resources and a strategic position in the South Atlantic and Pacific. If the USA consolidates an informal empire in the Americas, it would be reinforcing its “insular bastion” far from the Eurasian Heartland, a strategy that Mackinder once suggested for maritime powers: to control islands and peripheral continents to compensate for the disadvantage of not controlling the Heartland. However, an excessive US dominance in the South could lead to local resistance and alternative alignments, unbalancing the region.

Kjellén would add that for Brazil to maintain its decisive sovereignty, it will need to strengthen its autarky and internal cohesion—in other words, reduce vulnerabilities (economic, military, social) that external powers might exploit [4]. Meanwhile, Mahan might point out the importance for Brazil of controlling its maritime routes and coastlines (South Atlantic) to avoid being at the mercy of a naval power like the USA. And Ratzel would remind us that states that do not expand their influence tend to be absorbed by foreign influences—which, in the context of Brazil, does not mean conquering neighboring territories, but rather actively leading South American integration to create a block more resilient to external intrusion.

In summary, South America finds itself in a more competitive and segmented world, where major players are resurrecting practices from past eras. The notion of “neocolonization” here does not imply direct occupation, but rather mechanisms of dependency: whether through unequal economic agreements or through diplomatic or military pressure for alignment. Brazil, as the largest economy and territory on the subcontinent, will have to navigate with heightened caution. A new global power balance, marked by the division of spheres of influence among the USA, China, and Russia, may reduce the sovereign maneuvering space of South American countries unless they act jointly. Thus, theoretical reflection suggests the need for South–South strategies, reinforcement of regional organizations, and diversification of partnerships to avoid falling into modern “neocolonial traps.”

Conclusion

The emerging post–re-election geopolitical conjuncture of Donald Trump signals a return to classical geopolitical principles, after several decades of predominance of institutional liberal views. We witness the revaluation of concepts such as spheres of influence, exchanges of protection for resources, naval power versus land power, and disputes over territory and raw materials—all central themes in the writings of Mackinder, Mahan, Kjellén, and Ratzel at the end of the nineteenth and the beginning of the twentieth century. An impartial analysis of these events, in light of these theories, shows internal coherence in Trump’s actions: although controversial, they follow a logic of maximizing national interest and the relative power of the USA on the world stage, even at the expense of established principles and alliances.

Halford Mackinder reminds us that, in a closed world with no new lands to conquer, the great powers will seek to redistribute the world among themselves [3]. This seems to manifest in the direct understandings between the USA and Russia over the fate of Ukraine, and in American ambitions in the Arctic and the Western Hemisphere. Alfred Mahan emphasizes that the control of the seas and strategic positions ensures supremacy—we see reflections of this in Trump’s obsession with Greenland (Arctic) and the possible neglect of the importance of maintaining NATO (and therefore the North Atlantic) as a cohesive bloc, something that Mahan’s theory would criticize due to the risk of a naval vacuum. Rudolf Kjellén and Friedrich Ratzel provide the framework to understand the more aggressive facet of expansionist nationalism: the idea of the State as an organism that needs to grow, secure resources, and seek self-sufficiency explains everything from the extortionate agreement imposed on Ukraine to the annexation rhetoric regarding Canada.

The potential consequences are profound. In the short term, we may witness a precarious ceasefire in the Ukraine war, with consolidated Russian territorial gains and Ukraine economically tied to the USA, but without formal military protection—a fragile “armed peace.” Western Europe, alarmed, may accelerate its independent militarization, perhaps marking the beginning of European defense autonomy, as is already openly debated [1]. At the far end of the globe, American activism in the Arctic and the Americas may reshape alliances: countries like Canada, once aligned with Washington, might seek to guarantee their sovereignty by distancing themselves from it; powers like China could take advantage of the openings to increase their presence in Latin America and Africa through economic diplomacy; and emerging countries of the Global South may have to choose between submitting to new “guardianships” or strengthening South–South cooperation.

Ultimately, the current situation reinforces the relevance of studying geopolitics through historical lenses. The actions of the Trump administration indicate that, despite all technological and normative advances, the competition for geographic power has not disappeared—it has merely assumed new formats. Academic impartiality obliges us not to prematurely judge whether these strategies will be successful or beneficial, but history and theory warn that neo-imperial movements tend to generate counter-reactions. As Mackinder insinuated, “every shock or change anywhere reverberates around the world,” and a sudden move by a superpower tends to provoke unforeseen adjustments and chain conflicts. It remains to be seen how the other actors—including Brazil and its neighbors—will adapt to this new chapter in the great struggle for global power, in which centuries-old theories once again have a surprising explanatory power over present events.

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@ c1e9ab3a:9cb56b43

Esteemed representatives of Risa,

We gather here under the calming glow of our twin suns, stewards of a society admired for its peace and celebrated for its tranquility. But we must not mistake serenity for passivity, nor confuse peace with weakness. Our peace is not an accident. It is not the byproduct of ignorance or naivety. It is hard-earned—preserved by those willing to stand vigilant in its defense.

Love as a Foundation, Strength as a Shield

Love conquers hate. This is the core truth of Risan philosophy. Yet, as every Ricin child is taught, love without strength is a leaf in the wind. The Ricin do not lay down their lives without resistance. We do not ask our people to accept violence without confronting it. True peace is not imposed by stripping the people of their agency—it is built by enabling them to protect it.

The Lessons of a Failed Experiment

There was a time, not so distant in our history, when we attempted to enforce peace through the abolition of all weapons. A time when even the mention of self-defense in our educational centers was met with rebuke. Schools purged training programs. Cultural arts that honored our warrior traditions were dismissed. And for a brief moment, we believed this would lead us to harmony.

But peace born from helplessness is a fragile illusion. It fractures under the slightest pressure. And fracture it did—when off-world raiders targeted our unguarded sanctuaries, when radical sects within our own society struck out, knowing the citizenry could not defend itself. It was then that we remembered: Risa’s greatest peacekeepers had always been those who knew how to fight—but chose restraint.

The Age of Ricin and the Reawakening of Discipline

So we returned to our roots. To the traditions of the Age of Ricin, when youth, upon reaching maturity, were taught not only the arts of compassion and creation but also the martial disciplines. They learn to wield weapons—not to glorify violence, but to understand it. To control it. To stand firm against it when all else fails.

https://i.nostr.build/kuUjRovISz7367TX.jpg

We do not romanticize war. We do not celebrate conflict. But we prepare for it, should it seek to extinguish our light. Our children now learn the disciplines of defense alongside their studies in poetry, music, and healing. They spar with blunt blades under the watchful eyes of masters. They meditate on the consequences of force. And they grow into citizens not easily provoked, but never unprepared.

A Call for Balance, Not Extremes

Let those beyond our borders question our ways. Let them forget the countless incursions by the Romulans. Let them ignore the scars left by centuries of subversion from the Orion Syndicate. We do not forget. We remember the lives lost, the liberties challenged, and the lessons learned through suffering. These experiences shaped us.

We do not wish to return to the era of soft silence, when teachers trembled at the word "weapon" and children were told that even imagination was dangerous. That was not enlightenment. That was indoctrination.

Conclusion: Guarding the Flame

We are the guardians of Risa’s flame—not just with words and treaties, but with discipline and readiness. We have made peace a practice, and preparation a virtue. And so I say to this chamber: let us never again disarm our people in the name of utopia. Let us never confuse comfort with safety, or the absence of weapons with the presence of peace.

Instead, let us raise generations who know what peace costs, and who will pay that price—not with surrender, but with courage.

Let our children be artists, lovers, dreamers—and if necessary, defenders.

This is the Risan way.

@ 97c70a44:ad98e322

When developing on nostr, normally it's enough to read the NIP related to a given feature you want to build to know what has to be done. But there are some aspects of nostr development that aren't so straightforward because they depend less on specific data formats than on how different concepts are combined.

An example of this is how for a while it was considered best practice to re-publish notes when replying to them. This practice emerged before the outbox model gained traction, and was a hacky way of attempting to ensure relays had the full context required for a given note. Over time though, pubkey hints emerged as a better way to ensure other clients could find required context.

Another one of these things is "relay-based groups", or as I prefer to call it "relays-as-groups" (RAG). Such a thing doesn't really exist - there's no spec for it (although some aspects of the concept are included in NIP 29), but at the same time there are two concrete implementations (Flotilla and Chachi) which leverage several different NIPs in order to create a cohesive system for groups on nostr.

This composability is one of the neat qualities of nostr. Not only would it be unhelpful to specify how different parts of the protocol should work together, it would be impossible because of the number of possible combinations possible just from applying a little bit of common sense to the NIPs repo. No one said it was ok to put t tags on a kind 0. But no one's stopping you! And the semantics are basically self-evident if you understand its component parts.

So, instead of writing a NIP that sets relay-based groups in stone, I'm writing this guide in order to document how I've combined different parts of the nostr protocol to create a compelling architecture for groups.

Relays

Relays already have a canonical identity, which is the relay's url. Events posted to a relay can be thought of as "posted to that group". This means that every relay is already a group. All nostr notes have already been posted to one or more groups.

One common objection to this structure is that identifying a group with a relay means that groups are dependent on the relay to continue hosting the group. In normal broadcast nostr (which forms organic permissionless groups based on user-centric social clustering), this is a very bad thing, because hosts are orthogonal to group identity. Communities are completely different. Communities actually need someone to enforce community boundaries, implement moderation, etc. Reliance on a host is a feature, not a bug (in contrast to NIP 29 groups, which tend to co-locate many groups on a single host, relays-as-groups tends to encourage one group, one host).

This doesn't mean that federation, mirrors, and migration can't be accomplished. In a sense, leaving this on the social layer is a good thing, because it adds friction to the dissolution/forking of a group. But the door is wide open to protocol additions to support those use cases for relay-based groups. One possible approach would be to follow this draft PR which specified a "federation" event relays could publish on their own behalf.

Relay keys

This draft PR to NIP 11 specifies a self field which represents the relay's identity. Using this, relays can publish events on their own behalf. Currently, the pubkey field sort of does the same thing, but is overloaded as a contact field for the owner of the relay.

AUTH

Relays can control access using NIP 42 AUTH. There are any number of modes a relay can operate in:

1. No auth, fully public - anyone can read/write to the group.

2. Relays may enforce broad or granular access controls with AUTH.

Relays may deny EVENTs or REQs depending on user identity. Messages returned in AUTH, CLOSED, or OK messages should be human readable. It's crucial that clients show these error messages to users. Here's how Flotilla handles failed AUTH and denied event publishing:

LIMITS could also be used in theory to help clients adapt their interface depending on user abilities and relay policy.

1. AUTH with implicit access controls.

In this mode, relays may exclude matching events from REQs if the user does not have permission to view them. This can be useful for multi-use relays that host hidden rooms. This mode should be used with caution, because it can result in confusion for the end user.

See Triflector for a relay implementation that supports some of these auth policies.

Invite codes

If a user doesn't have access to a relay, they can request access using this draft NIP. This is true whether access has been explicitly or implicitly denied (although users will have to know that they should use an invite code to request access).

The above referenced NIP also contains a mechanism for users to request an invite code that they can share with other users.

The policy for these invite codes is entirely up to the relay. They may be single-use, multi-use, or require additional verification. Additional requirements can be communicated to the user in the OK message, for example directions to visit an external URL to register.

See Triflector for a relay implementation that supports invite codes.

Content

Any kind of event can be published to a relay being treated as a group, unless rejected by the relay implementation. In particular, NIP 7D was added to support basic threads, and NIP C7 for chat messages.

Since which relay an event came from determines which group it was posted to, clients need to have a mechanism for keeping track of which relay they received an event from, and should not broadcast events to other relays (unless intending to cross-post the content).

Rooms

Rooms follow NIP 29. I wish NIP 29 wasn't called "relay based groups", which is very confusing when talking about "relays as groups". It's much better to think of them as sub-groups, or as Flotilla calls them, "rooms".

Rooms have two modes - managed and unmanaged. Managed rooms follow all the rules laid out in NIP 29 about metadata published by the relay and user membership. In either case, rooms are represented by a random room id, and are posted to by including the id in an event's h tag. This allows rooms to switch between managed and unmanaged modes without losing any content.

Managed room names come from kind 39000 room meta events, but unmanaged rooms don't have these. Instead, room names should come from members' NIP 51 kind 10009 membership lists. Tags on these lists should look like this: ["group", "groupid", "wss://group.example.com", "Cat lovers"]. If no name can be found for the room (i.e., there aren't any members), the room should be ignored by clients.

Rooms present a difficulty for publishing to the relay as a whole, since content with an h tag can't be excluded from requests. Currently, relay-wide posts are h-tagged with _ which works for "group" clients, but not more generally. I'm not sure how to solve this other than to ask relays to support negative filters.

Cross-posting

The simplest way to cross-post content from one group (or room) to another, is to quote the original note in whatever event kind is appropriate. For example, a blog post might be quoted in a kind 9 to be cross-posted to chat, or in a kind 11 to be cross-posted to a thread. kind 16 reposts can be used the same way if the reader's client renders reposts.

Posting the original event to multiple relays-as-groups is trivial, since all you have to do is send the event to the relay. Posting to multiple rooms simultaneously by appending multiple h tags is however not recommended, since group relays/clients are incentivised to protect themselves from spam by rejecting events with multiple h tags (similar to how events with multiple t tags are sometimes rejected).

Privacy

Currently, it's recommended to include a NIP 70 - tag on content posted to relays-as-groups to discourage replication of relay-specific content across the network.

Another slightly stronger approach would be for group relays to strip signatures in order to make events invalid (or at least deniable). For this approach to work, users would have to be able to signal that they trust relays to be honest. We could also use ZkSNARKS to validate signatures in bulk.

In any case, group posts should not be considered "private" in the same way E2EE groups might be. Relays-as-groups should be considered a good fit for low-stakes groups with many members (since trust deteriorates quickly as more people get involved).

Membership

There is currently no canonical member list published by relays (except for NIP 29 managed rooms). Instead, users keep track of their own relay and room memberships using kind 10009 lists. Relay-level memberships are represented by an r tag containing the relay url, and room-level memberships are represented using a group tag.

Users can choose to advertise their membership in a RAG by using unencrypted tags, or they may keep their membership private by using encrypted tags. Advertised memberships are useful for helping people find groups based on their social graph:

User memberships should not be trusted, since they can be published unilaterally by anyone, regardless of actual access. Possible improvements in this area would be the ability to provide proof of access:

• Relays could publish member lists (although this would sacrifice member privacy)
• Relays could support a new command that allows querying a particular member's access status
• Relays could provide a proof to the member that they could then choose to publish or not

Moderation

There are two parts to moderation: reporting and taking action based on these reports.

Reporting is already covered by NIP 56. Clients should be careful about encouraging users to post reports for illegal content under their own identity, since that can itself be illegal. Relays also should not serve reports to users, since that can be used to find rather than address objectionable content.

Reports are only one mechanism for flagging objectionable content. Relay operators and administrators can use whatever heuristics they like to identify and address objectionable content. This might be via automated policies that auto-ban based on reports from high-reputation people, a client that implements NIP 86 relay management API, or by some other admin interface.

There's currently no way for moderators of a given relay to be advertised, or for a moderator's client to know that the user is a moderator (so that they can enable UI elements for in-app moderation). This could be addressed via NIP 11, LIMITS, or some other mechanism in the future.

General best practices

In general, it's very important when developing a client to assume that the relay has no special support for any of the above features, instead treating all of this stuff as progressive enhancement.

For example, if a user enters an invite code, go ahead and send it to the relay using a kind 28934 event. If it's rejected, you know that it didn't work. But if it's accepted, you don't know that it worked - you only know that the relay allowed the user to publish that event. This is helpful, becaues it may imply that the user does indeed have access to the relay. But additional probing may be needed, and reliance on error messages down the road when something else fails unexpectedly is indispensable.

This paradigm may drive some engineers nuts, because it's basically equivalent to coding your clients to reverse-engineer relay support for every feature you want to use. But this is true of nostr as a whole - anyone can put whatever weird stuff in an event and sign it. Clients have to be extremely compliant with Postell's law - doing their absolute best to accept whatever weird data or behavior shows up and handle failure in any situation. Sure, it's annoying, but it's the cost of permissionless development. What it gets us is a completely open-ended protocol, in which anything can be built, and in which every solution is tested by the market.

@ eac63075:b4988b48

Abstract

This paper examines a hypothetical scenario in which the United States, under Trump’s leadership, withdraws from NATO and reduces its support for Europe, thereby enabling a Russian conquest of Ukraine and the subsequent expansion of Moscow’s influence over Eurasia, while the US consolidates its dominance over South America. Drawing on classical geopolitical theories—specifically those of Halford Mackinder, Alfred Thayer Mahan, Rudolf Kjellén, and Friedrich Ratzel—the study analyzes how these frameworks can elucidate the evolving power dynamics and territorial ambitions in a reconfigured global order. The discussion highlights Mackinder’s notion of the Eurasian Heartland and its strategic importance, Mahan’s emphasis on maritime power and control of strategic routes, Kjellén’s view of the state as an expanding organism, and Ratzel’s concept of Lebensraum as a justification for territorial expansion. The paper also explores contemporary developments, such as the US–Ukraine economic agreement and Trump’s overt territorial ambitions involving Greenland and Canada, in light of these theories. By juxtaposing traditional geopolitical concepts with current international relations, the study aims to shed light on the potential implications of such shifts for regional stability, global security, and the balance of power, particularly in relation to emerging neocolonial practices in Latin America.

Introduction

In recent years, the geopolitical dynamics involving the United States, Russia, and Ukraine have sparked analyses from different theoretical perspectives. This paper examines recent events – presupposing a scenario in which Donald Trump withdraws the US from NATO and reduces its support for Europe, allowing a Russian conquest of Ukraine and the expansion of Moscow’s influence over Eurasia, while the US consolidates its dominance over South America – in light of classical geopolitical theories. The ideas of Halford Mackinder, Alfred Thayer Mahan, Rudolf Kjellén, and Friedrich Ratzel are used as reference points. The proposal is to impartially evaluate how each theory can elucidate the developments of this hypothetical scenario, relating Russian territorial expansion in Eurasia to the strategic retreat of the US to the Western Hemisphere.

Initially, we will outline Mackinder’s conception of the Heartland (the central Eurasian territory) and the crucial role of Eastern Europe and Ukraine in the quest for global dominance. Next, we will discuss Mahan’s ideas regarding maritime power and the control of strategic routes, considering the impacts on the naval power balance among the US, Russia, and other maritime powers such as the United Kingdom and Japan. Subsequently, we will examine Kjellén’s organic theory of the state, interpreting the Russian expansionist strategy as a reflection of a state organism in search of vital space. In the same vein, Ratzel’s concept of “Lebensraum” will be explored, along with how Russia could justify territorial expansion based on resources and territory. Finally, the paper connects these theories to the current political context, analyzing the direct negotiations between Washington and Moscow (overlooking Ukraine and Europe), the US policy toward authoritarian regimes in Latin America, and the notion of a hemispheric division of power – the “Island of the Americas” under North American hegemony versus an Eurasia dominated by Russia. Lastly, it considers the possibility that such a geopolitical arrangement may foster the strengthening of authoritarian governments globally, rather than containing them, thus altering the paradigms of the liberal world order.

The Heartland of Mackinder: Ukraine, Eurasia, and Global Dominance

Halford J. Mackinder, a British geographer and pioneer of geopolitics, proposed the celebrated Heartland Theory in the early twentieth century. Mackinder divided the world into geostrategic zones and identified the Heartland—the central continental mass of Eurasia—as the “geographical pivot of history” [5]. His most famous maxim encapsulates this vision: “who rules Eastern Europe commands the Heartland; who rules the Heartland commands the World Island; who rules the World Island commands the world” [5]. Eastern Europe and, in particular, the region of present-day Ukraine, play a key role in this formula. This is because, for Mackinder, Eastern Europe functions as a gateway to the Heartland, providing access to resources and a strategic position for the projection of continental power [5].

Applying this theory to our scenario, the conquest of Ukraine and Eastern European countries by Russia would have profound geopolitical implications. From a Mackinderian point of view, such a conquest would enormously strengthen Russia’s position in the Heartland by adding manpower (population) and Ukraine’s industrial and agricultural resources to its power base [5]. In fact, Mackinder argued that controlling the Heartland conferred formidable geostrategic advantages—a vast terrestrial “natural fortress” protected from naval invasions and rich in resources such as wheat, minerals, and fuels [5]. Thus, if Moscow were to incorporate Ukraine (renowned for its fertile soil and grain production, as well as its mineral reserves) and extend its influence over Eastern Europe, Russia would consolidate the Heartland under its direct control. In this context, the absence of the USA (withdrawn from NATO and less engaged in Europe) would remove an important obstacle to Russian predominance in the region.

With central and eastern Eurasia under Russian influence, it would be possible to move toward the realization of the geopolitical nightmare described by Mackinder for Western maritime powers: a hegemonic continental power capable of projecting power to both Europe and Asia. Mackinder himself warned that if a Heartland power gained additional access to an oceanic coastline—in other words, if it combined land power with a significant maritime front—it would constitute a “danger” to global freedom [5]. In the scenario considered, besides advancing into Eastern Europe, Russia would already possess strategic maritime outlets (for example, in the Black Sea, via Crimea, and in the Baltic, via Kaliningrad or the Baltic States if influenced). Thus, the control of Ukraine would reinforce Russia’s position in the Black Sea and facilitate projection into the Eastern Mediterranean, expanding its oceanic front. From a Mackinderian perspective, this could potentially transform Russia into the dominant power of the “World Island” (the combined mass of Europe, Asia, and Africa), thereby unbalancing the global geopolitical order [5].

It is worth noting that, historically, Mackinder’s doctrine influenced containment strategies: both in the interwar period and during the Cold War, efforts were made to prevent a single power from controlling the Heartland and Eastern Europe. NATO, for example, can be seen as an instrument to prevent Soviet/Russian advances in Europe, in line with Mackinder’s imperative to “contain the Heartland.” Thus, if the USA were to abandon that role—by leaving NATO and tacitly accepting the Russian sphere of influence in Eurasia—we would be witnessing an inversion of the principles that have guided Western policy for decades. In short, under Mackinder’s theory, the Russian conquest of Ukraine and beyond would represent the key for Russia to command the Heartland and, potentially, challenge global hegemony, especially in a scenario where the USA self-restricts to the Western Hemisphere.

The Maritime Power of Mahan and the Naval Balance between West and East

While Mackinder emphasized continental land power, Alfred Thayer Mahan, a nineteenth-century American naval strategist, highlighted the crucial role of maritime power in global dominance. In his work The Influence of Sea Power upon History (1890), Mahan studied the example of the British Empire and concluded that control of the seas paved the way for British supremacy as a world power [10]. He argued that a strong navy and the control of strategic maritime routes were decisive factors for projecting military, political, and economic power. His doctrine can be summarized in the following points: (1) the United States should aspire to be a world power; (2) control of the seas is necessary to achieve that status; (3) such control is obtained through a powerful fleet of warships [17]. In other words, for Mahan, whoever dominates the maritime routes and possesses naval superiority will be in a position to influence global destinies, ensuring trade, supplies, and the rapid movement of military forces.

In the proposed scenario, in which the USA withdraws militarily from Europe and possibly from the Eurasian stage, Mahan’s ideas raise questions about the distribution of maritime power and its effects. Traditionally, the US Navy operates globally, ensuring freedom of navigation and deterring challenges in major seas (Atlantic, Pacific, Indian, etc.). A withdrawal of the USA from NATO could also signal a reduction in its naval presence in the Northeast Atlantic, the Mediterranean Sea, and other areas close to Eurasia. In such a case, who would fill this naval vacuum? Russia, although primarily a land power, has been attempting to modernize its navy and has specific interests—for example, consolidating its dominance in the Black Sea and maintaining a presence in the Mediterranean (with a naval base in Tartus, Syria). The United Kingdom, a historic European maritime power, would remain aligned with the USA but, without American military support in Europe, might potentially be overwhelmed trying to contain an increasingly assertive Russian navy in European waters on its own. Japan, another significant maritime actor allied with the USA, is concerned with the naval balance in the Pacific; without full American engagement, Tokyo might be compelled to expand its own naval power to contain both Russia in the Far East (which maintains a fleet in the Pacific) and, especially, the growing Chinese navy.

According to Mahan’s thinking, strategic maritime routes and choke points (crucial straits and channels) become contested prizes in this power game. With the USA focusing on the Americas, one could imagine Washington reinforcing control over the Panama Canal and Caribbean routes—reviving an “American Gulf” policy in the Western Atlantic and Eastern Pacific. In fact, indications of this orientation emerge in statements attributed to Trump, who once suggested reclaiming direct control over Panama, transforming Canada into a North American state, and even “annexing” Greenland due to its Arctic geopolitical importance [18]. These aspirations reflect a quest to secure advantageous maritime positions near the American continent.

Conversely, in the absence of American presence in the Eastern Atlantic and Mediterranean, Russia would have free rein for regional maritime projection. This could include anything from the unrestricted use of the Black Sea (after dominating Ukraine, thereby ensuring full access to Crimea and Ukrainian ports) to greater influence in the Eastern Mediterranean via Syria and partnerships with countries such as Iran or Egypt. The Baltic Sea would also become an area of expanded Russian interest, pressuring coastal countries and perhaps reducing NATO’s traditional local naval supremacy. However, it is worth noting that even with these regional expansions, Russia lacks a blue-water navy comparable to that of the USA; thus, its initial global maritime impact would be limited without alliances.

An important aspect of Mahan’s theories is that naval power serves as a counterbalance to the land power of the Heartland. Therefore, even if Russia were to dominate the Eurasian continental mass, the continued presence of American naval might on the oceans could prevent complete global domination by Moscow. However, if the USA voluntarily restricts its naval reach to the Americas, it would forgo influencing the power balance in the seas adjacent to Eurasia. Consequently, the balance of maritime power would tend to shift in favor of regional Eurasian actors. The United Kingdom and Japan, traditional allies of the USA, could intensify their naval capabilities to defend regional interests—the United Kingdom safeguarding the North Atlantic and the North Sea, and Japan patrolling the Northwest Pacific—but both would face budgetary and structural limitations in fully compensating for the absence of the American superpower. Consequently, Mahan’s vision suggests that the withdrawal of the USA from the extra-regional scene would weaken the liberal maritime regime, possibly opening space for revisionist powers to contest routes that were previously secured (for example, Russia and China encountering less opposition on the routes of the Arctic and the Indo-Pacific, respectively). In summary, naval hegemony would fragment, and control of strategic seas would become contested, reconfiguring the relative influence of the USA, Russia, and maritime allies such as the United Kingdom and Japan.

Kjellén and the State as a Living Organism: Russian Expansion as an Organic Necessity

Another useful theoretical lens to interpret Russian geopolitical posture is that of Rudolf Kjellén, a Swedish political scientist of the early twentieth century who conceived the State as a living organism. Kjellén, who even coined the term “geopolitics,” was influenced by Friedrich Ratzel’s ideas and by social Darwinism, arguing that States are born, grow, and decline analogously to living beings [13]. In his work Staten som livsform (The State as a Form of Life, 1916), he maintained that States possess an organic dimension in addition to the legal one and that “just as any form of life, States must expand or die” [14]. This expansion would not be motivated merely by aggressive conquest but seen as a necessary growth for the self-preservation of the state organism [14]. In complement, Kjellén echoed Ratzel’s “law of expanding spaces” by asserting that large States expand at the expense of smaller ones, with it being only a matter of time before the great realms fill the available spaces [14]. That is, from the organic perspective, vigorous States tend to incorporate smaller neighboring territories, consolidating territorially much like an organism absorbing nutrients.

Applying this theory to the strategy of contemporary Russia, we can interpret Moscow’s actions—including the invasion of Ukraine and the ambition to restore its sphere of influence in Eurasia—as the expression of an organic drive for expansion. For a strategist influenced by this school, Russia (viewed as a state organism with a long imperial history) needs to expand its territory and influence to ensure its survival and security. The loss of control over spaces that once were part of the Russian Empire or the Soviet Union (such as Ukraine itself, the Caucasus, or Central Asia) may be perceived by Russian elites as an atrophy of the state organism, rendering it vulnerable. Thus, the reincorporation of these territories—whether directly (annexation) or indirectly (political vassalage)—would equate to restoring lost members or strengthening vital organs of the state body. In fact, official Russian arguments often portray Ukraine as an intrinsic part of “Russian historicity,” denying it a fully separate identity—a narrative that aligns with the idea that Russian expansion in that region is natural and necessary for the Russian State (seen as encompassing also Russian speakers beyond its current borders).

Kjellén would thus provide a theoretical justification for Russian territorial expansion as an organic phenomenon. As a great power, Russia would inevitably seek to expand at the expense of smaller neighbors (Ukraine, Georgia, the Baltic States, etc.), as dictated by the tendency of “great spaces to organize” to the detriment of the small [14]. This view can be identified in contemporary Russian doctrines that value spheres of influence and the notion that neighboring countries must gravitate around Moscow in order for the natural order to be maintained. The very idea of “Eurasia” united under Russian leadership (advocated by modern Russian thinkers) echoes this organic conception of vital space and expansion as a sign of the State’s vitality.

However, Kjellén’s theory also warns of the phenomenon of “imperial overstretch,” should a State exceed its internal cohesion limits by expanding excessively [14]. He recognized that extending borders too far could increase friction and vulnerabilities, making it difficult to maintain cohesion—a very large organism may lack functional integration. In the Russian context, this suggests that although expansion is seen as necessary, there are risks if Russia tries to encompass more than it can govern effectively. Conquering Ukraine and subjugating Eastern Europe, for example, could economically and militarily overburden the Russian State, especially if it faced resistance or had to manage hostile populations. However, in the hypothetical scenario we adopt (isolated USA and a weakened Europe), Russia might calculate that the organic benefits of expansion (territory, resources, strategic depth) would outweigh the costs, since external interference would be limited. Thus, through Kjellén’s lens, expansionist Russia behaves as an organism following its instinct for survival and growth, absorbing weaker neighbors; yet such a process is not devoid of challenges, requiring that the “organism Russia” manages to assimilate these new spaces without collapsing under its own weight.

Ratzel and Lebensraum: Resources, Territory, and the Justification for Expansion

Parallel to Kjellén’s organic view, Friedrich Ratzel’s theory offers another conceptual basis for understanding Russian expansion: the concept of Lebensraum (vital space). Ratzel, a German geographer of the late nineteenth century, proposed that the survival and development of a people or nation depended critically on the available physical space and resources. Influenced by Darwinist ideas, he applied the notion of “survival of the fittest” to nations, arguing that human societies need to conquer territory and resources to prosper, and that the stronger and fittest civilizations will naturally prevail over the weaker ones [12]. In 1901, Ratzel coined the term Lebensraum to describe this need for “vital space” as a geographical factor in national power [15].

Subsequently, this idea would be adopted—and extremely distorted—by Nazi ideology to justify Germany’s aggressions in Europe. However, the core of Ratzel’s concept is that territorial expansion is essential for the survival and growth of a State, especially to secure food, raw materials, and space for its population [12].

When examining Russia’s stance under this perspective, we can see several narratives that evoke the logic of Lebensraum. Russia is the largest country in the world by area; however, much of its territory is characterized by adverse climates (tundra, taiga) and is relatively sparsely populated in Siberia. On the other hand, adjacent regions such as Ukraine possess highly arable lands (chernozem—black soil), significant Slavic population density, and additional natural resources (coal in the Donbass, for example). An implicit justification for Russian expansion could be the search for supplementary resources and fertile lands to secure its self-sufficiency and power—exactly as Ratzel described that vigorous nations do. Historical records show that Ratzel emphasized agrarian primacy: he believed that new territories should be colonized by farmers, providing the food base for the nation [12]. Ukraine, historically called the “breadbasket of Europe,” fits perfectly into this vision of conquest for sustenance and agricultural wealth.

Furthermore, Ratzel viewed geography as a determinant of the destiny of nations—peoples adapted to certain habitats seek to expand them if they aspire to grow. In contemporary Russian discourse, there is often mention of the need to ensure security and territorial depth in the face of NATO, or to unite brotherly peoples (Russians and Russian speakers) within a single political space. Such arguments can be read as a modern translation of Lebensraum: the idea that the Russian nation, in order to be secure and flourish, must control a larger space, encompassing buffer zones and critical resources. This Russian “vital space” would naturally include Ukraine and other former Soviet republics, given the historical and infrastructural interdependence. Ratzel emphasized that peoples migrated and expanded when their original homeland no longer met their needs or aspirations [12]. Although contemporary Russia does not suffer from demographic pressure (on the contrary, it faces population decline), under the logic of a great power there is indeed a sentiment of geopolitical insufficiency for having lost influence over areas considered strategic. Thus, reconquering these areas would mean recovering the “habitat” necessary for the Russian nation to prosper and feel secure.

It is important to mention that, in Ratzel’s and Kjellén’s formulations, the pursuit of Lebensraum or organic expansion is not morally qualified—it is treated as a natural process in the politics of power. Thus, on the discursive level, Russia can avoid overly aggressive rhetoric and resort to “natural” justifications: for example, claiming that it needs to occupy Ukraine for defensive purposes (security space) or to reunify peoples (a common cultural and historical space). Beneath these justifications, however, resonates the geopolitical imperative to acquire more territory and resources as a guarantee of national survival, something consonant with Ratzel’s theory. In fact, Russian Realpolitik frequently prioritizes the control of energy resources (gas, oil) and transportation routes. Expanding its influence over central Eurasia would also mean controlling oil pipelines, gas lines, and logistical corridors—essential elements of modern Lebensraum understood as access to vital resources and infrastructure.

In summary, by conquering Ukraine and extending its reach into Eurasia, Russia could effectively invoke the concept of Lebensraum: presenting its expansion not as mere imperialism, but as a necessity to secure indispensable lands and resources for its people and to correct the “injustice” of a vital space diminished by post-Cold War territorial losses. The theories of Ratzel and Kjellén together paint a picture in which Russian expansion emerges almost as a natural law—the great State reclaiming space to ensure its survival and development at the expense of smaller neighbors.

Trump, NATO, and the Threat of American Withdrawal

One of the most alarming changes with Trump's return to power is the tense relationship with the North Atlantic Treaty Organization (NATO). Trump has long criticized allies for not meeting military spending targets, even threatening during his first term to withdraw the US from the alliance if members did not increase their contributions [2]. This threat, initially viewed with skepticism, became concrete after his re-election, leading European allies to seriously consider the possibility of having to defend themselves without American support [1]. In fact, Trump suggested in post-election interviews that the US would only remain in NATO if the allies “paid their bills” – otherwise, he “would seriously consider” leaving [2]. Such statements reinforced the warning that the US might not honor NATO's mutual defense commitment, precisely at a time of continuous Russian threat due to the war in Ukraine [1].

From a theoretical point of view, this posture of American retrenchment evokes the classic tension between maritime power and land power. Alfred Thayer Mahan emphasized that the global power of the US derived largely from its naval superiority and from alliances that ensured control over strategic maritime routes [9]. NATO, since 1949, has served not only to deter Soviet terrestrial advances in Eurasia, but also to secure the US naval presence in the North Atlantic and the Mediterranean – a fundamental element according to Mahan. In turn, Halford Mackinder warned that the balance of global power depended on the control of the Eurasian “Heartland” (the central region of Eurasia). The withdrawal or disengagement of the US (a maritime power) from this region could open the way for a continental power (such as Russia) to expand its influence in Eastern Europe, unbalancing the power balance [3]. In other words, by threatening to leave NATO, Trump jeopardizes the principle of containment that prevented Russian dominance over Eastern Europe – something that Mackinder would see as a dangerous shift in global power in favor of the Heartland power.

Adopting an impartial tone, it is observed that European countries have reacted to this new reality with precautionary measures. Strategic reports already calculate the cost of an autonomous European defense: hundreds of thousands of additional soldiers and investments of hundreds of billions of euros would be required if the US ceased to guarantee the security of the continent [1]. European dependence on American military power is significant and, without it, there would be a need for a major reinforcement of European Armed Forces [1]. This mobilization practically reflects the anticipation of a power vacuum left by the US – a scenario in which Mackinder’s theory (on the primacy of the Heartland and the vulnerability of the “external crescent” where Western Europe is located) regains its relevance.

The US–Ukraine Economic Agreement: Strategic Minerals in Exchange for Support?

Another novelty of Trump's second term is the unprecedented and transactional manner in which Washington has been dealing with the war in Ukraine. Instead of emphasizing security guarantees and alliances, the Trump administration proposed a trade agreement with Ukraine focused on the exploitation of strategic minerals, linking American support to a direct economic benefit. According to sources close to the negotiations, the US and Ukraine are about to sign a pact to share the revenues from the exploitation of critical mineral resources on Ukrainian territory [19]. Materials such as titanium, lithium, rare earths, and uranium – vital for high-tech and defense industries – would be at the core of this agreement [6]. According to the known draft, Ukraine would allocate 50% of the profits from new mineral ventures to a fund controlled by the US, which would reinvest part of the resources in the country’s own reconstruction [6] [19].

It is noteworthy that the pact does not include explicit security guarantees for Kyiv, despite Ukraine remaining under direct military threat from Russia [19]. Essentially, the Trump administration offers financial support and economic investment in exchange for a share in Ukrainian natural resources, but without formally committing to Ukraine's defense in the event of a renewed Russian offensive [19]. American authorities argue that this economic partnership would already be sufficient to “secure Ukrainian interests,” as it would provide the US with its own incentives to desire Ukraine’s stability [19]. “What could be better for Ukraine than being in an economic partnership with the United States?” stated Mike Waltz, a US national security advisor, defending the proposal [19].

Analysts, however, assess the agreement in divided terms. For some, it represents a form of economic exploitation at a time of Ukraine's fragility – comparing the demand to share mineral wealth amid war to a scheme of “mafia protection” [19]. Steven Cook, from the Council on Foreign Relations, classified the offer as “extortion,” and political scientist Virginia P. Fortna observed that charging resources from an invaded country resembles predatory practices [19]. Joseph Nye adds that it is a short-term gain strategy that could be “disastrous in the long run” for American credibility, reflecting the transactional approach that Trump even adopted with close allies in other contexts [19]. On the other hand, some see a future advantage for Kyiv: journalist Pierre Briançon suggests that at least this agreement aligns American commercial interests with Ukraine’s future, which could, in theory, keep the US involved in Ukrainian prosperity in the long term [19]. It is even recalled that President Zelensky himself proposed last year the idea of sharing natural resources with the US to bring the interests of the two countries closer together [19].

From the perspective of geopolitical theories, this agreement illustrates a shift towards economic pragmatism in international relations, approaching concepts proposed by Kjellén. Rudolf Kjellén, who coined the term “geopolitics,” saw the State as a territorial organism that seeks to ensure its survival through self-sufficiency and the control of strategic resources [4]. Trump's demand for a share in Ukrainian resources in order to continue supporting the country reflects a logic of autarky and direct national interest – that is, foreign policy serving primarily to reinforce the economic and material position of the US. This view contrasts with the traditional cooperative approach, but aligns with Kjellén’s idea that powerful States tend to transform international relations into opportunities for their own gain, ensuring access to vital raw materials. Similarly, Friedrich Ratzel argued that States have a “propensity to expand their borders according to their capacities,” seeking vital space (Lebensraum) and resources to sustain their development [11]. The US–Ukraine pact, by conditioning military/economic aid on obtaining tangible advantages (half of the mineral profits), is reminiscent of Ratzel’s perspective: the US, as a rising economic power, expands its economic influence over Ukrainian territory like an organism extending itself to obtain the necessary resources for its well-being. It is, therefore, a form of economic expansionism at the expense of purely ideological commitments or collective security.

Peace Negotiations Excluding Ukraine and the Legitimacy of the Agreement

Another controversial point is the manner in which peace negotiations between Russia and the West have been conducted under Trump's administration. Since taking office, the American president has engaged directly with Moscow in pursuit of a ceasefire, deliberately keeping the Ukrainian government out of the initial discussions [6]. Trump expressed his desire to “leave Zelensky out of the conversation” and also excluded the European Union from any influence in the process [6]. This negotiation strategy—conducted without the presence of the primary interested party, Ukraine—raises serious questions about the legitimacy and sustainability of any resulting agreement.

Historically, peace agreements reached without the direct participation of one of the conflicting parties tend to face problems in implementation and acceptance.

The exclusion of Ukraine in the decision-making phase brings to light the issue of guarantees. As noted, the emerging agreement lacks formal US security guarantees for Ukraine. This implies that, after the agreement is signed, nothing will prevent Russia from launching a new offensive if it deems it convenient, knowing that the US has not committed to defending it militarily. Experts have already warned that a ceasefire without robust protection may only be a pause for Russian rearmament, rendering the conflict “frozen” temporarily and potentially resumed in the near future. The European strategic community has expressed similar concern: without American deterrence, the risk of further Russian aggressions in the region increases considerably [1]. Denmark, for example, has released intelligence reports warning of possible imminent Russian attacks, prompting neighboring countries to accelerate plans for independent defense [1].

The legitimacy of this asymmetric peace agreement (negotiated without Ukraine fully at the table and under economic coercion) is also questionable from a legal and moral point of view. It violates the principle of self-determination by imposing terms decided by great powers on a sovereign country—a practice reminiscent of dark chapters in diplomacy, such as the Munich Agreement of 1938, when powers determined the fate of Czechoslovakia without its consent. In the current case, Ukraine would end up signing the agreement, but from a position of weakness, raising doubts about how durable such a commitment would be.

From Mackinder’s perspective, Ukraine’s removal from the battlefield without guarantees essentially means admitting a greater influence of Russia (the Heartland power) over Eastern Europe. This would alter the balance in Eurasia in a potentially lasting way. Furthermore, the fact that great powers negotiate over the heads of a smaller country evokes the imperial logic of the nineteenth and early twentieth centuries, when empires decided among themselves the divisions of foreign territories—a behavior that Mackinder saw as likely in a world of a “closed system.” With the entire world already occupied by States, Mackinder predicted that powers would begin to compete for influence within this consolidated board, often subjugating smaller states to gain advantage [3]. The US–Russia negotiation regarding Ukraine, without proper Ukrainian representation, exemplifies this type of neo-imperial dynamic in the twenty-first century.

Also noteworthy is the consonance with the ideas of Ratzel and Kjellén: both viewed smaller states as easily relegated to the status of satellites or even “parasitic organisms” in the orbit of larger states. Kjellén spoke of the intrinsic vulnerability of states with little territorial depth or economic dependence, making them susceptible to external pressures [4][20]. Ukraine, weakened by war and dependent on external aid, becomes a concrete example of this theorized vulnerability: it has had to cede strategic resources and accept terms dictated against its will in an attempt to secure its immediate survival. The resulting agreement, therefore, reflects a power imbalance characteristic of the hierarchical international relations described by classical geopolitical theorists.

Implicit Territorial Concessions and Trump’s Public Discourse

A central and controversial point in Trump’s statements regarding the war in Ukraine is the insinuation of territorial concessions to Russia as part of the conflict’s resolution. Publicly, Trump avoided explicitly condemning Russian aggression and even stated that he considered it “unlikely” that Ukraine would be able to retake all the areas occupied by the Russians [16]. In debates and interviews, he suggested that “if I were president, the war would end in 24 hours,” implying that he would force an understanding between Kyiv and Moscow that would likely involve ceding some territory in exchange for peace. This position marks a break with the previous US policy of not recognizing any territorial acquisitions made by force and fuels speculations that a future peace agreement sponsored by Trump would legitimize at least part of Russia’s gains since 2014 (Crimea, Donbass, and areas seized during the 2022 invasion).

The actions of his administration corroborate this interpretation. As discussed, the economic agreement focuses on the exploitation of Ukrainian natural resources, many of which are located precisely in regions currently under Russian military control, such as parts of the Zaporizhzhia Oblast, Donetsk, Lugansk, and the Azov Sea area [6]. A Ukrainian geologist, Hanna Liventseva, highlighted that “most of these elements (strategic minerals) are found in the south of the Ukrainian Shield, mainly in the Azov region, and most of these territories are currently invaded by Russia” [6]. This means that, to make joint exploitation viable, Russia’s de facto control over these areas would have to be recognized—or at least tolerated—in the short term. In other words, the pact indirectly and tacitly accepts Russian territorial gains, as it involves sharing the profits from resources that are not currently accessible to the Kyiv government.

Furthermore, figures close to Trump have made explicit statements regarding the possibility of territorial cession. Mike Waltz, Trump’s national security advisor, publicly stated that Zelensky might need to “cede land to Russia” to end the war [8]. This remark—made public in March 2025—confirms that the Trump White House considers it natural for Ukraine to relinquish parts of its territory in favor of an agreement. Such a stance marks a break from the previous Western consensus, which condemned any territorial gains by force. Under Trump, a pragmatic view (in the eyes of his supporters) or a cynical one (according to his critics) seems to prevail: sacrificing principles of territorial integrity to quickly end hostilities and secure immediate economic benefits.

In theoretical terms, this inclination to validate territorial gains by force recalls the concept of Realpolitik and the geopolitical Darwinism that influenced thinkers such as Ratzel. In Ratzel’s organic conception, expanding states naturally absorb neighboring territories when they are strong enough to do so, while declining states lose territory—a process almost biological in the selection of the fittest [11]. The Trump administration’s acceptance that Ukraine should “give something” to Moscow to seal peace reflects a normalization of this geopolitical selection process: it recognizes the aggressor (Russia) as having the “right” to retain conquered lands, because that is how power realities on the ground dictate. Mackinder, although firmly opposed to allowing Russia to dominate the Heartland, would see this outcome as the logical consequence of the lack of engagement from maritime powers (the USA and the United Kingdom, for example) in sustaining the Ukrainian counterattack. Without the active involvement of maritime power to balance the dispute, land power prevails in Eastern Europe.

From the perspective of international legitimacy, the cession of Ukrainian territories—whether de jure or de facto—creates a dangerous precedent in the post-Cold War era. Rewarding violent aggression with territorial gains may encourage similar strategies in other parts of the world, undermining the architecture of collective security. This is possibly a return to a world of spheres of influence, where great powers define borders and zones of control according to their convenience—something that the rules-based order after 1945 sought to avoid. Here, academic impartiality requires noting that coercion for territorial concessions rarely produces lasting peace, as the aggrieved party—in this case, Ukraine—may accept temporarily but will continue to assert its rights in the long term, as has occurred with other territorial injustices in history.

Territorial Ambitions of Trump: Greenland and Canada

Beyond the Eurasian theater of war, Trump revived geopolitical ambitions involving territories traditionally allied with the US: Greenland (an autonomous territory of Denmark) and Canada. As early as 2019, during his first term, Trump shocked the world by proposing to buy Greenland—rich in minerals and strategically positioned in the Arctic. Upon his return to power, he went further: expressing a “renewed interest” in acquiring Greenland and publicly suggesting the incorporation of Canada as the 51st American state [2].

In January 2025, during a press conference at Mar-a-Lago, he even displayed maps in which the US and Canada appeared merged into a single country, while Greenland was marked as a future American possession [2]. Posts by the president on social media included satirical images with a map of North America where Canada was labeled “51st” and Greenland designated as “Our Land” [2].

Such moves were met with concern and disbelief by allies. Canadian Prime Minister Justin Trudeau was caught on an open microphone warning that Trump’s fixation on annexation “is real” and not just a joke [7]. Trudeau emphasized that Washington appeared to covet Canada’s vast mineral resources, which would explain the insistence on the idea of absorption [7]. In public, Trump argued that Canadians “would be more prosperous as American citizens,” promising tax cuts and better services should they become part of the US [7]. On the Danish side, the reaction to the revived plan regarding Greenland was firmly negative—as it was in 2019—reaffirming that the territory is not for sale. Trump, however, insinuated that the issue might be one of national security, indicating that American possession of Greenland would prevent adverse influences (a reference to China and Russia in the Arctic) [2]. More worryingly, he refused to rule out the use of military means to obtain the island, although he assured that he had no intention of invading Canada by force (in the Canadian case, he spoke of “economic force” to forge a union) [2].

This series of initiatives reflects an unprecedented expansionist impetus by the US in recent times, at least in discourse. Analyzing this through the lens of classical geopolitics offers interesting insights. Friedrich Ratzel and his notion of Lebensraum suggest that powerful states, upon reaching a certain predominance, seek to expand their territory by influencing or incorporating adjacent areas. Trump, by targeting the immediate neighbor (Canada) and a nearby strategic territory (Greenland), appears to resurrect this logic of territorial expansion for the sake of gaining space and resources. Ratzel saw such expansion almost as a natural process for vigorous states, comparable to the growth of an organism [11]. From this perspective, the US would be exercising its “right” of expansion in North America and the polar region, integrating areas of vital interest.

Additionally, Alfred Mahan’s view on maritime power helps to understand the strategic value of Greenland. Mahan postulated that control of key maritime chokepoints and naval bases ensures global advantage [9]. Greenland, situated between the North Atlantic and the Arctic, has become increasingly relevant as climate change opens new polar maritime routes and reveals vast mineral deposits (including rare earth elements and oil). For the US, having a presence or sovereignty over Greenland would mean dominating the gateway to the Arctic and denying this space to rivals. This aligns with Mahan’s strategy of securing commercial and military routes (in this case, potential Arctic routes) and resources to consolidate naval supremacy. On the other hand, the incorporation of Canada—with its enormous territory, Arctic coastline, and abundant natural resources—would provide the US with formidable geoeconomic and geopolitical reinforcement, practically eliminating vulnerabilities along its northern border. This is an ambitious project that also echoes ideas of Kjellén, for whom an ideal State should seek territorial completeness and economic self-sufficiency within its region. Incorporating Canada would be the pinnacle of American regional autarky, turning North America into a unified bloc under Washington (a scenario reminiscent of the “pan-regions” conceived by twentieth-century geopoliticians influenced by Kjellén).

It is important to note, however, that these ambitions face enormous legal and political obstacles. The sovereignty of Canada and Greenland (Denmark) is guaranteed by international law, and both peoples categorically reject the idea of annexation. Any hostile action by the US against these countries would shake alliances and the world order itself. Even so, the very fact that an American president suggests such possibilities already produces geopolitical effects: traditional partners begin to distrust Washington’s intentions, seek alternative alliances, and strengthen nationalist discourses of resistance. In summary, Trump’s expansionist intentions in Greenland and Canada rekindle old territorial issues and paradoxically place the US in the position of a revisionist power—a role once associated with empires in search of colonies.

Implications for Brazil and South America: A New Neocolonization?

In light of this geopolitical reconfiguration driven by Trump's USA—with a reordering of alliances and a possible partition of spheres of influence among great powers—the question arises: what is the impact on Brazil and the other countries of South America? Traditionally, Latin America has been under the aegis of the Monroe Doctrine (1823), which established non-interference by Europe in the region and, implicitly, the primacy of the USA in the Western Hemisphere. In the post–Cold War period, this influence translated more into political and economic leadership, without formal annexations or direct territorial domination. However, the current context points to a kind of “neocolonization” of the Global South, in which larger powers seek to control resources and peripheral governments in an indirect yet effective manner.

Mackinder’s theories can be used to illuminate this dynamic. As mentioned, Mackinder envisioned the twentieth-century world as a closed system, in which there were no longer any unknown lands to be colonized—hence, the powers would fight among themselves for control over already occupied regions [3]. He predicted that Africa and Latin America (then largely European colonies or semi-colonies) would continue as boards upon which the great powers would project their disputes, a form of neocolonialism. In the current scenario, we see the USA proposing exchanges of protection for resources (as in Ukraine) and even leaders of developing countries seeking similar agreements. A notable example: the President of the Democratic Republic of the Congo, Felix Tshisekedi, praised the USA–Ukraine initiative and suggested an analogous agreement involving Congolese mineral wealth in exchange for US support against internal rebels (M23) [19]. In other words, African countries and possibly South American ones may enter into this logic of offering privileged access to resources (cobalt, lithium, food, biodiversity) in order to obtain security guarantees or investments. This represents a regression to the times when external powers dictated the directions of the South in exchange for promises of protection, characterizing a strategic neocolonialism.

For Brazil, in particular, this rearrangement generates both opportunities and risks. As a regional power with considerable diplomatic autonomy, Brazil has historically sought to balance relationships with the USA, Europe, China, and other actors, avoiding automatic alignments. However, in a world where Trump’s USA is actively redefining spheres of influence—possibly making deals with Russia that divide priorities (for example, Washington focusing on the Western Hemisphere and Moscow on the Eastern)—South America could once again be seen as an exclusive American sphere of influence. From this perspective, Washington could pressure South American countries to align with its directives, limiting partnerships with rivals (such as China) and seeking privileged access to strategic resources (such as the Amazon, fresh water, minerals, and agricultural commodities). Some indications are already emerging: Trump’s transactional approach mentioned by Nye included pressures on Canada and Mexico regarding border and trade issues, under the threat of commercial sanctions. It would not be unthinkable to adopt a hard line, for example, with regard to Brazilian environmental policies (linked to the Amazon) or Brazil’s relations with China, using tariffs or incentives as leverage—a sort of geopolitics of economic coercion.

On the other hand, Brazil and its neighbors could also attempt to take advantage of the Sino–North American competition. If the USA is distracted consolidating its hemispheric “hard power” hegemony (even with annexation fantasies in the north), powers such as China may advance their economic presence in South America through investments and trade (Belt and Road, infrastructure financing)—which is already happening. This would constitute an indirect neocolonial dispute in the South: Chinese loans and investments versus American demands and agreements, partly reminiscent of the nineteenth-century imperial competition (when the United Kingdom, USA, and others competed for Latin American markets and resources).

From a conceptual standpoint, Mackinder might classify South America as part of the “Outer Crescent” (external insular crescent)—peripheral to the great Eurasian “World-Island,” yet still crucial as a source of resources and a strategic position in the South Atlantic and Pacific. If the USA consolidates an informal empire in the Americas, it would be reinforcing its “insular bastion” far from the Eurasian Heartland, a strategy that Mackinder once suggested for maritime powers: to control islands and peripheral continents to compensate for the disadvantage of not controlling the Heartland. However, an excessive US dominance in the South could lead to local resistance and alternative alignments, unbalancing the region.

Kjellén would add that for Brazil to maintain its decisive sovereignty, it will need to strengthen its autarky and internal cohesion—in other words, reduce vulnerabilities (economic, military, social) that external powers might exploit [4]. Meanwhile, Mahan might point out the importance for Brazil of controlling its maritime routes and coastlines (South Atlantic) to avoid being at the mercy of a naval power like the USA. And Ratzel would remind us that states that do not expand their influence tend to be absorbed by foreign influences—which, in the context of Brazil, does not mean conquering neighboring territories, but rather actively leading South American integration to create a block more resilient to external intrusion.

In summary, South America finds itself in a more competitive and segmented world, where major players are resurrecting practices from past eras. The notion of “neocolonization” here does not imply direct occupation, but rather mechanisms of dependency: whether through unequal economic agreements or through diplomatic or military pressure for alignment. Brazil, as the largest economy and territory on the subcontinent, will have to navigate with heightened caution. A new global power balance, marked by the division of spheres of influence among the USA, China, and Russia, may reduce the sovereign maneuvering space of South American countries unless they act jointly. Thus, theoretical reflection suggests the need for South–South strategies, reinforcement of regional organizations, and diversification of partnerships to avoid falling into modern “neocolonial traps.”

Conclusion

The emerging post–re-election geopolitical conjuncture of Donald Trump signals a return to classical geopolitical principles, after several decades of predominance of institutional liberal views. We witness the revaluation of concepts such as spheres of influence, exchanges of protection for resources, naval power versus land power, and disputes over territory and raw materials—all central themes in the writings of Mackinder, Mahan, Kjellén, and Ratzel at the end of the nineteenth and the beginning of the twentieth century. An impartial analysis of these events, in light of these theories, shows internal coherence in Trump’s actions: although controversial, they follow a logic of maximizing national interest and the relative power of the USA on the world stage, even at the expense of established principles and alliances.

Halford Mackinder reminds us that, in a closed world with no new lands to conquer, the great powers will seek to redistribute the world among themselves [3]. This seems to manifest in the direct understandings between the USA and Russia over the fate of Ukraine, and in American ambitions in the Arctic and the Western Hemisphere. Alfred Mahan emphasizes that the control of the seas and strategic positions ensures supremacy—we see reflections of this in Trump’s obsession with Greenland (Arctic) and the possible neglect of the importance of maintaining NATO (and therefore the North Atlantic) as a cohesive bloc, something that Mahan’s theory would criticize due to the risk of a naval vacuum. Rudolf Kjellén and Friedrich Ratzel provide the framework to understand the more aggressive facet of expansionist nationalism: the idea of the State as an organism that needs to grow, secure resources, and seek self-sufficiency explains everything from the extortionate agreement imposed on Ukraine to the annexation rhetoric regarding Canada.

The potential consequences are profound. In the short term, we may witness a precarious ceasefire in the Ukraine war, with consolidated Russian territorial gains and Ukraine economically tied to the USA, but without formal military protection—a fragile “armed peace.” Western Europe, alarmed, may accelerate its independent militarization, perhaps marking the beginning of European defense autonomy, as is already openly debated [1]. At the far end of the globe, American activism in the Arctic and the Americas may reshape alliances: countries like Canada, once aligned with Washington, might seek to guarantee their sovereignty by distancing themselves from it; powers like China could take advantage of the openings to increase their presence in Latin America and Africa through economic diplomacy; and emerging countries of the Global South may have to choose between submitting to new “guardianships” or strengthening South–South cooperation.

Ultimately, the current situation reinforces the relevance of studying geopolitics through historical lenses. The actions of the Trump administration indicate that, despite all technological and normative advances, the competition for geographic power has not disappeared—it has merely assumed new formats. Academic impartiality obliges us not to prematurely judge whether these strategies will be successful or beneficial, but history and theory warn that neo-imperial movements tend to generate counter-reactions. As Mackinder insinuated, “every shock or change anywhere reverberates around the world,” and a sudden move by a superpower tends to provoke unforeseen adjustments and chain conflicts. It remains to be seen how the other actors—including Brazil and its neighbors—will adapt to this new chapter in the great struggle for global power, in which centuries-old theories once again have a surprising explanatory power over present events.

Bibliography

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@ 0b118e40:4edc09cb

TL;DR : No.

(This is not a feasibility analysis, but a reflection on philosophical alignment with Bitcoin’s vision).

The moment stablecoins or national currencies gain traction in Bitcoin LN, you can forget about Bitcoin’s position as a purely decentralized medium of exchange. Bitcoin’s position will be undermined.

A Bitcoin-native global economy, where people and businesses transact directly in Bitcoin, is what aligns with its original purpose. This is what we should aim for. This is all we should aim for.

I used to believe stablecoins might help with on/off ramps. But the truth is, if Bitcoin is to function as a true currency, broader global adoption that bypasses traditional financial systems will make those ramps irrelevant.

Eventually, two camps will emerge. One will try to preserve Bitcoin’s purity as a currency. The other will push for everything else in the name of Bitcoin: store-of-value narratives, ETFs, stablecoin collaborations, tokens, pump and dumps, NFTs, and centralized workarounds.

Currency domination, especially by the USD, has long contributed to poverty in the Global South. It deepens inequality and worsens debt burdens. During the Tequila Crisis and the Asian Financial Crisis, countries like Mexico and regions like Southeast Asia suffered massive currency devaluations and defaults because of their dependence on the USD. Every time the US raises interest rates, developing nations experience capital flight, currency drops, and economic hardship. This is not ancient history. It has been happening in the last two years and continues to widen the poverty gap. And as always, it is the poor who suffer the most.

What does this have to do with stablecoins? Stablecoin is your fiat 2.0.

USDT is just currency domination through blockchain. It is pegged to the USD, and if it rides Bitcoin’s Lightning rails, it risks keeping users transacting in USD rather than in Bitcoin itself. That not only undermines Bitcoin’s core purpose, it risks making Bitcoin appear like it is taking sides in the fragile and invisible global currency war.

To counter, people will say “Let all stablecoins come. Peg them to any currency.” But what’s the point of Bitcoin then? To become the new logistics layer for fiat 2.0?

That is not progress. That is regress. It is inviting the very systems Bitcoin was built to disrupt back into the ecosystem.

I believe when you use stablecoins this way, you are not Trojan-horsing Bitcoin into the mainstream. You are letting fiat Trojan-horse its way into Bitcoin. And if you let them in, they will win.

Adding stablecoin into Bitcoin LN is counterproductive to Bitcoin's decentralized ethos.

Bitcoin’s true potential is its ability to provide an alternative to centralized, government-controlled currencies and financial systems. We should stick to the original game plan.

---

Side note: If you really want to Trojan-horse Bitcoin adoption…

In my country, we have so many mixed races and cross-cultural traditions. During Chinese New Year, if you are married, you give everyone who is not married an “ang pow,” which is money in a red packet. Because we are so deeply integrated, people give money at almost every celebration: Christmas, Eid, Diwali, birthdays, graduations, even funerals.

I recently met up with a friend who just had a baby, and I was more than happy to be the first to give her daughter some Bitcoin. Her first sats. It would not hurt to start giving Bitcoin as gifts. And if someone gets offended that it is not part of their tradition, just get a Bitkey and wrap it up. It is so pretty.

Find more fun and creative ways to spread Bitcoin adoption.

But for goodness’ sake, stop justifying everything else in the name of Bitcoin adoption.

---

To get a better idea of Fiat 2.0, I mind-mapped Bitcoin on macroeconomy on my scratchpad.

If you take a closer look, it might help you answer a few key questions:

• Do you want more or less government control over money?

• Are you a fan of central banks? Then you probably prefer stablecoins.

@ 502ab02a:a2860397

หลังจากเราดูเรื่อง UPOV กันไปแล้ว วันนี้เรามาดูกันครับว่า ผู้ที่ต่อต้าน เจออะไรกันบ้าง

ในหลายประเทศทั่วโลก เสียงของเกษตรกรรายย่อยที่เคยเงียบงัน กำลังดังขึ้นท่ามกลางการรุกคืบของข้อตกลงระหว่างประเทศที่พยายามกีดกันสิทธิการใช้เมล็ดพันธุ์แบบดั้งเดิมของพวกเขา การก้าวเข้ามาของ UPOV 1991 ไม่ต่างอะไรกับการเขียนกฎหมายใหม่ให้บริษัทข้ามชาติมีสิทธิ “จดทะเบียน” พันธุ์พืชที่เคยเป็นสมบัติสาธารณะ แล้วเรียกร้องค่าลิขสิทธิ์จากเกษตรกรแม้จะปลูกเพื่อกินเองก็ตาม

แต่โลกนี้ไม่ได้เงียบ…

กรณีศึกษา อินเดีย หนึ่งในเสียงชัดเจนที่สุดมาจากดร.วันดานา ชิวา (Vandana Shiva) นักฟิสิกส์และนักเคลื่อนไหวด้านสิ่งแวดล้อมในอินเดีย ผู้ก่อตั้งองค์กร Navdanya ซึ่งมีภารกิจหลักในการปกป้องเมล็ดพันธุ์พื้นบ้านและเกษตรกรรมแบบยั่งยืน

Navdanya สร้างธนาคารเมล็ดพันธุ์ของตัวเอง โดยไม่ยอมรับระบบ UPOV ใด ๆ เลย องค์กรนี้ทำงานร่วมกับชุมชนพื้นเมืองทั่วอินเดียเพื่อเก็บเมล็ดพันธุ์ดั้งเดิมมากกว่า 2,000 สายพันธุ์ พร้อมกับปลูกฝังแนวคิดว่า “เมล็ดพันธุ์ไม่ใช่สินค้า แต่เป็นชีวิต”

อินเดียเอง แม้จะมีแรงกดดันจากการเจรจาทางการค้าระหว่างประเทศ แต่ก็ยังไม่ยอมรับ UPOV 1991 อย่างเป็นทางการ พวกเขาเลือกเขียนกฎหมายของตนเองชื่อว่า The Protection of Plant Varieties and Farmers' Rights Act, 2001 ซึ่งกล้าหาญมาก เพราะเป็นกฎหมายที่คุ้มครอง “สิทธิของเกษตรกร” เคียงคู่ไปกับ “สิทธิของนักปรับปรุงพันธุ์” โดยยืนยันว่า เกษตรกรมีสิทธิในการบันทึก เก็บ ใช้ แลกเปลี่ยน และขายเมล็ดพันธุ์ของตนเอง โดยไม่ต้องขออนุญาตจากใคร ผลคืออะไร? แรงกดดันจากต่างประเทศมาเต็ม โดยเฉพาะจากยุโรปและสหรัฐฯ ที่หวังให้อินเดีย “อัปเกรด” เข้าสู่ UPOV 1991 ให้ได้ เพราะจะทำให้บริษัทเมล็ดยักษ์ใหญ่สามารถเข้ามาจดทะเบียนพันธุ์พืชในอินเดียและเรียกร้องค่าลิขสิทธิ์ได้ แต่รัฐบาลอินเดียยังยืนหยัด ด้วยเหตุผลว่า “การให้สิทธิเฉพาะผู้ถือพันธุ์พืชเชิงพาณิชย์คือการทำลายฐานเกษตรกรรมพื้นบ้านทั้งหมด” แถมยังใช้ Navdanya Network ที่เก็บพันธุกรรมพื้นบ้านทั่วประเทศเป็นโล่กันอีกชั้น

เอธิโอเปีย เอธิโอเปียเป็นประเทศที่มีความหลากหลายทางชีวภาพสูงมาก โดยเฉพาะพืชอาหารท้องถิ่นอย่าง Teff (เทฟ) ที่ใช้ทำขนมปัง Injera อันเป็นหัวใจของวัฒนธรรมอาหารเอธิโอเปีย บริษัทสัญชาติดัตช์เคยพยายามจดสิทธิบัตรในยุโรปว่าเป็นเจ้าของพันธุ์เทฟ และเอธิโอเปียต้องจ่ายค่าลิขสิทธิ์ถ้าจะส่งออก สิ่งที่เกิดขึ้นคือการตอบโต้จากฝั่งเอธิโอเปียและชาวแอฟริกันใต้ว่า “คุณจะเป็นเจ้าของพันธุ์พืชที่เราใช้มาเป็นพันปีได้ยังไง?” การเคลื่อนไหวนี้รุนแรงถึงขั้นมีการฟ้องร้องและถอนสิทธิบัตรออกจากหลายประเทศในยุโรป รัฐบาลเอธิโอเปียจึงเลือกไม่เข้าร่วม UPOV 1991 โดยเด็ดขาด และประกาศให้ Teff เป็น "ทรัพยากรของแผ่นดิน" ใครก็เอาไปจดสิทธิไม่ได้

อิหร่าน อิหร่านเป็นหนึ่งในประเทศที่ปฏิเสธการเข้าเป็นสมาชิก UPOV ทุกฉบับอย่างสิ้นเชิง พวกเขาเลือกปกป้องความมั่นคงด้านอาหารของตนเองโดยการสร้างระบบเก็บเมล็ดพันธุ์ชุมชนทั่วประเทศ และไม่ยอมให้บริษัทข้ามชาติเข้าครอบงำระบบเกษตรกรรม

อาร์เจนตินา แม้อาร์เจนตินาจะอนุญาตให้ใช้ GMO บางประเภท แต่พวกเขากลับยังไม่เข้าร่วม UPOV 1991 เพราะชาวนาอาร์เจนตินาหลายล้านรายออกมาคัดค้านหนักมาก ประเด็นหลักคือ “Seed Saving” หรือการเก็บเมล็ดพันธุ์ไว้ปลูกเอง ซึ่งถือเป็นสิ่งจำเป็นสำหรับเกษตรกรรายย่อย หากเข้าร่วม UPOV 1991 เมื่อใด การกระทำเช่นนี้อาจถือว่าผิดกฎหมาย รัฐบาลอาร์เจนตินาจึงเลือกเดินทางสายกลาง โดยให้ชาวนารายย่อยยังมีสิทธิพื้นฐานในการเก็บเมล็ดไว้ปลูกต่อได้โดยไม่ต้องจ่ายค่าลิขสิทธิ์ แม้จะมีแรงกดดันจาก Monsanto และ Dow Chemical ก็ตาม

เสียงเล็กๆ ที่รวมกันเป็นพายุ ในหลายประเทศในแอฟริกา ละตินอเมริกา และเอเชียตะวันออกเฉียงใต้ ขบวนการคัดค้าน UPOV 1991 กำลังขยายตัว แม้เสียงจะยังไม่ดังเท่าบริษัทข้ามชาติ แต่ก็เริ่มส่งผลชัดเจนในเชิงนโยบาย หลายประเทศกำลังทบทวนข้อเสนอ FTA ใหม่ โดยใส่เงื่อนไขการปกป้องสิทธิของเกษตรกรรายย่อยเป็นหัวใจหลัก

ประเทศที่ปฏิเสธ UPOV 1991 มักโดนกดดันผ่าน “เข็มฉีดยาทางการค้า” ไม่ว่าจะเป็นเงื่อนไขใน FTA, การกีดกันทางภาษี หรือแม้แต่ถูกลดเครดิตในเวทีโลก เช่น - สหภาพยุโรปมักใส่เงื่อนไขให้ประเทศคู่เจรจา FTA ต้อง “ปรับปรุงกฎหมายให้สอดคล้องกับ UPOV 1991” เสมอ - องค์การทรัพย์สินทางปัญญาโลก (WIPO) ก็เป็นกระบอกเสียงสำคัญที่กดดันให้ประเทศต่าง ๆ เข้า UPOV เพื่อ “สร้างบรรยากาศการลงทุนที่ดี”

การไม่ยอมเข้า UPOV มักถูกตีความว่าเป็น “ความเสี่ยงทางเศรษฐกิจ” แต่จริง ๆ แล้วมันคือ การเลือกปกป้องฐานรากของประเทศตนเอง ต่างหาก

นี่คือยุคที่ผู้คนเริ่มตั้งคำถามว่า… ทำไมเมล็ดพันธุ์ต้องถูกจดลิขสิทธิ์? ใครกันแน่ที่ควรมีสิทธิต่อเมล็ดพันธุ์ คนที่ปลูกมันมาเป็นร้อยปี หรือบริษัทที่ใส่ชื่อบนฉลาก?

ในศตวรรษที่ 21 ที่เต็มไปด้วยเทคโนโลยี พันธุกรรม และ AI ยังมีคนอีกมากที่ยืนอยู่บนผืนดิน และหว่านเมล็ดด้วยมือของพวกเขาเอง โดยหวังว่าอาหารบนโต๊ะจะยังคงเป็นผลผลิตจากผืนแผ่นดิน ไม่ใช่จากใบอนุญาต

และนี่แหละคือสงครามที่แท้จริง สงครามของเมล็ดพันธุ์ และสิทธิในการกินอาหารที่ “ไม่ได้ถูกจดทะเบียนโดยใครสักคน” #pirateketo #กูต้องรู้มั๊ย #ม้วนหางสิลูก

@ 2183e947:f497b975

(1) Here is a partial list of p2p bitcoin exchanges and their friends:

• Robosats (custodial escrow)
• Hodlhodl (2-of-3 escrow)
• Peach (2-of-3 escrow)
• Binance P2P (2-of-3 escrow)
• Bisq v1 (either user can send the funds to a custodial escrow, but if neither one does that, the escrow never touches user funds)
• Bisq v2 (no escrow)

(2) In my opinion, bisq2 is the only "true" p2p exchange on the above list. In a true p2p system, the only people who *can* touch the money are the buyer and the seller. Whenever there's an escrow, even one that has to be "triggered" (like in bisq v1), it's not "really" p2p because the escrow serves as a middleman: he can collude with one party or the other to steal user funds, and in some models (e.g. robosats) he can just straight up run off with user funds without needing to collude at all.

(3) In bisq2 (the One True P2P exchange), buyers select sellers solely based on their reputation, and they just directly send them the bitcoin *hoping* they are as honest as their reputation says they are. What I like about this model is that bisq is not involved in bisq2 at all except as a platform to help buyers discover reputable sellers and communicate with them. There are two things I don't like about this "reputation" model: it's hard to get a good reputation, and it's hard to debug payment failures in this context. I've tried to do about 5 trades on bisq2 (as someone with no reputation) and not a single one went through. Four times, everyone ignored my offers or someone accepted it but then abandoned it immediately. Once, someone accepted my offer, but I could not pay their lightning invoice for some reason, so we mutually canceled the trade.

(4) Just because I opined that an exchange with an escrow "doesn't count" as peer-to-peer doesn't mean that's a bad thing. Of the list of exchanges in number 1, I most frequently use robosats, which, per my analysis, sounds like the "worst" one if considered solely on the metric of "which one is the most p2p." But I use it because there are *advantages* to its model: the btc seller doesn't need a reputation to use it (because the escrow is there to ensure he can't cheat, and so the escrow is the trusted third party, not the btc seller) and payment failures are easier to debug because you're always paying one of the coordinators, who tend to be responsive and knowledgeable and can help you figure out how to fix it (it's how they make money, after all).

(5) There are at least two ways to do escrow without a 3rd party. Satoshi Nakamoto outlines one way to do it here: https://satoshi.nakamotoinstitute.org/posts/bitcointalk/threads/169/ Make a 2 of 2 multisig between the btc buyer and the btc seller, and have the btc seller put his btc in that multisig. Then have the btc buyer send the product (fiat money) to the btc seller. When the btc seller receives it, he sends his privkey to the btc buyer, who can now withdraw the money. The advantage of this system is that the buyer has no incentive to "stiff" the seller (by not sending the fiat), because if he does that, he won't get paid. The downside is, if the btc buyer is a troll who just aborts the protocol halfway through the trade, the seller loses his btc and cannot recover it.

(6) There is another way: start out with a 2 of 2 multisig just like above, but instead of having the btc seller fund it by himself, have the buyer and the seller *both* put in the *same amount* in the *same transaction* (i.e. via a coinjoin), and have the btc seller put in a bit "extra" -- like 20% extra. For example, if the btc seller wants $100 in fiat, the multisig would have $220 in it in total -- $120 from the seller and $100 from the buyer. Using this model, the disadvantage mentioned in paragraph number 5 is fixed: the buyer has an incentive now to send the fiat, otherwise he loses the $100 he put in. He only gets his $100 back if the btc seller cosigns to give it to him, which he'll only do once he receives the product. Meanwhile, the seller is *also* incentivized properly: he only gets his *extra* $20 back if the btc buyer cosigns to give it to him, which he'll only do if the transaction he's signing *also* gives him back *his* $100 deposit.

(7) The model described in number 6 exists: https://scrow.exchange/ is a website that implements it as an option, though as far as I'm aware, no one uses it. The downsides of this model are: it's capital intensive, e.g. a trade for $100 involves $220 or more. Also, the btc buyer needs to already *have* btc to post as a bond, so this cannot be his first time acquiring btc (unless someone helps him make his first deposit). Also, a very rich person who does not care about money can still be a troll; they deposit funds into the multisig alongside their counterparty, then abandon the trade, because they have so much money they don't care if they get it back as long as they cause suffering to their counterparty.

(8) I'd like to see more p2p exchanges, and more exchanges like robosats. I want to continue to spread awareness of ways they can improve -- like the protocols mentioned in numbers 5 and 6 -- and help them implement these protocols. If you run an exchange on the list in number 1 or want to start one, reach out to me, I'd love to help.

@ c1e9ab3a:9cb56b43

Hear this, warriors of the Empire!

A dishonorable shadow spreads across our once-proud institutions, infecting our very bloodlines with weakness. The House of Duras—may their names be spoken with contempt—has betrayed the sacred warrior code of Kahless. No, they have not attacked us with disruptors or blades. Their weapon is more insidious: fear and silence.

Cowardice Masquerading as Concern

These traitors would strip our children of their birthright. They forbid the young from training with the bat'leth in school! Their cowardly decree does not come in the form of an open challenge, but in whispers of fear, buried in bureaucratic dictates. "It is for safety," they claim. "It is to prevent bloodshed." Lies! The blood of Klingons must be tested in training if it is to be ready in battle. We are not humans to be coddled by illusions of safety.

Indoctrination by Silence

In their cowardice, the House of Duras seeks to shape our children not into warriors, but into frightened bureaucrats who speak not of honor, nor of strength. They spread a vile practice—of punishing younglings for even speaking of combat, for recounting glorious tales of blades clashing in the halls of Sto-Vo-Kor! A child who dares write a poem of battle is silenced. A young warrior who shares tales of their father’s triumphs is summoned to the headmaster’s office.

This is no accident. This is a calculated cultural sabotage.

Weakness Taught as Virtue

The House of Duras has infected the minds of the teachers. These once-proud mentors now tremble at shadows, seeing future rebels in the eyes of their students. They demand security patrols and biometric scanners, turning training halls into prisons. They have created fear, not of enemies beyond the Empire, but of the students themselves.

And so, the rituals of strength are erased. The bat'leth is banished. The honor of open training and sparring is forbidden. All under the pretense of protection.

A Plan of Subjugation

Make no mistake. This is not a policy; it is a plan. A plan to disarm future warriors before they are strong enough to rise. By forbidding speech, training, and remembrance, the House of Duras ensures the next generation kneels before the High Council like servants, not warriors. They seek an Empire of sheep, not wolves.

Stand and Resist

But the blood of Kahless runs strong! We must not be silent. We must not comply. Let every training hall resound with the clash of steel. Let our children speak proudly of their ancestors' battles. Let every dishonorable edict from the House of Duras be met with open defiance.

Raise your voice, Klingons! Raise your blade! The soul of the Empire is at stake. We will not surrender our future. We will not let the cowardice of Duras shape the spirit of our children.

The Empire endures through strength. Through honor. Through battle. And so shall we!

@ 24dffa2c:185b741a

sd

@ eac63075:b4988b48

Abstract

This paper examines a hypothetical scenario in which the United States, under Trump’s leadership, withdraws from NATO and reduces its support for Europe, thereby enabling a Russian conquest of Ukraine and the subsequent expansion of Moscow’s influence over Eurasia, while the US consolidates its dominance over South America. Drawing on classical geopolitical theories—specifically those of Halford Mackinder, Alfred Thayer Mahan, Rudolf Kjellén, and Friedrich Ratzel—the study analyzes how these frameworks can elucidate the evolving power dynamics and territorial ambitions in a reconfigured global order. The discussion highlights Mackinder’s notion of the Eurasian Heartland and its strategic importance, Mahan’s emphasis on maritime power and control of strategic routes, Kjellén’s view of the state as an expanding organism, and Ratzel’s concept of Lebensraum as a justification for territorial expansion. The paper also explores contemporary developments, such as the US–Ukraine economic agreement and Trump’s overt territorial ambitions involving Greenland and Canada, in light of these theories. By juxtaposing traditional geopolitical concepts with current international relations, the study aims to shed light on the potential implications of such shifts for regional stability, global security, and the balance of power, particularly in relation to emerging neocolonial practices in Latin America.

Introduction

In recent years, the geopolitical dynamics involving the United States, Russia, and Ukraine have sparked analyses from different theoretical perspectives. This paper examines recent events – presupposing a scenario in which Donald Trump withdraws the US from NATO and reduces its support for Europe, allowing a Russian conquest of Ukraine and the expansion of Moscow’s influence over Eurasia, while the US consolidates its dominance over South America – in light of classical geopolitical theories. The ideas of Halford Mackinder, Alfred Thayer Mahan, Rudolf Kjellén, and Friedrich Ratzel are used as reference points. The proposal is to impartially evaluate how each theory can elucidate the developments of this hypothetical scenario, relating Russian territorial expansion in Eurasia to the strategic retreat of the US to the Western Hemisphere.

Initially, we will outline Mackinder’s conception of the Heartland (the central Eurasian territory) and the crucial role of Eastern Europe and Ukraine in the quest for global dominance. Next, we will discuss Mahan’s ideas regarding maritime power and the control of strategic routes, considering the impacts on the naval power balance among the US, Russia, and other maritime powers such as the United Kingdom and Japan. Subsequently, we will examine Kjellén’s organic theory of the state, interpreting the Russian expansionist strategy as a reflection of a state organism in search of vital space. In the same vein, Ratzel’s concept of “Lebensraum” will be explored, along with how Russia could justify territorial expansion based on resources and territory. Finally, the paper connects these theories to the current political context, analyzing the direct negotiations between Washington and Moscow (overlooking Ukraine and Europe), the US policy toward authoritarian regimes in Latin America, and the notion of a hemispheric division of power – the “Island of the Americas” under North American hegemony versus an Eurasia dominated by Russia. Lastly, it considers the possibility that such a geopolitical arrangement may foster the strengthening of authoritarian governments globally, rather than containing them, thus altering the paradigms of the liberal world order.

The Heartland of Mackinder: Ukraine, Eurasia, and Global Dominance

Halford J. Mackinder, a British geographer and pioneer of geopolitics, proposed the celebrated Heartland Theory in the early twentieth century. Mackinder divided the world into geostrategic zones and identified the Heartland—the central continental mass of Eurasia—as the “geographical pivot of history” [5]. His most famous maxim encapsulates this vision: “who rules Eastern Europe commands the Heartland; who rules the Heartland commands the World Island; who rules the World Island commands the world” [5]. Eastern Europe and, in particular, the region of present-day Ukraine, play a key role in this formula. This is because, for Mackinder, Eastern Europe functions as a gateway to the Heartland, providing access to resources and a strategic position for the projection of continental power [5].

Applying this theory to our scenario, the conquest of Ukraine and Eastern European countries by Russia would have profound geopolitical implications. From a Mackinderian point of view, such a conquest would enormously strengthen Russia’s position in the Heartland by adding manpower (population) and Ukraine’s industrial and agricultural resources to its power base [5]. In fact, Mackinder argued that controlling the Heartland conferred formidable geostrategic advantages—a vast terrestrial “natural fortress” protected from naval invasions and rich in resources such as wheat, minerals, and fuels [5]. Thus, if Moscow were to incorporate Ukraine (renowned for its fertile soil and grain production, as well as its mineral reserves) and extend its influence over Eastern Europe, Russia would consolidate the Heartland under its direct control. In this context, the absence of the USA (withdrawn from NATO and less engaged in Europe) would remove an important obstacle to Russian predominance in the region.

With central and eastern Eurasia under Russian influence, it would be possible to move toward the realization of the geopolitical nightmare described by Mackinder for Western maritime powers: a hegemonic continental power capable of projecting power to both Europe and Asia. Mackinder himself warned that if a Heartland power gained additional access to an oceanic coastline—in other words, if it combined land power with a significant maritime front—it would constitute a “danger” to global freedom [5]. In the scenario considered, besides advancing into Eastern Europe, Russia would already possess strategic maritime outlets (for example, in the Black Sea, via Crimea, and in the Baltic, via Kaliningrad or the Baltic States if influenced). Thus, the control of Ukraine would reinforce Russia’s position in the Black Sea and facilitate projection into the Eastern Mediterranean, expanding its oceanic front. From a Mackinderian perspective, this could potentially transform Russia into the dominant power of the “World Island” (the combined mass of Europe, Asia, and Africa), thereby unbalancing the global geopolitical order [5].

It is worth noting that, historically, Mackinder’s doctrine influenced containment strategies: both in the interwar period and during the Cold War, efforts were made to prevent a single power from controlling the Heartland and Eastern Europe. NATO, for example, can be seen as an instrument to prevent Soviet/Russian advances in Europe, in line with Mackinder’s imperative to “contain the Heartland.” Thus, if the USA were to abandon that role—by leaving NATO and tacitly accepting the Russian sphere of influence in Eurasia—we would be witnessing an inversion of the principles that have guided Western policy for decades. In short, under Mackinder’s theory, the Russian conquest of Ukraine and beyond would represent the key for Russia to command the Heartland and, potentially, challenge global hegemony, especially in a scenario where the USA self-restricts to the Western Hemisphere.

The Maritime Power of Mahan and the Naval Balance between West and East

While Mackinder emphasized continental land power, Alfred Thayer Mahan, a nineteenth-century American naval strategist, highlighted the crucial role of maritime power in global dominance. In his work The Influence of Sea Power upon History (1890), Mahan studied the example of the British Empire and concluded that control of the seas paved the way for British supremacy as a world power [10]. He argued that a strong navy and the control of strategic maritime routes were decisive factors for projecting military, political, and economic power. His doctrine can be summarized in the following points: (1) the United States should aspire to be a world power; (2) control of the seas is necessary to achieve that status; (3) such control is obtained through a powerful fleet of warships [17]. In other words, for Mahan, whoever dominates the maritime routes and possesses naval superiority will be in a position to influence global destinies, ensuring trade, supplies, and the rapid movement of military forces.

In the proposed scenario, in which the USA withdraws militarily from Europe and possibly from the Eurasian stage, Mahan’s ideas raise questions about the distribution of maritime power and its effects. Traditionally, the US Navy operates globally, ensuring freedom of navigation and deterring challenges in major seas (Atlantic, Pacific, Indian, etc.). A withdrawal of the USA from NATO could also signal a reduction in its naval presence in the Northeast Atlantic, the Mediterranean Sea, and other areas close to Eurasia. In such a case, who would fill this naval vacuum? Russia, although primarily a land power, has been attempting to modernize its navy and has specific interests—for example, consolidating its dominance in the Black Sea and maintaining a presence in the Mediterranean (with a naval base in Tartus, Syria). The United Kingdom, a historic European maritime power, would remain aligned with the USA but, without American military support in Europe, might potentially be overwhelmed trying to contain an increasingly assertive Russian navy in European waters on its own. Japan, another significant maritime actor allied with the USA, is concerned with the naval balance in the Pacific; without full American engagement, Tokyo might be compelled to expand its own naval power to contain both Russia in the Far East (which maintains a fleet in the Pacific) and, especially, the growing Chinese navy.

According to Mahan’s thinking, strategic maritime routes and choke points (crucial straits and channels) become contested prizes in this power game. With the USA focusing on the Americas, one could imagine Washington reinforcing control over the Panama Canal and Caribbean routes—reviving an “American Gulf” policy in the Western Atlantic and Eastern Pacific. In fact, indications of this orientation emerge in statements attributed to Trump, who once suggested reclaiming direct control over Panama, transforming Canada into a North American state, and even “annexing” Greenland due to its Arctic geopolitical importance [18]. These aspirations reflect a quest to secure advantageous maritime positions near the American continent.

Conversely, in the absence of American presence in the Eastern Atlantic and Mediterranean, Russia would have free rein for regional maritime projection. This could include anything from the unrestricted use of the Black Sea (after dominating Ukraine, thereby ensuring full access to Crimea and Ukrainian ports) to greater influence in the Eastern Mediterranean via Syria and partnerships with countries such as Iran or Egypt. The Baltic Sea would also become an area of expanded Russian interest, pressuring coastal countries and perhaps reducing NATO’s traditional local naval supremacy. However, it is worth noting that even with these regional expansions, Russia lacks a blue-water navy comparable to that of the USA; thus, its initial global maritime impact would be limited without alliances.

An important aspect of Mahan’s theories is that naval power serves as a counterbalance to the land power of the Heartland. Therefore, even if Russia were to dominate the Eurasian continental mass, the continued presence of American naval might on the oceans could prevent complete global domination by Moscow. However, if the USA voluntarily restricts its naval reach to the Americas, it would forgo influencing the power balance in the seas adjacent to Eurasia. Consequently, the balance of maritime power would tend to shift in favor of regional Eurasian actors. The United Kingdom and Japan, traditional allies of the USA, could intensify their naval capabilities to defend regional interests—the United Kingdom safeguarding the North Atlantic and the North Sea, and Japan patrolling the Northwest Pacific—but both would face budgetary and structural limitations in fully compensating for the absence of the American superpower. Consequently, Mahan’s vision suggests that the withdrawal of the USA from the extra-regional scene would weaken the liberal maritime regime, possibly opening space for revisionist powers to contest routes that were previously secured (for example, Russia and China encountering less opposition on the routes of the Arctic and the Indo-Pacific, respectively). In summary, naval hegemony would fragment, and control of strategic seas would become contested, reconfiguring the relative influence of the USA, Russia, and maritime allies such as the United Kingdom and Japan.

Kjellén and the State as a Living Organism: Russian Expansion as an Organic Necessity

Another useful theoretical lens to interpret Russian geopolitical posture is that of Rudolf Kjellén, a Swedish political scientist of the early twentieth century who conceived the State as a living organism. Kjellén, who even coined the term “geopolitics,” was influenced by Friedrich Ratzel’s ideas and by social Darwinism, arguing that States are born, grow, and decline analogously to living beings [13]. In his work Staten som livsform (The State as a Form of Life, 1916), he maintained that States possess an organic dimension in addition to the legal one and that “just as any form of life, States must expand or die” [14]. This expansion would not be motivated merely by aggressive conquest but seen as a necessary growth for the self-preservation of the state organism [14]. In complement, Kjellén echoed Ratzel’s “law of expanding spaces” by asserting that large States expand at the expense of smaller ones, with it being only a matter of time before the great realms fill the available spaces [14]. That is, from the organic perspective, vigorous States tend to incorporate smaller neighboring territories, consolidating territorially much like an organism absorbing nutrients.

Applying this theory to the strategy of contemporary Russia, we can interpret Moscow’s actions—including the invasion of Ukraine and the ambition to restore its sphere of influence in Eurasia—as the expression of an organic drive for expansion. For a strategist influenced by this school, Russia (viewed as a state organism with a long imperial history) needs to expand its territory and influence to ensure its survival and security. The loss of control over spaces that once were part of the Russian Empire or the Soviet Union (such as Ukraine itself, the Caucasus, or Central Asia) may be perceived by Russian elites as an atrophy of the state organism, rendering it vulnerable. Thus, the reincorporation of these territories—whether directly (annexation) or indirectly (political vassalage)—would equate to restoring lost members or strengthening vital organs of the state body. In fact, official Russian arguments often portray Ukraine as an intrinsic part of “Russian historicity,” denying it a fully separate identity—a narrative that aligns with the idea that Russian expansion in that region is natural and necessary for the Russian State (seen as encompassing also Russian speakers beyond its current borders).

Kjellén would thus provide a theoretical justification for Russian territorial expansion as an organic phenomenon. As a great power, Russia would inevitably seek to expand at the expense of smaller neighbors (Ukraine, Georgia, the Baltic States, etc.), as dictated by the tendency of “great spaces to organize” to the detriment of the small [14]. This view can be identified in contemporary Russian doctrines that value spheres of influence and the notion that neighboring countries must gravitate around Moscow in order for the natural order to be maintained. The very idea of “Eurasia” united under Russian leadership (advocated by modern Russian thinkers) echoes this organic conception of vital space and expansion as a sign of the State’s vitality.

However, Kjellén’s theory also warns of the phenomenon of “imperial overstretch,” should a State exceed its internal cohesion limits by expanding excessively [14]. He recognized that extending borders too far could increase friction and vulnerabilities, making it difficult to maintain cohesion—a very large organism may lack functional integration. In the Russian context, this suggests that although expansion is seen as necessary, there are risks if Russia tries to encompass more than it can govern effectively. Conquering Ukraine and subjugating Eastern Europe, for example, could economically and militarily overburden the Russian State, especially if it faced resistance or had to manage hostile populations. However, in the hypothetical scenario we adopt (isolated USA and a weakened Europe), Russia might calculate that the organic benefits of expansion (territory, resources, strategic depth) would outweigh the costs, since external interference would be limited. Thus, through Kjellén’s lens, expansionist Russia behaves as an organism following its instinct for survival and growth, absorbing weaker neighbors; yet such a process is not devoid of challenges, requiring that the “organism Russia” manages to assimilate these new spaces without collapsing under its own weight.

Ratzel and Lebensraum: Resources, Territory, and the Justification for Expansion

Parallel to Kjellén’s organic view, Friedrich Ratzel’s theory offers another conceptual basis for understanding Russian expansion: the concept of Lebensraum (vital space). Ratzel, a German geographer of the late nineteenth century, proposed that the survival and development of a people or nation depended critically on the available physical space and resources. Influenced by Darwinist ideas, he applied the notion of “survival of the fittest” to nations, arguing that human societies need to conquer territory and resources to prosper, and that the stronger and fittest civilizations will naturally prevail over the weaker ones [12]. In 1901, Ratzel coined the term Lebensraum to describe this need for “vital space” as a geographical factor in national power [15].

Subsequently, this idea would be adopted—and extremely distorted—by Nazi ideology to justify Germany’s aggressions in Europe. However, the core of Ratzel’s concept is that territorial expansion is essential for the survival and growth of a State, especially to secure food, raw materials, and space for its population [12].

When examining Russia’s stance under this perspective, we can see several narratives that evoke the logic of Lebensraum. Russia is the largest country in the world by area; however, much of its territory is characterized by adverse climates (tundra, taiga) and is relatively sparsely populated in Siberia. On the other hand, adjacent regions such as Ukraine possess highly arable lands (chernozem—black soil), significant Slavic population density, and additional natural resources (coal in the Donbass, for example). An implicit justification for Russian expansion could be the search for supplementary resources and fertile lands to secure its self-sufficiency and power—exactly as Ratzel described that vigorous nations do. Historical records show that Ratzel emphasized agrarian primacy: he believed that new territories should be colonized by farmers, providing the food base for the nation [12]. Ukraine, historically called the “breadbasket of Europe,” fits perfectly into this vision of conquest for sustenance and agricultural wealth.

Furthermore, Ratzel viewed geography as a determinant of the destiny of nations—peoples adapted to certain habitats seek to expand them if they aspire to grow. In contemporary Russian discourse, there is often mention of the need to ensure security and territorial depth in the face of NATO, or to unite brotherly peoples (Russians and Russian speakers) within a single political space. Such arguments can be read as a modern translation of Lebensraum: the idea that the Russian nation, in order to be secure and flourish, must control a larger space, encompassing buffer zones and critical resources. This Russian “vital space” would naturally include Ukraine and other former Soviet republics, given the historical and infrastructural interdependence. Ratzel emphasized that peoples migrated and expanded when their original homeland no longer met their needs or aspirations [12]. Although contemporary Russia does not suffer from demographic pressure (on the contrary, it faces population decline), under the logic of a great power there is indeed a sentiment of geopolitical insufficiency for having lost influence over areas considered strategic. Thus, reconquering these areas would mean recovering the “habitat” necessary for the Russian nation to prosper and feel secure.

It is important to mention that, in Ratzel’s and Kjellén’s formulations, the pursuit of Lebensraum or organic expansion is not morally qualified—it is treated as a natural process in the politics of power. Thus, on the discursive level, Russia can avoid overly aggressive rhetoric and resort to “natural” justifications: for example, claiming that it needs to occupy Ukraine for defensive purposes (security space) or to reunify peoples (a common cultural and historical space). Beneath these justifications, however, resonates the geopolitical imperative to acquire more territory and resources as a guarantee of national survival, something consonant with Ratzel’s theory. In fact, Russian Realpolitik frequently prioritizes the control of energy resources (gas, oil) and transportation routes. Expanding its influence over central Eurasia would also mean controlling oil pipelines, gas lines, and logistical corridors—essential elements of modern Lebensraum understood as access to vital resources and infrastructure.

In summary, by conquering Ukraine and extending its reach into Eurasia, Russia could effectively invoke the concept of Lebensraum: presenting its expansion not as mere imperialism, but as a necessity to secure indispensable lands and resources for its people and to correct the “injustice” of a vital space diminished by post-Cold War territorial losses. The theories of Ratzel and Kjellén together paint a picture in which Russian expansion emerges almost as a natural law—the great State reclaiming space to ensure its survival and development at the expense of smaller neighbors.

Trump, NATO, and the Threat of American Withdrawal

One of the most alarming changes with Trump's return to power is the tense relationship with the North Atlantic Treaty Organization (NATO). Trump has long criticized allies for not meeting military spending targets, even threatening during his first term to withdraw the US from the alliance if members did not increase their contributions [2]. This threat, initially viewed with skepticism, became concrete after his re-election, leading European allies to seriously consider the possibility of having to defend themselves without American support [1]. In fact, Trump suggested in post-election interviews that the US would only remain in NATO if the allies “paid their bills” – otherwise, he “would seriously consider” leaving [2]. Such statements reinforced the warning that the US might not honor NATO's mutual defense commitment, precisely at a time of continuous Russian threat due to the war in Ukraine [1].

From a theoretical point of view, this posture of American retrenchment evokes the classic tension between maritime power and land power. Alfred Thayer Mahan emphasized that the global power of the US derived largely from its naval superiority and from alliances that ensured control over strategic maritime routes [9]. NATO, since 1949, has served not only to deter Soviet terrestrial advances in Eurasia, but also to secure the US naval presence in the North Atlantic and the Mediterranean – a fundamental element according to Mahan. In turn, Halford Mackinder warned that the balance of global power depended on the control of the Eurasian “Heartland” (the central region of Eurasia). The withdrawal or disengagement of the US (a maritime power) from this region could open the way for a continental power (such as Russia) to expand its influence in Eastern Europe, unbalancing the power balance [3]. In other words, by threatening to leave NATO, Trump jeopardizes the principle of containment that prevented Russian dominance over Eastern Europe – something that Mackinder would see as a dangerous shift in global power in favor of the Heartland power.

Adopting an impartial tone, it is observed that European countries have reacted to this new reality with precautionary measures. Strategic reports already calculate the cost of an autonomous European defense: hundreds of thousands of additional soldiers and investments of hundreds of billions of euros would be required if the US ceased to guarantee the security of the continent [1]. European dependence on American military power is significant and, without it, there would be a need for a major reinforcement of European Armed Forces [1]. This mobilization practically reflects the anticipation of a power vacuum left by the US – a scenario in which Mackinder’s theory (on the primacy of the Heartland and the vulnerability of the “external crescent” where Western Europe is located) regains its relevance.

The US–Ukraine Economic Agreement: Strategic Minerals in Exchange for Support?

Another novelty of Trump's second term is the unprecedented and transactional manner in which Washington has been dealing with the war in Ukraine. Instead of emphasizing security guarantees and alliances, the Trump administration proposed a trade agreement with Ukraine focused on the exploitation of strategic minerals, linking American support to a direct economic benefit. According to sources close to the negotiations, the US and Ukraine are about to sign a pact to share the revenues from the exploitation of critical mineral resources on Ukrainian territory [19]. Materials such as titanium, lithium, rare earths, and uranium – vital for high-tech and defense industries – would be at the core of this agreement [6]. According to the known draft, Ukraine would allocate 50% of the profits from new mineral ventures to a fund controlled by the US, which would reinvest part of the resources in the country’s own reconstruction [6] [19].

It is noteworthy that the pact does not include explicit security guarantees for Kyiv, despite Ukraine remaining under direct military threat from Russia [19]. Essentially, the Trump administration offers financial support and economic investment in exchange for a share in Ukrainian natural resources, but without formally committing to Ukraine's defense in the event of a renewed Russian offensive [19]. American authorities argue that this economic partnership would already be sufficient to “secure Ukrainian interests,” as it would provide the US with its own incentives to desire Ukraine’s stability [19]. “What could be better for Ukraine than being in an economic partnership with the United States?” stated Mike Waltz, a US national security advisor, defending the proposal [19].

Analysts, however, assess the agreement in divided terms. For some, it represents a form of economic exploitation at a time of Ukraine's fragility – comparing the demand to share mineral wealth amid war to a scheme of “mafia protection” [19]. Steven Cook, from the Council on Foreign Relations, classified the offer as “extortion,” and political scientist Virginia P. Fortna observed that charging resources from an invaded country resembles predatory practices [19]. Joseph Nye adds that it is a short-term gain strategy that could be “disastrous in the long run” for American credibility, reflecting the transactional approach that Trump even adopted with close allies in other contexts [19]. On the other hand, some see a future advantage for Kyiv: journalist Pierre Briançon suggests that at least this agreement aligns American commercial interests with Ukraine’s future, which could, in theory, keep the US involved in Ukrainian prosperity in the long term [19]. It is even recalled that President Zelensky himself proposed last year the idea of sharing natural resources with the US to bring the interests of the two countries closer together [19].

From the perspective of geopolitical theories, this agreement illustrates a shift towards economic pragmatism in international relations, approaching concepts proposed by Kjellén. Rudolf Kjellén, who coined the term “geopolitics,” saw the State as a territorial organism that seeks to ensure its survival through self-sufficiency and the control of strategic resources [4]. Trump's demand for a share in Ukrainian resources in order to continue supporting the country reflects a logic of autarky and direct national interest – that is, foreign policy serving primarily to reinforce the economic and material position of the US. This view contrasts with the traditional cooperative approach, but aligns with Kjellén’s idea that powerful States tend to transform international relations into opportunities for their own gain, ensuring access to vital raw materials. Similarly, Friedrich Ratzel argued that States have a “propensity to expand their borders according to their capacities,” seeking vital space (Lebensraum) and resources to sustain their development [11]. The US–Ukraine pact, by conditioning military/economic aid on obtaining tangible advantages (half of the mineral profits), is reminiscent of Ratzel’s perspective: the US, as a rising economic power, expands its economic influence over Ukrainian territory like an organism extending itself to obtain the necessary resources for its well-being. It is, therefore, a form of economic expansionism at the expense of purely ideological commitments or collective security.

Peace Negotiations Excluding Ukraine and the Legitimacy of the Agreement

Another controversial point is the manner in which peace negotiations between Russia and the West have been conducted under Trump's administration. Since taking office, the American president has engaged directly with Moscow in pursuit of a ceasefire, deliberately keeping the Ukrainian government out of the initial discussions [6]. Trump expressed his desire to “leave Zelensky out of the conversation” and also excluded the European Union from any influence in the process [6]. This negotiation strategy—conducted without the presence of the primary interested party, Ukraine—raises serious questions about the legitimacy and sustainability of any resulting agreement.

Historically, peace agreements reached without the direct participation of one of the conflicting parties tend to face problems in implementation and acceptance.

The exclusion of Ukraine in the decision-making phase brings to light the issue of guarantees. As noted, the emerging agreement lacks formal US security guarantees for Ukraine. This implies that, after the agreement is signed, nothing will prevent Russia from launching a new offensive if it deems it convenient, knowing that the US has not committed to defending it militarily. Experts have already warned that a ceasefire without robust protection may only be a pause for Russian rearmament, rendering the conflict “frozen” temporarily and potentially resumed in the near future. The European strategic community has expressed similar concern: without American deterrence, the risk of further Russian aggressions in the region increases considerably [1]. Denmark, for example, has released intelligence reports warning of possible imminent Russian attacks, prompting neighboring countries to accelerate plans for independent defense [1].

The legitimacy of this asymmetric peace agreement (negotiated without Ukraine fully at the table and under economic coercion) is also questionable from a legal and moral point of view. It violates the principle of self-determination by imposing terms decided by great powers on a sovereign country—a practice reminiscent of dark chapters in diplomacy, such as the Munich Agreement of 1938, when powers determined the fate of Czechoslovakia without its consent. In the current case, Ukraine would end up signing the agreement, but from a position of weakness, raising doubts about how durable such a commitment would be.

From Mackinder’s perspective, Ukraine’s removal from the battlefield without guarantees essentially means admitting a greater influence of Russia (the Heartland power) over Eastern Europe. This would alter the balance in Eurasia in a potentially lasting way. Furthermore, the fact that great powers negotiate over the heads of a smaller country evokes the imperial logic of the nineteenth and early twentieth centuries, when empires decided among themselves the divisions of foreign territories—a behavior that Mackinder saw as likely in a world of a “closed system.” With the entire world already occupied by States, Mackinder predicted that powers would begin to compete for influence within this consolidated board, often subjugating smaller states to gain advantage [3]. The US–Russia negotiation regarding Ukraine, without proper Ukrainian representation, exemplifies this type of neo-imperial dynamic in the twenty-first century.

Also noteworthy is the consonance with the ideas of Ratzel and Kjellén: both viewed smaller states as easily relegated to the status of satellites or even “parasitic organisms” in the orbit of larger states. Kjellén spoke of the intrinsic vulnerability of states with little territorial depth or economic dependence, making them susceptible to external pressures [4][20]. Ukraine, weakened by war and dependent on external aid, becomes a concrete example of this theorized vulnerability: it has had to cede strategic resources and accept terms dictated against its will in an attempt to secure its immediate survival. The resulting agreement, therefore, reflects a power imbalance characteristic of the hierarchical international relations described by classical geopolitical theorists.

Implicit Territorial Concessions and Trump’s Public Discourse

A central and controversial point in Trump’s statements regarding the war in Ukraine is the insinuation of territorial concessions to Russia as part of the conflict’s resolution. Publicly, Trump avoided explicitly condemning Russian aggression and even stated that he considered it “unlikely” that Ukraine would be able to retake all the areas occupied by the Russians [16]. In debates and interviews, he suggested that “if I were president, the war would end in 24 hours,” implying that he would force an understanding between Kyiv and Moscow that would likely involve ceding some territory in exchange for peace. This position marks a break with the previous US policy of not recognizing any territorial acquisitions made by force and fuels speculations that a future peace agreement sponsored by Trump would legitimize at least part of Russia’s gains since 2014 (Crimea, Donbass, and areas seized during the 2022 invasion).

The actions of his administration corroborate this interpretation. As discussed, the economic agreement focuses on the exploitation of Ukrainian natural resources, many of which are located precisely in regions currently under Russian military control, such as parts of the Zaporizhzhia Oblast, Donetsk, Lugansk, and the Azov Sea area [6]. A Ukrainian geologist, Hanna Liventseva, highlighted that “most of these elements (strategic minerals) are found in the south of the Ukrainian Shield, mainly in the Azov region, and most of these territories are currently invaded by Russia” [6]. This means that, to make joint exploitation viable, Russia’s de facto control over these areas would have to be recognized—or at least tolerated—in the short term. In other words, the pact indirectly and tacitly accepts Russian territorial gains, as it involves sharing the profits from resources that are not currently accessible to the Kyiv government.

Furthermore, figures close to Trump have made explicit statements regarding the possibility of territorial cession. Mike Waltz, Trump’s national security advisor, publicly stated that Zelensky might need to “cede land to Russia” to end the war [8]. This remark—made public in March 2025—confirms that the Trump White House considers it natural for Ukraine to relinquish parts of its territory in favor of an agreement. Such a stance marks a break from the previous Western consensus, which condemned any territorial gains by force. Under Trump, a pragmatic view (in the eyes of his supporters) or a cynical one (according to his critics) seems to prevail: sacrificing principles of territorial integrity to quickly end hostilities and secure immediate economic benefits.

In theoretical terms, this inclination to validate territorial gains by force recalls the concept of Realpolitik and the geopolitical Darwinism that influenced thinkers such as Ratzel. In Ratzel’s organic conception, expanding states naturally absorb neighboring territories when they are strong enough to do so, while declining states lose territory—a process almost biological in the selection of the fittest [11]. The Trump administration’s acceptance that Ukraine should “give something” to Moscow to seal peace reflects a normalization of this geopolitical selection process: it recognizes the aggressor (Russia) as having the “right” to retain conquered lands, because that is how power realities on the ground dictate. Mackinder, although firmly opposed to allowing Russia to dominate the Heartland, would see this outcome as the logical consequence of the lack of engagement from maritime powers (the USA and the United Kingdom, for example) in sustaining the Ukrainian counterattack. Without the active involvement of maritime power to balance the dispute, land power prevails in Eastern Europe.

From the perspective of international legitimacy, the cession of Ukrainian territories—whether de jure or de facto—creates a dangerous precedent in the post-Cold War era. Rewarding violent aggression with territorial gains may encourage similar strategies in other parts of the world, undermining the architecture of collective security. This is possibly a return to a world of spheres of influence, where great powers define borders and zones of control according to their convenience—something that the rules-based order after 1945 sought to avoid. Here, academic impartiality requires noting that coercion for territorial concessions rarely produces lasting peace, as the aggrieved party—in this case, Ukraine—may accept temporarily but will continue to assert its rights in the long term, as has occurred with other territorial injustices in history.

Territorial Ambitions of Trump: Greenland and Canada

Beyond the Eurasian theater of war, Trump revived geopolitical ambitions involving territories traditionally allied with the US: Greenland (an autonomous territory of Denmark) and Canada. As early as 2019, during his first term, Trump shocked the world by proposing to buy Greenland—rich in minerals and strategically positioned in the Arctic. Upon his return to power, he went further: expressing a “renewed interest” in acquiring Greenland and publicly suggesting the incorporation of Canada as the 51st American state [2].

In January 2025, during a press conference at Mar-a-Lago, he even displayed maps in which the US and Canada appeared merged into a single country, while Greenland was marked as a future American possession [2]. Posts by the president on social media included satirical images with a map of North America where Canada was labeled “51st” and Greenland designated as “Our Land” [2].

Such moves were met with concern and disbelief by allies. Canadian Prime Minister Justin Trudeau was caught on an open microphone warning that Trump’s fixation on annexation “is real” and not just a joke [7]. Trudeau emphasized that Washington appeared to covet Canada’s vast mineral resources, which would explain the insistence on the idea of absorption [7]. In public, Trump argued that Canadians “would be more prosperous as American citizens,” promising tax cuts and better services should they become part of the US [7]. On the Danish side, the reaction to the revived plan regarding Greenland was firmly negative—as it was in 2019—reaffirming that the territory is not for sale. Trump, however, insinuated that the issue might be one of national security, indicating that American possession of Greenland would prevent adverse influences (a reference to China and Russia in the Arctic) [2]. More worryingly, he refused to rule out the use of military means to obtain the island, although he assured that he had no intention of invading Canada by force (in the Canadian case, he spoke of “economic force” to forge a union) [2].

This series of initiatives reflects an unprecedented expansionist impetus by the US in recent times, at least in discourse. Analyzing this through the lens of classical geopolitics offers interesting insights. Friedrich Ratzel and his notion of Lebensraum suggest that powerful states, upon reaching a certain predominance, seek to expand their territory by influencing or incorporating adjacent areas. Trump, by targeting the immediate neighbor (Canada) and a nearby strategic territory (Greenland), appears to resurrect this logic of territorial expansion for the sake of gaining space and resources. Ratzel saw such expansion almost as a natural process for vigorous states, comparable to the growth of an organism [11]. From this perspective, the US would be exercising its “right” of expansion in North America and the polar region, integrating areas of vital interest.

Additionally, Alfred Mahan’s view on maritime power helps to understand the strategic value of Greenland. Mahan postulated that control of key maritime chokepoints and naval bases ensures global advantage [9]. Greenland, situated between the North Atlantic and the Arctic, has become increasingly relevant as climate change opens new polar maritime routes and reveals vast mineral deposits (including rare earth elements and oil). For the US, having a presence or sovereignty over Greenland would mean dominating the gateway to the Arctic and denying this space to rivals. This aligns with Mahan’s strategy of securing commercial and military routes (in this case, potential Arctic routes) and resources to consolidate naval supremacy. On the other hand, the incorporation of Canada—with its enormous territory, Arctic coastline, and abundant natural resources—would provide the US with formidable geoeconomic and geopolitical reinforcement, practically eliminating vulnerabilities along its northern border. This is an ambitious project that also echoes ideas of Kjellén, for whom an ideal State should seek territorial completeness and economic self-sufficiency within its region. Incorporating Canada would be the pinnacle of American regional autarky, turning North America into a unified bloc under Washington (a scenario reminiscent of the “pan-regions” conceived by twentieth-century geopoliticians influenced by Kjellén).

It is important to note, however, that these ambitions face enormous legal and political obstacles. The sovereignty of Canada and Greenland (Denmark) is guaranteed by international law, and both peoples categorically reject the idea of annexation. Any hostile action by the US against these countries would shake alliances and the world order itself. Even so, the very fact that an American president suggests such possibilities already produces geopolitical effects: traditional partners begin to distrust Washington’s intentions, seek alternative alliances, and strengthen nationalist discourses of resistance. In summary, Trump’s expansionist intentions in Greenland and Canada rekindle old territorial issues and paradoxically place the US in the position of a revisionist power—a role once associated with empires in search of colonies.

Implications for Brazil and South America: A New Neocolonization?

In light of this geopolitical reconfiguration driven by Trump's USA—with a reordering of alliances and a possible partition of spheres of influence among great powers—the question arises: what is the impact on Brazil and the other countries of South America? Traditionally, Latin America has been under the aegis of the Monroe Doctrine (1823), which established non-interference by Europe in the region and, implicitly, the primacy of the USA in the Western Hemisphere. In the post–Cold War period, this influence translated more into political and economic leadership, without formal annexations or direct territorial domination. However, the current context points to a kind of “neocolonization” of the Global South, in which larger powers seek to control resources and peripheral governments in an indirect yet effective manner.

Mackinder’s theories can be used to illuminate this dynamic. As mentioned, Mackinder envisioned the twentieth-century world as a closed system, in which there were no longer any unknown lands to be colonized—hence, the powers would fight among themselves for control over already occupied regions [3]. He predicted that Africa and Latin America (then largely European colonies or semi-colonies) would continue as boards upon which the great powers would project their disputes, a form of neocolonialism. In the current scenario, we see the USA proposing exchanges of protection for resources (as in Ukraine) and even leaders of developing countries seeking similar agreements. A notable example: the President of the Democratic Republic of the Congo, Felix Tshisekedi, praised the USA–Ukraine initiative and suggested an analogous agreement involving Congolese mineral wealth in exchange for US support against internal rebels (M23) [19]. In other words, African countries and possibly South American ones may enter into this logic of offering privileged access to resources (cobalt, lithium, food, biodiversity) in order to obtain security guarantees or investments. This represents a regression to the times when external powers dictated the directions of the South in exchange for promises of protection, characterizing a strategic neocolonialism.

For Brazil, in particular, this rearrangement generates both opportunities and risks. As a regional power with considerable diplomatic autonomy, Brazil has historically sought to balance relationships with the USA, Europe, China, and other actors, avoiding automatic alignments. However, in a world where Trump’s USA is actively redefining spheres of influence—possibly making deals with Russia that divide priorities (for example, Washington focusing on the Western Hemisphere and Moscow on the Eastern)—South America could once again be seen as an exclusive American sphere of influence. From this perspective, Washington could pressure South American countries to align with its directives, limiting partnerships with rivals (such as China) and seeking privileged access to strategic resources (such as the Amazon, fresh water, minerals, and agricultural commodities). Some indications are already emerging: Trump’s transactional approach mentioned by Nye included pressures on Canada and Mexico regarding border and trade issues, under the threat of commercial sanctions. It would not be unthinkable to adopt a hard line, for example, with regard to Brazilian environmental policies (linked to the Amazon) or Brazil’s relations with China, using tariffs or incentives as leverage—a sort of geopolitics of economic coercion.

On the other hand, Brazil and its neighbors could also attempt to take advantage of the Sino–North American competition. If the USA is distracted consolidating its hemispheric “hard power” hegemony (even with annexation fantasies in the north), powers such as China may advance their economic presence in South America through investments and trade (Belt and Road, infrastructure financing)—which is already happening. This would constitute an indirect neocolonial dispute in the South: Chinese loans and investments versus American demands and agreements, partly reminiscent of the nineteenth-century imperial competition (when the United Kingdom, USA, and others competed for Latin American markets and resources).

From a conceptual standpoint, Mackinder might classify South America as part of the “Outer Crescent” (external insular crescent)—peripheral to the great Eurasian “World-Island,” yet still crucial as a source of resources and a strategic position in the South Atlantic and Pacific. If the USA consolidates an informal empire in the Americas, it would be reinforcing its “insular bastion” far from the Eurasian Heartland, a strategy that Mackinder once suggested for maritime powers: to control islands and peripheral continents to compensate for the disadvantage of not controlling the Heartland. However, an excessive US dominance in the South could lead to local resistance and alternative alignments, unbalancing the region.

Kjellén would add that for Brazil to maintain its decisive sovereignty, it will need to strengthen its autarky and internal cohesion—in other words, reduce vulnerabilities (economic, military, social) that external powers might exploit [4]. Meanwhile, Mahan might point out the importance for Brazil of controlling its maritime routes and coastlines (South Atlantic) to avoid being at the mercy of a naval power like the USA. And Ratzel would remind us that states that do not expand their influence tend to be absorbed by foreign influences—which, in the context of Brazil, does not mean conquering neighboring territories, but rather actively leading South American integration to create a block more resilient to external intrusion.

In summary, South America finds itself in a more competitive and segmented world, where major players are resurrecting practices from past eras. The notion of “neocolonization” here does not imply direct occupation, but rather mechanisms of dependency: whether through unequal economic agreements or through diplomatic or military pressure for alignment. Brazil, as the largest economy and territory on the subcontinent, will have to navigate with heightened caution. A new global power balance, marked by the division of spheres of influence among the USA, China, and Russia, may reduce the sovereign maneuvering space of South American countries unless they act jointly. Thus, theoretical reflection suggests the need for South–South strategies, reinforcement of regional organizations, and diversification of partnerships to avoid falling into modern “neocolonial traps.”

Conclusion

The emerging post–re-election geopolitical conjuncture of Donald Trump signals a return to classical geopolitical principles, after several decades of predominance of institutional liberal views. We witness the revaluation of concepts such as spheres of influence, exchanges of protection for resources, naval power versus land power, and disputes over territory and raw materials—all central themes in the writings of Mackinder, Mahan, Kjellén, and Ratzel at the end of the nineteenth and the beginning of the twentieth century. An impartial analysis of these events, in light of these theories, shows internal coherence in Trump’s actions: although controversial, they follow a logic of maximizing national interest and the relative power of the USA on the world stage, even at the expense of established principles and alliances.

Halford Mackinder reminds us that, in a closed world with no new lands to conquer, the great powers will seek to redistribute the world among themselves [3]. This seems to manifest in the direct understandings between the USA and Russia over the fate of Ukraine, and in American ambitions in the Arctic and the Western Hemisphere. Alfred Mahan emphasizes that the control of the seas and strategic positions ensures supremacy—we see reflections of this in Trump’s obsession with Greenland (Arctic) and the possible neglect of the importance of maintaining NATO (and therefore the North Atlantic) as a cohesive bloc, something that Mahan’s theory would criticize due to the risk of a naval vacuum. Rudolf Kjellén and Friedrich Ratzel provide the framework to understand the more aggressive facet of expansionist nationalism: the idea of the State as an organism that needs to grow, secure resources, and seek self-sufficiency explains everything from the extortionate agreement imposed on Ukraine to the annexation rhetoric regarding Canada.

The potential consequences are profound. In the short term, we may witness a precarious ceasefire in the Ukraine war, with consolidated Russian territorial gains and Ukraine economically tied to the USA, but without formal military protection—a fragile “armed peace.” Western Europe, alarmed, may accelerate its independent militarization, perhaps marking the beginning of European defense autonomy, as is already openly debated [1]. At the far end of the globe, American activism in the Arctic and the Americas may reshape alliances: countries like Canada, once aligned with Washington, might seek to guarantee their sovereignty by distancing themselves from it; powers like China could take advantage of the openings to increase their presence in Latin America and Africa through economic diplomacy; and emerging countries of the Global South may have to choose between submitting to new “guardianships” or strengthening South–South cooperation.

Ultimately, the current situation reinforces the relevance of studying geopolitics through historical lenses. The actions of the Trump administration indicate that, despite all technological and normative advances, the competition for geographic power has not disappeared—it has merely assumed new formats. Academic impartiality obliges us not to prematurely judge whether these strategies will be successful or beneficial, but history and theory warn that neo-imperial movements tend to generate counter-reactions. As Mackinder insinuated, “every shock or change anywhere reverberates around the world,” and a sudden move by a superpower tends to provoke unforeseen adjustments and chain conflicts. It remains to be seen how the other actors—including Brazil and its neighbors—will adapt to this new chapter in the great struggle for global power, in which centuries-old theories once again have a surprising explanatory power over present events.

Bibliography

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[3] Cfettweis C:CST22(2)8576.DVI. (2025). Mackinder and Angell. Recuperado em 3 de março de 2025, de https://cfettweis.com/wp-content/uploads/Mackinder-and-Angell.pdf#:\~:text=meant%20the%20beginning%20of%20an,Mackinder

[4] Diva-Portal. (2025). The geopolitics of territorial relativity. Poland seen by Rudolf Kjellén. Recuperado em 3 de março de 2025, de https://www.diva-portal.org/smash/get/diva2:1696547/FULLTEXT02#:\~:text=,The%20state%20territory

[5] Geopolitical Monitor. (2025). The Russo-Ukrainian War and Mackinder’s Heartland Thesis. Recuperado em 3 de março de 2025, de https://www.geopoliticalmonitor.com/the-ukraine-war-and-mackinders-heartland-thesis/#:\~:text=In%201904%2C%20Sir%20Halford%20J,in%20adding%20a%20substantial%20oceanic

[6] Instituto Humanitas Unisinos. (2025). Trump obriga Zelensky a hipotecar a exploração de minerais críticos em troca do seu apoio. Recuperado em 3 de março de 2025, de https://www.ihu.unisinos.br/648986-trump-obriga-zelensky-a-hipotecar-a-exploracao-de-minerais-criticos-em-troca-do-seu-apoio#:\~:text=Essa%20troca%20inclui%20os%20cobi%C3%A7ados,s%C3%A3o%20praticamente%20inexploradas%20no%20pa%C3%ADs

[7] Politico. (2025). Trump’s annexation fixation is no joke, Trudeau warns. Recuperado em 3 de março de 2025, de https://www.politico.com/news/2025/02/07/canada-trudeau-trump-51-state-00203156#:\~:text=TORONTO%20%E2%80%94%20Prime%20Minister%20Justin,Canada%20becoming%20the%2051st%20state%2C%E2%80%9D%20Trudeau%20said

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[12] Britannica. (2025b). Lebensraum. Recuperado em 3 de março de 2025, de https://www.britannica.com/topic/Lebensraum#:\~:text=defined,The

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[15] Wikipedia. (2025). Lebensraum. Recuperado em 3 de março de 2025, de https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Lebensraum#:\~:text=The%20German%20geographer%20and%20ethnographer,into%20the%20Greater%20Germanic%20Reich

[16] YouTube. (2025). Trump says Ukraine 'unlikely to get all land back' or join NATO [Vídeo]. Recuperado em 3 de março de 2025, de https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=BmHzAVLhsXU#:\~:text=Trump%20says%20Ukraine%20%27unlikely%20to,for%20it%20to%20join%20NATO

[17] U.S. Naval Institute. (2025) Operation World Peace. Recuperado em 3 de março de 2025, de https://www.usni.org/magazines/proceedings/1955/june/operation-world-peace#:\\~:text=“The Mahan doctrine%2C” according to,the word “airships” is more

[18] Emissary. (2024) Trump’s Greenland and Panama Canal Threats Are a Throwback to an Old, Misguided Foreign Policy. Recuperado em 3 de março de 2025, de https://carnegieendowment.org/emissary/2025/01/trump-greenland-panama-canal-monroe-doctrine-policy?lang=en

[19] A Referência. Acordo EUA-Ucrânia está praticamente fechado, mas analistas se dividem sobre quem sairá ganhando. Recuperado em 3 de março de 2025, de https://areferencia.com/europa/acordo-eua-ucrania-esta-praticamente-fechado-mas-analistas-se-dividem-sobre-quem-saira-ganhando/#:\\~:text=EUA e 17,o acordo a seu favor

[20] Wikipedia. (2025) Geopolitik. Recuperado em 3 de março de 2025, de https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Geopolitik#:\\~:text=Rudolph Kjellén was Ratzel's Swedish,Kjellén's State

@ bb1c863a:2953c3fb

Block Height 892385 11:47 pm Monday, 14 April 2025

In a powerful gesture of support for Bitcoin-aligned education, Blockstream has donated 21 Blockstream Jade hardware wallets to the Consensus21 School — a groundbreaking learning initiative launching its first campus this year on the Mornington Peninsula, just outside Melbourne, Australia.

The donation will place 21 Jades directly into the hands of the first 21 students at the new campus — some as young as five years old — giving them real tools to explore Bitcoin self-custody, digital sovereignty, and privacy-first technology in an age-appropriate and hands-on way.

“The Jade wallets are more than just devices — they’re symbols of freedom, responsibility, and the future of education,” said Kieran Nolan, co-founder of Consensus21. “We’re incredibly grateful to Blockstream for standing behind our mission.”

---

Real Tools for Real Sovereignty

The Blockstream Jade is a secure, open-source hardware wallet built for Bitcoiners who value freedom, privacy, and independence. These values are embedded deeply into the Consensus21 educational philosophy, which blends Steiner-inspired learning, homeschooling flexibility, and a curriculum rooted in Bitcoin principles like voluntary exchange, decentralization, and self-responsibility.

With the Jades now part of the learning toolkit, Consensus21 learners will be introduced to key concepts like:

• Private key management
• Seed phrase generation and backup
• Multisig wallets
• The importance of self-custody and trust minimization

This is not just about theory — learners will get to use these tools in real-world contexts, preparing them to grow up fluent in the principles of freedom tech.

---

A Campus, A Vision, A Movement

Launching in 2025, the Mornington Peninsula campus is the pilot site for the broader Consensus21 vision: a distributed, regenerative, and values-aligned network of co-learning spaces, including a future 10-acre farm campus and a registered Steiner school.

The Blockstream donation comes at a pivotal time, as the community transitions from vision to reality. The gift of exactly 21 Blockstream Jades — echoing Bitcoin’s 21 million hard cap — is both a symbolic and practical gesture of support, underscoring the shared commitment between Bitcoin builders and grassroots educators.

---

Stay Connected

📄 Whitepaper: https://github.com/consensus21school/consensus21school.github.io/blob/main/whitepaper.md

🌐 Website: https://consensus21.school

📝 Nostr: CONSENSUS21@nostrcheck.me

🐦 X (Twitter): https://x.com/Consensus21

@ f3873798:24b3f2f3

Olá meus caros leitores, estou fazendo um guia voltados aos Brasileiros aqui do Nostr. Vejo que há muito conteúdo em inglês que infelizmente não é traduzido para o português. Por este motivo tomei a iniciativa de começa com este artigo.

Espero que gostem deste artigo, que tenham uma ótima leitura.

Bem-vindos ao Mundo Nostr !!

Acredito que todos que estão aqui sabem um pouco sobre o Nostr e que é uma rede social descentralizada, local onde você pode postar sem medo de represarias governamentais [ditatoriais].

Mas, vocês conheçem como o Nostr funciona e todas as ferramentas que vocês têm disponível neste ecossistema?

  Poisé, acho que não.

O Nostr é um protocolo de comunição descentralizada muito versátil, isso quer dizer que não está limitado a um tipo de "rede social", nele é possível fazer Blogs, streaming, podcast e até mesmo e-mails com autonomia total do usuário.

Meus caros, isso é liberdade total, sem ficar na mão de bigtech como Microsoft, Apple, Google.

Para ficar mais claro darei um exemplo para vocês:

Imagine você criando uma conta no Youtube, você deve aceitar as Diretrizes impostas pela google no uso do SEU CANAL, por mais que você tenha autonomia na produção do SEU CONTEÚDO, determinadas palavras e termos não podem ser usadas, ou seja, O GOOGLE DETERMINA O QUE VOCÊ PODE OU NÃO FAZER NO SEU CANAL.

Veja que é uma liberdade parcial no processo de criação de conteúdo.

Já no Nostr, o seu canal é completamente seu. Não há nenhuma entidade, empresa responsável pelo seu conteúdo a não ser você.

O Mundo Nostr e sua funcionalidades

No nostr você terá acesso a uma diversidade de aplicativos para cada objetivo de uso. Mas, antes de abordar sobre os diversos layouts e funcionalidades do Nostr é necessário aprender o básico deste universo.

Em primeiro lugar: É necessário que vocês saibam que a partir do momento que vocês criaram um conta aqui, independente do "cliente" ou "distro como o pessoal que gosta de fazer analogia com o Linux", vocês recebem duas importantes chaves ! A chave privada e a chave pública.

A Chave privada, também chamada de chave secreta é o acesso ilimitado a sua conta, ou seja, é a partir dela que poderá produzir conteúdos em geral neste mundo. Ela te dará acesso a todos os rercusos do Nostr, portanto é importante que esteja muito segura.

A Chave pública, você ver como os outros usuários ver o seu perfil e o seu conteúdo. Ela é uma importante chave para que as pessoas possam ter acesso aos conteúdo que vocês públicam, ou seja, é atráves dela que você poderá compartilhar o seu perfil para que seu público tenha acesso ao seu mundo.

Dito isso vamos conhecer os apps e os chamados clientes Nostr.

O que são clientes Nostr?

Clientes são as várias maneiras de interagir com o protocolo Nostr [fonte: Nostr.com]

É semelhante ao Sistema Operacional Linux que tem várias distro com diferentes layout para o mesmo Sistema.

Vejamos as principais para que vocês tenham uma noção da amplitude do protocolo.

• Damus: é um app para celulares IOS terem acesso ao NOSTR, tem formato de rede social, como Primal e o Amethyst.
• Primal é um app versátil serve tanto para celulares IOS, Android e PCs, também tem formato de rede social, porém você pode abrir uma carteira lightning bitcoin exclusiva deste app, facilitando muito os micropagamentos em satoshis pela rede.
• Amethyst, assim como o Damus é para o IOS o Amethsy é para o Android, sou suspeita para falar sobre este clientes, pois é o meu favorito. Além de várias possibilidades de edição de texto, ele tem diversas funcionalidade incluídas, como *Guia Mercado*** onde você pode comercializar produtos pela rede, tem como intergrar com outros apps de streaming, formar grupos temáticos etc.
• OXchat não é exatamente uma rede social tem um layout que lembra um pouco o Whatsapp ou Telegram, serve como uma rede de interação instantânea, tem diversos recursos que achei mais interessante é a lousa, onde é possível interagir no grupo com desenhos etc.
• Yakihonne que é justamente o cliente que estou usando para construir este artigo. Como usuário posso dizer que ele tem um foco para criação de Blogs no protocolo Nostr, lembrando que cada cliente tem um layout diferente, ou seja, uso de templates para definir a estrutura do seu blog é meio limitado [ressalva assim como vocês sou iniciante do Nostr, pode ser que tenha como determinar um layout próprio, mas eu mesma não sei como]

Há muitos outros clientes disponíveis para acessar e experimentar e conhecer todos eu recomendo o site: Nostrapps

Agora que você leu este pequeno guia, se divirta aqui no nostr e não se esqueça de apoia a gente.

Até Mais !!

@ c1e9ab3a:9cb56b43

In an age where culture often precedes policy, a subtle yet potent mechanism may be at play in the shaping of American perspectives on gun ownership. Rather than directly challenging the Second Amendment through legislation alone, a more insidious strategy may involve reshaping the cultural and social norms surrounding firearms—by conditioning the population, starting at its most impressionable point: the public school system.

The Cultural Lever of Language

Unlike Orwell's 1984, where language is controlled by removing words from the lexicon, this modern approach may hinge instead on instilling fear around specific words or topics—guns, firearms, and self-defense among them. The goal is not to erase the language but to embed a taboo so deep that people voluntarily avoid these terms out of social self-preservation. Children, teachers, and parents begin to internalize a fear of even mentioning weapons, not because the words are illegal, but because the cultural consequences are severe.

The Role of Teachers in Social Programming

Teachers, particularly in primary and middle schools, serve not only as educational authorities but also as social regulators. The frequent argument against homeschooling—that children will not be "properly socialized"—reveals an implicit understanding that schools play a critical role in setting behavioral norms. Children learn what is acceptable not just academically but socially. Rules, discipline, and behavioral expectations are laid down by teachers, often reinforced through peer pressure and institutional authority.

This places teachers in a unique position of influence. If fear is instilled in these educators—fear that one of their students could become the next school shooter—their response is likely to lean toward overcorrection. That overcorrection may manifest as a total intolerance for any conversation about weapons, regardless of the context. Innocent remarks or imaginative stories from young children are interpreted as red flags, triggering intervention from administrators and warnings to parents.

Fear as a Policy Catalyst

School shootings, such as the one at Columbine, serve as the fulcrum for this fear-based conditioning. Each highly publicized tragedy becomes a national spectacle, not only for mourning but also for cementing the idea that any child could become a threat. Media cycles perpetuate this narrative with relentless coverage and emotional appeals, ensuring that each incident becomes embedded in the public consciousness.

The side effect of this focus is the generation of copycat behavior, which, in turn, justifies further media attention and tighter controls. Schools install security systems, metal detectors, and armed guards—not simply to stop violence, but to serve as a daily reminder to children and staff alike: guns are dangerous, ubiquitous, and potentially present at any moment. This daily ritual reinforces the idea that the very discussion of firearms is a precursor to violence.

Policy and Practice: The Zero-Tolerance Feedback Loop

Federal and district-level policies begin to reflect this cultural shift. A child mentioning a gun in class—even in a non-threatening or imaginative context—is flagged for intervention. Zero-tolerance rules leave no room for context or intent. Teachers and administrators, fearing for their careers or safety, comply eagerly with these guidelines, interpreting them as moral obligations rather than bureaucratic policies.

The result is a generation of students conditioned to associate firearms with social ostracism, disciplinary action, and latent danger. The Second Amendment, once seen as a cultural cornerstone of American liberty and self-reliance, is transformed into an artifact of suspicion and anxiety.

Long-Term Consequences: A Nation Re-Socialized

Over time, this fear-based reshaping of discourse creates adults who not only avoid discussing guns but view them as morally reprehensible. Their aversion is not grounded in legal logic or political philosophy, but in deeply embedded emotional programming begun in early childhood. The cultural weight against firearms becomes so great that even those inclined to support gun rights feel the need to self-censor.

As fewer people grow up discussing, learning about, or responsibly handling firearms, the social understanding of the Second Amendment erodes. Without cultural reinforcement, its value becomes abstract and its defenders marginalized. In this way, the right to bear arms is not abolished by law—it is dismantled by language, fear, and the subtle recalibration of social norms.

Conclusion

This theoretical strategy does not require a single change to the Constitution. It relies instead on the long game of cultural transformation, beginning with the youngest minds and reinforced by fear-driven policy and media narratives. The outcome is a society that views the Second Amendment not as a safeguard of liberty, but as an anachronism too dangerous to mention.

By controlling the language through social consequences and fear, a nation can be taught not just to disarm, but to believe it chose to do so freely. That, perhaps, is the most powerful form of control of all.

@ b2d670de:907f9d4a

onion-service-nostr-relays

A list of nostr relays exposed as onion services.

The list

| Relay name | Description | Onion url | Operator | Payment URL | Payment options | | --- | --- | --- | --- | --- | --- | | nostr.oxtr.dev | Same relay as clearnet relay nostr.oxtr.dev | ws://oxtrdevav64z64yb7x6rjg4ntzqjhedm5b5zjqulugknhzr46ny2qbad.onion | operator | N/A | N/A | | relay.snort.social | Same relay as clearnet relay relay.snort.social | wss://skzzn6cimfdv5e2phjc4yr5v7ikbxtn5f7dkwn5c7v47tduzlbosqmqd.onion | operator | N/A | N/A | | nostr.thesamecat.io | Same relay as clearnet relay nostr.thesamecat.io | ws://2jsnlhfnelig5acq6iacydmzdbdmg7xwunm4xl6qwbvzacw4lwrjmlyd.onion | operator | N/A | N/A | | nostr.land | The nostr.land paid relay (same as clearnet) | ws://nostrland2gdw7g3y77ctftovvil76vquipymo7tsctlxpiwknevzfid.onion | operator | Payment URL | BTC LN | | bitcoiner.social | No auth required, currently | ws://bitcoinr6de5lkvx4tpwdmzrdfdpla5sya2afwpcabjup2xpi5dulbad.onion | operator | N/A | N/A | | relay.westernbtc.com | The westernbtc.com paid relay | ws://westbtcebhgi4ilxxziefho6bqu5lqwa5ncfjefnfebbhx2cwqx5knyd.onion | operator | Payment URL | BTC LN | | freelay.sovbit.host | Free relay for sovbit.host | ws://sovbitm2enxfr5ot6qscwy5ermdffbqscy66wirkbsigvcshumyzbbqd.onion | operator | N/A | N/A | | nostr.sovbit.host | Paid relay for sovbit.host | ws://sovbitgz5uqyh7jwcsudq4sspxlj4kbnurvd3xarkkx2use3k6rlibqd.onion | operator | N/A | N/A | | nostr.wine | 🍷 nostr.wine relay | ws://nostrwinemdptvqukjttinajfeedhf46hfd5bz2aj2q5uwp7zros3nad.onion | operator | Payment URL | BTC LN, BTC, Credit Card/CashApp (Stripe) | | inbox.nostr.wine | 🍷 inbox.nostr.wine relay | ws://wineinboxkayswlofkugkjwhoyi744qvlzdxlmdvwe7cei2xxy4gc6ad.onion | operator | Payment URL | BTC LN, BTC | | filter.nostr.wine | 🍷 filter.nostr.wine proxy relay | ws://winefiltermhqixxzmnzxhrmaufpnfq3rmjcl6ei45iy4aidrngpsyid.onion | operator | Payment URL | BTC LN, BTC | | N/A | N/A | ws://pzfw4uteha62iwkzm3lycabk4pbtcr67cg5ymp5i3xwrpt3t24m6tzad.onion:81 | operator | N/A | N/A | | nostr.fractalized.net | Free relay for fractalized.net | ws://xvgox2zzo7cfxcjrd2llrkthvjs5t7efoalu34s6lmkqhvzvrms6ipyd.onion | operator | N/A | N/A | | nfrelay.app | nfrelay.app aggregator relay (nostr-filter-relay) | ws://nfrelay6saohkmipikquvrn6d64dzxivhmcdcj4d5i7wxis47xwsriyd.onion | operator | N/A | N/A | relay.nostr.net | Public relay from nostr.net (Same as clearnet) | ws://nostrnetl6yd5whkldj3vqsxyyaq3tkuspy23a3qgx7cdepb4564qgqd.onion | operator | N/A | N/A | | nerostrator | Free to read, pay XMR to relay | ws://nerostrrgb5fhj6dnzhjbgmnkpy2berdlczh6tuh2jsqrjok3j4zoxid.onion | operator |Payment URL | XMR | | nostr.girino.org | Public relay from nostr.girino.org | ws://gnostr2jnapk72mnagq3cuykfon73temzp77hcbncn4silgt77boruid.onion | operator | N/A | N/A | | wot.girino.org | WoT relay from wot.girino.org | ws://girwot2koy3kvj6fk7oseoqazp5vwbeawocb3m27jcqtah65f2fkl3yd.onion | operator | N/A | N/A | | haven.girino.org/{outbox, inbox, chat, private} | Haven smart relay from haven.girino.org | ws://ghaven2hi3qn2riitw7ymaztdpztrvmm337e2pgkacfh3rnscaoxjoad.onion/{outbox, inbox, chat, private} | operator | N/A | N/A | | relay.nostpy.lol | Free Web of Trust relay (Same as clearnet) | ws://pemgkkqjqjde7y2emc2hpxocexugbixp42o4zymznil6zfegx5nfp4id.onion | operator |N/A | N/A | | Poster.place Nostr Relay | N/A | ws://dmw5wbawyovz7fcahvguwkw4sknsqsalffwctioeoqkvvy7ygjbcuoad.onion | operator | N/A | N/A | | Azzamo Relay | Azzamo Premium Nostr relay. (paid) | ws://q6a7m5qkyonzb5fk5yv4jyu3ar44hqedn7wjopg737lit2ckkhx2nyid.onion | operator | Payment URL | BTC LN | | Azzamo Inbox Relay | Azzamo Group and Private message relay. (Freemium) | ws://gp5kiwqfw7t2fwb3rfts2aekoph4x7pj5pv65re2y6hzaujsxewanbqd.onion | operator | Payment URL | BTC LN | | Noderunners Relay | The official Noderunners Nostr Relay. | ws://35vr3xigzjv2xyzfyif6o2gksmkioppy4rmwag7d4bqmwuccs2u4jaid.onion | operator | Payment URL | BTC LN |

Contributing

Contributions are encouraged to keep this document alive. Just open a PR and I'll have it tested and merged. The onion URL is the only mandatory column, the rest is just nice-to-have metadata about the relay. Put N/A in empty columns.

If you want to contribute anonymously, please contact me on SimpleX or send a DM on nostr using a disposable npub.

Operator column

It is generally preferred to use something that includes a NIP-19 string, either just the string or a url that contains the NIP-19 string in it (e.g. an njump url).

@ 6389be64:ef439d32

GA, plebs. The latest episode of Bitcoin And is out, and, as always, the chicanery is running rampant. Let’s break down the biggest topics I covered, and if you want the full, unfiltered rant, make sure to listen to the episode linked below.

House Democrats’ MEME Act: A Bad Joke?

House Democrats are proposing a bill to ban presidential meme coins, clearly aimed at Trump’s and Melania’s ill-advised token launches. While grifters launching meme coins is bad, this bill is just as ridiculous. If this legislation moves forward, expect a retaliatory strike exposing how politicians like Pelosi and Warren mysteriously amassed their fortunes. Will it pass? Doubtful. But it’s another sign of the government’s obsession with regulating everything except itself.

Senate Banking’s First Digital Asset Hearing: The Real Target Is You

Cynthia Lummis chaired the first digital asset hearing, and—surprise!—it was all about control. The discussion centered on stablecoins, AML, and KYC regulations, with witnesses suggesting Orwellian measures like freezing stablecoin transactions unless pre-approved by authorities. What was barely mentioned? Bitcoin. They want full oversight of stablecoins, which is really about controlling financial freedom. Expect more nonsense targeting self-custody wallets under the guise of stopping “bad actors.”

Bank of America and PayPal Want In on Stablecoins

Bank of America’s CEO openly stated they’ll launch a stablecoin as soon as regulation allows. Meanwhile, PayPal’s CEO paid for a hat using Bitcoin—not their own stablecoin, Pi USD. Why wouldn’t he use his own product? Maybe he knows stablecoins aren’t what they’re hyped up to be. Either way, the legacy financial system is gearing up to flood the market with stablecoins, not because they love crypto, but because it’s a tool to extend U.S. dollar dominance.

MetaPlanet Buys the Dip

Japan’s MetaPlanet issued $13.4M in bonds to buy more Bitcoin, proving once again that institutions see the writing on the wall. Unlike U.S. regulators who obsess over stablecoins, some companies are actually stacking sats.

UK Expands Crypto Seizure Powers

Across the pond, the UK government is pushing legislation to make it easier to seize and destroy crypto linked to criminal activity. While they frame it as going after the bad guys, it’s another move toward centralized control and financial surveillance.

Bitcoin Tools & Tech: Arc, SatoChip, and Nunchuk

Some bullish Bitcoin developments: ARC v0.5 is making Bitcoin’s second layer more efficient, SatoChip now supports Taproot and Nostr, and Nunchuk launched a group wallet with chat, making multisig collaboration easier.

The Bottom Line

The state is coming for financial privacy and control, and stablecoins are their weapon of choice. Bitcoiners need to stay focused, keep their coins in self-custody, and build out parallel systems. Expect more regulatory attacks, but don’t let them distract you—just keep stacking and transacting in ways they can’t control.

🎧 Listen to the full episode here: https://fountain.fm/episode/PYITCo18AJnsEkKLz2Ks

💰 Support the show by boosting sats on Podcasting 2.0! and I will see you on the other side.

@ 23202132:eab3af30

Atualmente, os aplicativos de mensagens estão se tornando cada vez mais complexos, com diversas funcionalidades. Embora isso seja atrativo para os usuários, também chama a atenção de governos, golpistas, hackers e empresas interessadas em praticar spam.

Os problemas podem variar, incluindo bloqueios legais, roubo de contas, prejuízos financeiros, entre outros. Diversas situações podem inviabilizar o uso de sua conta de mensagens.

Uma estratégia que vem ganhando popularidade é adotar, com familiares e amigos, um aplicativo alternativo e discreto para mensagens. Assim, caso ocorram problemas com o app principal, a comunicação permanece intacta, pois um canal menos visado por golpistas e menos suscetível a intervenções governamentais estará sempre disponível.

Manter essa estratégia com pessoas próximas dificulta o bloqueio das comunicações, e ao optar por um app discreto, também se torna mais difícil para quem tenta interferir na sua comunicação.

Em resumo, quanto mais descentralizado e menos popular é seu aplicativo de mensagens, menor é a possibilidade de interferência na sua comunicação.

Uma alternativa interessante que uso é o Session, uma boa opção por funcionar sem a necessidade de identificação, como e-mail ou telefone, e de forma descentralizada. Como o Session não exige identificação para cadastro, é impossível alguém localizar sua conta sem que você compartilhe seu ID Session. Isso garante que apenas seus amigos terão acesso a você.

A ideia é combinar com seus amigos e familiares um app que não seja popular para servir de reserva. Nesse sentido, existem muitas opções disponíveis na internet. No entanto, em caso de invasão ou bloqueio, o Session é uma excelente alternativa para comunicação reserva. Ele roda na rede Lokinet que é uma rede de alta privacidade.

Outra possibilidade, que também é eficiente e pode ser mais fácil para usuários acostumados com o WhatsApp, é o Mixin Messenger. Ele possui uma aparência bem semelhante ao WhatsApp. Para grupos de usuários mais avançados, o SimpleX é uma excelente alternativa.

@ b2d670de:907f9d4a

This is a list of nostr clients exposed as onion services. The list is currently actively maintained on GitHub. Contributions are always appreciated!

| Client name | Onion URL | Source code URL | Admin | Description | | --- | --- | --- | --- | --- | | Snort | http://agzj5a4be3kgp6yurijk4q7pm2yh4a5nphdg4zozk365yirf7ahuctyd.onion | https://git.v0l.io/Kieran/snort | operator | N/A | | moStard | http://sifbugd5nwdq77plmidkug4y57zuqwqio3zlyreizrhejhp6bohfwkad.onion/ | https://github.com/rafael-xmr/nostrudel/tree/mostard | operator | minimalist monero friendly nostrudel fork | | Nostrudel | http://oxtrnmb4wsb77rmk64q3jfr55fo33luwmsyaoovicyhzgrulleiojsad.onion/ | https://github.com/hzrd149/nostrudel | operator | Runs latest tagged docker image | | Nostrudel Next | http://oxtrnnumsflm7hmvb3xqphed2eqpbrt4seflgmdsjnpgc3ejd6iycuyd.onion/ | https://github.com/hzrd149/nostrudel | operator | Runs latest "next" tagged docker image | | Nsite | http://q457mvdt5smqj726m4lsqxxdyx7r3v7gufzt46zbkop6mkghpnr7z3qd.onion/ | https://github.com/hzrd149/nsite-ts | operator | Runs nsite. You can read more about nsite here. | | Shopstr | http://6fkdn756yryd5wurkq7ifnexupnfwj6sotbtby2xhj5baythl4cyf2id.onion/ | https://github.com/shopstr-eng/shopstr-hidden-service | operator | Runs the latest serverless branch build of Shopstr. |

@ 460c25e6:ef85065c

If you don't know where your posts are, you might as well just stay in the centralized Twitter. You either take control of your relay lists, or they will control you. Amethyst offers several lists of relays for our users. We are going to go one by one to help clarify what they are and which options are best for each one.

Public Home/Outbox Relays

Home relays store all YOUR content: all your posts, likes, replies, lists, etc. It's your home. Amethyst will send your posts here first. Your followers will use these relays to get new posts from you. So, if you don't have anything there, they will not receive your updates.

Home relays must allow queries from anyone, ideally without the need to authenticate. They can limit writes to paid users without affecting anyone's experience.

This list should have a maximum of 3 relays. More than that will only make your followers waste their mobile data getting your posts. Keep it simple. Out of the 3 relays, I recommend: - 1 large public, international relay: nos.lol, nostr.mom, relay.damus.io, etc. - 1 personal relay to store a copy of all your content in a place no one can delete. Go to relay.tools and never be censored again. - 1 really fast relay located in your country: paid options like http://nostr.wine are great

Do not include relays that block users from seeing posts in this list. If you do, no one will see your posts.

Public Inbox Relays

This relay type receives all replies, comments, likes, and zaps to your posts. If you are not getting notifications or you don't see replies from your friends, it is likely because you don't have the right setup here. If you are getting too much spam in your replies, it's probably because your inbox relays are not protecting you enough. Paid relays can filter inbox spam out.

Inbox relays must allow anyone to write into them. It's the opposite of the outbox relay. They can limit who can download the posts to their paid subscribers without affecting anyone's experience.

This list should have a maximum of 3 relays as well. Again, keep it small. More than that will just make you spend more of your data plan downloading the same notifications from all these different servers. Out of the 3 relays, I recommend: - 1 large public, international relay: nos.lol, nostr.mom, relay.damus.io, etc. - 1 personal relay to store a copy of your notifications, invites, cashu tokens and zaps. - 1 really fast relay located in your country: go to nostr.watch and find relays in your country

Terrible options include: - nostr.wine should not be here. - filter.nostr.wine should not be here. - inbox.nostr.wine should not be here.

DM Inbox Relays

These are the relays used to receive DMs and private content. Others will use these relays to send DMs to you. If you don't have it setup, you will miss DMs. DM Inbox relays should accept any message from anyone, but only allow you to download them.

Generally speaking, you only need 3 for reliability. One of them should be a personal relay to make sure you have a copy of all your messages. The others can be open if you want push notifications or closed if you want full privacy.

Good options are: - inbox.nostr.wine and auth.nostr1.com: anyone can send messages and only you can download. Not even our push notification server has access to them to notify you. - a personal relay to make sure no one can censor you. Advanced settings on personal relays can also store your DMs privately. Talk to your relay operator for more details. - a public relay if you want DM notifications from our servers.

Make sure to add at least one public relay if you want to see DM notifications.

Private Home Relays

Private Relays are for things no one should see, like your drafts, lists, app settings, bookmarks etc. Ideally, these relays are either local or require authentication before posting AND downloading each user\'s content. There are no dedicated relays for this category yet, so I would use a local relay like Citrine on Android and a personal relay on relay.tools.

Keep in mind that if you choose a local relay only, a client on the desktop might not be able to see the drafts from clients on mobile and vice versa.

Search relays:

This is the list of relays to use on Amethyst's search and user tagging with @. Tagging and searching will not work if there is nothing here.. This option requires NIP-50 compliance from each relay. Hit the Default button to use all available options on existence today: - nostr.wine - relay.nostr.band - relay.noswhere.com

Local Relays:

This is your local storage. Everything will load faster if it comes from this relay. You should install Citrine on Android and write ws://localhost:4869 in this option.

General Relays:

This section contains the default relays used to download content from your follows. Notice how you can activate and deactivate the Home, Messages (old-style DMs), Chat (public chats), and Global options in each.

Keep 5-6 large relays on this list and activate them for as many categories (Home, Messages (old-style DMs), Chat, and Global) as possible.

Amethyst will provide additional recommendations to this list from your follows with information on which of your follows might need the additional relay in your list. Add them if you feel like you are missing their posts or if it is just taking too long to load them.

My setup

Here's what I use: 1. Go to relay.tools and create a relay for yourself. 2. Go to nostr.wine and pay for their subscription. 3. Go to inbox.nostr.wine and pay for their subscription. 4. Go to nostr.watch and find a good relay in your country. 5. Download Citrine to your phone.

Then, on your relay lists, put:

Public Home/Outbox Relays: - nostr.wine - nos.lol or an in-country relay. - .nostr1.com

Public Inbox Relays - nos.lol or an in-country relay - .nostr1.com

DM Inbox Relays - inbox.nostr.wine - .nostr1.com

Private Home Relays - ws://localhost:4869 (Citrine) - .nostr1.com (if you want)

Search Relays - nostr.wine - relay.nostr.band - relay.noswhere.com

Local Relays - ws://localhost:4869 (Citrine)

General Relays - nos.lol - relay.damus.io - relay.primal.net - nostr.mom

And a few of the recommended relays from Amethyst.

Final Considerations

Remember, relays can see what your Nostr client is requesting and downloading at all times. They can track what you see and see what you like. They can sell that information to the highest bidder, they can delete your content or content that a sponsor asked them to delete (like a negative review for instance) and they can censor you in any way they see fit. Before using any random free relay out there, make sure you trust its operator and you know its terms of service and privacy policies.

@ 25902b10:4f7034d4

I recently sat on a panel where the topic was “Why Bitcoin?” So I’m going to share what I shared with the audience.

I originally started writing this as an Instagram or LinkedIn caption, but I just kept writing and writing because this topic is so dear to my heart. So I decided to turn it into an article. My first article, actually. I hope you find some value in it if you ever come across it. I’m not a professional writer, by the way, but I hope the message gets home.

I live by the mantra “living and not just existing.”

Have you ever sat down and asked yourself: Am I truly living life, or am I just existing/surviving? You know, wake up, work, pay bills, repeat. Same old, same old. Not exciting, right?

From my observations, and from reading and interacting with people, I’ve realized that most people are just existing and they don’t even know it. Why? Because they’re prisoners to the fiat system. This system keeps them tied to a never-ending treadmill. Every day, they wake up and chase money, but somehow it’s never enough. Inflation quietly steals the value of their hard-earned cash. So they have to work and work, juggle multiple side hustles, just to keep up with the rising cost of life. In reality, life isn't necessarily getting more expensive, it's that the value of your money is being corroded by inflation.

And by the way, have you ever deeply thought about hustle culture? In my honest opinion, having three side hustles or jobs isn’t the flex we’ve been conditioned to think it is. You know, “I’m chasing the bag, man.” Honestly? Not cute. Hustle culture is a response to a broken system. People need all those jobs just to stay afloat.

Look at our grandparents in the '80s. Many of them had a single job or one business, one paycheck, and it was enough. Enough to raise a family, pay school fees, rent, buy essentials, even save.

In 2025? That’s almost unheard of. Why? Inflation. Are you starting to see the nightmare that inflation really is?

Another thing people don’t realize is that when you’re constantly working, time just passes you by. Remember the fiat treadmill? Yeah, that one. You're stuck on it, running and running, chasing money, and you miss out on life. Time with family. Walks in the park. Travel. Hobbies. Rest. You lose the human experience. The actual living part.

So people keep chasing and chasing until the day they’re too old or too tired to keep up and that’s when it hits them: “I never truly lived.” And that realization? It’s heavy.

Fiat money, whether dollars, shillings, or euros, steals from you. It steals your time, your peace, your freedom. Most of the time, all you’re doing is chasing it, and even when you do catch it, it’s already lost some of its value.

The system is designed to keep you in survival mode, anxious, worried about the next paycheck, your bills, your future. It wears you down mentally, physically, emotionally. But not many people see it that way.

The good news? We now have Bitcoin. And I know it sounds crazy or cliché, but it fixes all of this. Let me explain.

Bitcoin is the soundest form of money we've ever had as humans. It’s decentralized, scarce, deflationary, permissionless, borderless. Bitcoin is for everyone.

Now let’s focus on two key aspects: scarcity and its deflationary nature.

Bitcoin’s supply is capped at 21 million coins. No one, not a single person or authority can create more. It can’t be printed at will like fiat. That’s what makes it powerful.

When governments print money, they dilute its value just like adding too much water to concentrated juice until it tastes like nothing. That’s what inflation is: dilution of your money’s value. And it never ends. With Bitcoin, there’s no dilution. It’s built to protect value. That’s what makes it the perfect hedge against inflation, it doesn’t lose purchasing power over time, it preserves it.

So what does that mean practically?

Let’s say you earn Ksh. 1,000 today. If you save it in bitcoin, two weeks, months, or even a year from now, its value is likely to be preserved or even increased. Unlike fiat, which loses value just sitting in your bank account, bitcoin holds on to your hard-earned energy. And this is what connects back to living and not just existing.

Bitcoin gives you the freedom to step off the treadmill. You don’t have to constantly hustle just to stay in place. You can breathe. Imagine that feeling after a long, intense workout, the moment you finally rest. That deep exhale. That’s what life on a Bitcoin standard feels like.

It gives you time. Time to be human. To go to the park. Swim in the ocean. Hike a mountain. Travel. Meet people. Explore cultures. LIVE.

Bitcoin also makes you a better person. The more you learn about it and the broken money system we’ve been stuck in, the more you begin to care. You start looking within. You want better for yourself, your community, humanity. Your thoughts shift. Your actions shift. Bitcoin has that effect. That’s why I say Bitcoin is healing energy.

And I can’t help but think of Michael Jackson’s “Heal the World.” Every line in that song describes the pain caused by a broken system and the world he wanted to see. I believe he would’ve loved what Bitcoin represents. Because it’s about healing. Freedom. Harmony.

So here’s my call to action: Study Bitcoin. Start paying attention. Don’t ignore it. I promise you, it changes everything. There are so many free online learning materials. There’s Bitcoin Twitter. Bitcoin communities all around the world. And of course, I’m here for any questions too.

I want the world to heal. I want to see more people enjoying the human experience. I want to see people spend time with their families, go to the park, swim in lakes/oceans and enjoy the simple pleasures of this beautiful earth.

I want more people to be in tune with themselves so we can all live in harmony, and the universe can be in harmony too.

We can heal the world. We can become happy souls. We can become LOVE: the true essence of life.

@ 6e0ea5d6:0327f353

"Malcolm Forbes recounts that a lady, wearing a faded cotton dress, and her husband, dressed in an old handmade suit, stepped off a train in Boston, USA, and timidly made their way to the office of the president of Harvard University. They had come from Palo Alto, California, and had not scheduled an appointment. The secretary, at a glance, thought that those two, looking like country bumpkins, had no business at Harvard.
— We want to speak with the president — the man said in a low voice.
— He will be busy all day — the secretary replied curtly.
— We will wait.
The secretary ignored them for hours, hoping the couple would finally give up and leave. But they stayed there, and the secretary, somewhat frustrated, decided to bother the president, although she hated doing that.
— If you speak with them for just a few minutes, maybe they will decide to go away — she said.
The president sighed in irritation but agreed. Someone of his importance did not have time to meet people like that, but he hated faded dresses and tattered suits in his office. With a stern face, he went to the couple.
— We had a son who studied at Harvard for a year — the woman said. — He loved Harvard and was very happy here, but a year ago he died in an accident, and we would like to erect a monument in his honor somewhere on campus.

— My lady — said the president rudely —, we cannot erect a statue for every person who studied at Harvard and died; if we did, this place would look like a cemetery.

— Oh, no — the lady quickly replied. — We do not want to erect a statue. We would like to donate a building to Harvard.

The president looked at the woman's faded dress and her husband's old suit and exclaimed:

— A building! Do you have even the faintest idea of how much a building costs? We have more than seven and a half million dollars' worth of buildings here at Harvard.

The lady was silent for a moment, then said to her husband:

— If that’s all it costs to found a university, why don’t we have our own?

The husband agreed.

The couple, Leland Stanford, stood up and left, leaving the president confused. Traveling back to Palo Alto, California, they established there Stanford University, the second-largest in the world, in honor of their son, a former Harvard student."

Text extracted from: "Mileumlivros - Stories that Teach Values."

Thank you for reading, my friend! If this message helped you in any way, consider leaving your glass “🥃” as a token of appreciation.

A toast to our family!

@ 4857600b:30b502f4

Mitch McConnell, a senior Republican senator, announced he will not seek reelection.

At 83 years old and with health issues, this decision was expected. After seven terms, he leaves a significant legacy in U.S. politics, known for his strategic maneuvering.

McConnell stated, “My current term in the Senate will be my last.” His retirement marks the end of an influential political era.

@ e97aaffa:2ebd765d

Num recente podcast, o Miguel Milhão falou sobre o crash nos mercados financeiros. No meio de muita conversa de macroeconomia e mercados financeiros, o convidado deixou alguns pontos interessantes, mas duas ideias ficaram no meu pensamento, infelizmente, ele não aprofundou, mas é algo que eu quero fazer futuramente.

Perda de paridade

A primeira ideia que o convidado apontou foi, a possibilidade da perda de paridade do papel-moeda e a CBDC, eu nunca tinha pensado neste ponto de vista.

Se os governos não conseguirem retirar de circulação todo o papel-moeda rapidamente, se houver circulação em simultâneo com a CBDC, o papel-moeda poderá ter um premium. Isto faz todo o sentido, os governos poderão dar oficialmente o mesmo valor facial, mas como nas CBDCs existirá mais controlo, restrições e monitorização, as pessoas vão preferir o papel-moeda, vão pagar um premium para manter a sua privacidade.

Na prática, será algo similar ao que acontece em alguns países onde existem algumas controlo de capitais, onde o dólar do mercado negro é superior ao dólar oficial. Os comerciantes também poderão fazer descontos superiores nos produtos quando são pagos com papel-moeda.

Isso poderá provocar um descolar do valor, a mesma moeda com valores diferentes, a oficial e do mercado negro. Isso poderá levar os governos a tomar medidas mais autoritárias para eliminar o papel-moeda de circulação.

Não sei se alguma vez acontecerá, mas é algo que eu tenho que refletir e aprofundar esta ideia.

RBU e Controlo

A outra ideia apontada pelo convidado, a CBDC será uma peça fundamental numa sociedade onde a maioria das pessoas sobrevivem com Rendimento Básico Universal (RBU).

Todos sabemos que a CBDC vai servir para os governos monitorar, fiscalizar e controlar os cidadãos. O ponto que eu nunca tinha pensado, é que esta pode ser essencial para a implementação do RBU. Se chegarmos a esse ponto, será o fim da liberdade dos cidadãos, onde o estado controla quando, quanto e onde o cidadão pode gastar o seu dinheiro. O estado irá determinar o valor do RBU e as CBDC vão determinar onde podes gastá-lo.

Penso que já não existem dúvidas que a AI e a robótica vão revolucionar o mundo laboral, vai provocar uma profunda queda nos postos de trabalho, profissões vão desaparecer ou vão reduzir drasticamente o número de funcionários.

Muitas pessoas consideram que a solução é o RBU, mas eu tenho muitas dificuldades em encontrar viabilidade económica e social numa sociedade onde a maioria recebe o RBU.

É a implementação do conceito: não terá nada, mas será feliz.

Será que as máquinas vão conseguir produzir tudo, o que os seres humanos necessitam, a um custo tão baixo, que vai deixar de ser necessário os humanos trabalharem? Tenho muitas dúvidas que essa possibilidade aconteça, se nós humanos não necessitarmos de trabalhar, vai se perder o incentivo para desenvolver novas tecnologias, gerar inovação e de evoluir a sociedade.

Eu já tenho refletido bastante sobre o RBU, mas por mais que pense, não consigo encontrar uma viabilidade económica para manter isto de pé. Onde vão buscar dinheiro para financiar uma percentagem expressiva de pessoas que sobreviverá com o RBU. Eu só olho para isto, como um comunismo com esteróides, talvez esteja errado.

Além dos problemas econômicos, eu acredito que isso vai gerar problemas sociais e de comportamento, vai gerar uma revolta social. Em primeiro lugar, existe uma parte de seres humanos que são ambiciosos, querem mais coisas, que vão lutar e vão conseguir mais. Depois existe outra parte, que é invejosa, quer ter mais, mas não consegue.

Uma sociedade onde quase ninguém trabalha, existindo demasiado tempo livre, vão emergir vícios e conflitos sociais. As pessoas com tempo para pensar reflectir sobre a sua vida e sobre a sociedade, alguns vão delirar, vão questionar tudo. Por isso, a religião desempenha um papel importante na sociedade, cria moralismo através de dogmas, os crentes não questionam, apenas seguem. Por vezes, a ignorância é uma bênção.

Isto faz lembrar-me o porquê das sociedades monogâmicas tornaram-se mais desenvolvidas, em comparação com as poligâmicas. A monogamia trouxe uma paz social à sociedade, existem muito menos conflitos e guerras, há mais harmonia. Milhões de anos de evolução das espécies, nos humanos e alguns animais, a natureza/genética trouxe um equilíbrio no número de nascimento de elementos masculinos e femininos. Mas nas sociedades poligâmicas, normalmente os homens mais ricos têm várias mulheres, consequentemente haveria outros homens que não teriam nenhuma mulher, isso resulta em maior revolta e conflitos sociais. Isto é pura matemática, se existe quase 50/50, de um homem tem 7 mulheres, isto resulta, que 6 homens não terão qualquer mulher. As religiões ao defenderem a monogamia, ao determinar que era pecado ter mais que uma mulher, resultaram em menos conflitos, numa maior paz social. Isso permitiu um maior desenvolvimento de sociedades monogâmicas, do que as poligâmicas.

Acabei por desviar um pouco do assunto. Além disso, o valor do RBU teria que ser elevado, para que permita aos cidadãos ter acesso ao desporto, aos espetáculos, futebol, viajar, para financiar os seus tempos livres. Se eu já acho difícil arranjar dinheiro para financiar a generalidade dos cidadãos, com produtos e serviços básicos, ainda será mais difícil ou impossível, se tiver que financiar os passatempos.

Em vez do RBU, ainda existe a opção do Imposto sobre o Rendimento Negativo (IRN), minimiza um pouco, mas o problema mantém-se. Aconselho a leitura do artigo do Tiago sobre o IRN.

Mas o mais interessante de tudo, os governos vão criar as CBDC para controlar os cidadãos, com a ideia distópica de criar mais paz social, mas eu acredito que resultará no seu inverso.

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São duas ideias que eu tenho que aprofundar, futuramente.

@ 23202132:eab3af30

Nos últimos quatro anos, desde seu lançamento em 2020, o Nostr evoluiu de um projeto experimental para um protocolo amplamente adotado por usuários e desenvolvedores em todo o mundo. Combinando inovação e simplicidade, o Nostr vem se destacando como uma rede social descentralizada e flexível.

Um dos aplicativos que tem ganhado atenção é o YakiHonne, disponível para Android e iOS. Este cliente Nostr vem se diferenciando por suas melhorias constantes e sua usabilidade intuitiva. Entre suas funcionalidades mais atraentes estão o sistema de pontuação por participação, a capacidade de fixar coleções e a possibilidade de publicar vídeos, podcasts, blogs e anotações curtas, tornando-o uma plataforma versátil e abrangente.

Apesar dos desafios que ainda enfrenta, como a necessidade de aprimorar a experiência do usuário e aumentar a adoção em massa, o Nostr se destaca por sua abordagem transparente e sua capacidade de evolução. Funcionalidades como a integração da Lightning Network para pagamentos rápidos e seguros, além do suporte a conteúdo multimídia, são exemplos claros da flexibilidade do protocolo.

Como um projeto de código aberto, o Nostr também se tornou um verdadeiro laboratório para desenvolvedores experimentarem novas ideias. Diversos serviços e funcionalidades estão em constante desenvolvimento, ampliando o ecossistema e abrindo novas possibilidades para o futuro da comunicação descentralizada.

Se você está buscando um aplicativo que seja baseado na rede Nostr, testar o YakiHonne pode ser uma forma de avaliar potencialidades e limites deste protocolo.

Saiba mais em https://yakihonne.com

@ 94a6a78a:0ddf320e

Nostr is a revolutionary protocol that enables decentralized, censorship-resistant communication. Unlike traditional social networks controlled by corporations, Nostr operates without central servers or gatekeepers. This openness makes it incredibly powerful—but also means its success depends entirely on users, developers, and relay operators.

If you believe in free speech, decentralization, and an open internet, there are many ways to support and strengthen the Nostr ecosystem. Whether you're a casual user, a developer, or someone looking to contribute financially, every effort helps build a more robust network.

Here’s how you can get involved and make a difference.

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1️⃣ Use Nostr Daily

The simplest and most effective way to contribute to Nostr is by using it regularly. The more active users, the stronger and more valuable the network becomes.

✅ Post, comment, and zap (send micro-payments via Bitcoin’s Lightning Network) to keep conversations flowing.\ ✅ Engage with new users and help them understand how Nostr works.\ ✅ Try different Nostr clients like Damus, Amethyst, Snort, or Primal and provide feedback to improve the experience.

Your activity keeps the network alive and helps encourage more developers and relay operators to invest in the ecosystem.

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2️⃣ Run Your Own Nostr Relay

Relays are the backbone of Nostr, responsible for distributing messages across the network. The more independent relays exist, the stronger and more censorship-resistant Nostr becomes.

✅ Set up your own relay to help decentralize the network further.\ ✅ Experiment with relay configurations and different performance optimizations.\ ✅ Offer public or private relay services to users looking for high-quality infrastructure.

If you're not technical, you can still support relay operators by subscribing to a paid relay or donating to open-source relay projects.

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3️⃣ Support Paid Relays & Infrastructure

Free relays have helped Nostr grow, but they struggle with spam, slow speeds, and sustainability issues. Paid relays help fund better infrastructure, faster message delivery, and a more reliable experience.

✅ Subscribe to a paid relay to help keep it running.\ ✅ Use premium services like media hosting (e.g., Azzamo Blossom) to decentralize content storage.\ ✅ Donate to relay operators who invest in long-term infrastructure.

By funding Nostr’s decentralized backbone, you help ensure its longevity and reliability.

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4️⃣ Zap Developers, Creators & Builders

Many people contribute to Nostr without direct financial compensation—developers who build clients, relay operators, educators, and content creators. You can support them with zaps! ⚡

✅ Find developers working on Nostr projects and send them a zap.\ ✅ Support content creators and educators who spread awareness about Nostr.\ ✅ Encourage builders by donating to open-source projects.

Micro-payments via the Lightning Network make it easy to directly support the people who make Nostr better.

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5️⃣ Develop New Nostr Apps & Tools

If you're a developer, you can build on Nostr’s open protocol to create new apps, bots, or tools. Nostr is permissionless, meaning anyone can develop for it.

✅ Create new Nostr clients with unique features and user experiences.\ ✅ Build bots or automation tools that improve engagement and usability.\ ✅ Experiment with decentralized identity, authentication, and encryption to make Nostr even stronger.

With no corporate gatekeepers, your projects can help shape the future of decentralized social media.

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6️⃣ Promote & Educate Others About Nostr

Adoption grows when more people understand and use Nostr. You can help by spreading awareness and creating educational content.

✅ Write blogs, guides, and tutorials explaining how to use Nostr.\ ✅ Make videos or social media posts introducing new users to the protocol.\ ✅ Host discussions, Twitter Spaces, or workshops to onboard more people.

The more people understand and trust Nostr, the stronger the ecosystem becomes.

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7️⃣ Support Open-Source Nostr Projects

Many Nostr tools and clients are built by volunteers, and open-source projects thrive on community support.

✅ Contribute code to existing Nostr projects on GitHub.\ ✅ Report bugs and suggest features to improve Nostr clients.\ ✅ Donate to developers who keep Nostr free and open for everyone.

If you're not a developer, you can still help with testing, translations, and documentation to make projects more accessible.

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🚀 Every Contribution Strengthens Nostr

Whether you:

✔️ Post and engage daily\ ✔️ Zap creators and developers\ ✔️ Run or support relays\ ✔️ Build new apps and tools\ ✔️ Educate and onboard new users

Every action helps make Nostr more resilient, decentralized, and unstoppable.

Nostr isn’t just another social network—it’s a movement toward a free and open internet. If you believe in digital freedom, privacy, and decentralization, now is the time to get involved.

@ 9e69e420:d12360c2

President Trump has intensified immigration enforcement, likening it to a wartime effort. Despite pouring resources into the U.S. Immigration and Customs Enforcement (ICE), arrest numbers are declining and falling short of goals. ICE fell from about 800 daily arrests in late January to fewer than 600 in early February.

Critics argue the administration is merely showcasing efforts with ineffectiveness, while Trump seeks billions more in funding to support his deportation agenda. Increased involvement from various federal agencies is intended to assist ICE, but many lack specific immigration training.

Challenges persist, as fewer immigrants are available for quick deportation due to a decline in illegal crossings. Local sheriffs are also pressured by rising demands to accommodate immigrants, which may strain resources further.

@ 23202132:eab3af30

Executar uma IA local (como LLaMA.cpp, whisper.cpp, etc.) em um mini PC ou Raspberry Pi, combinada com um relay SimpleX privado rodando via .onion (com Tor), permite que você tenha um assistente pessoal inteligente sem depender de intermediários. Isso evita, por exemplo, o vazamento de dados sensíveis para empresas proprietárias dessas inteligências artificiais.

Ideal para pesquisadores que utilizam esse tipo de assistente, mas ainda estão em fase de sigilo em seus estudos e experimentos. Também é perfeito para entusiastas de privacidade, autonomia e independência tecnológica. Como tarefa de aula para alunos de programação e redes, pode ser um projeto interessante e desafiador.

O SimpleX Chat é um sistema de mensagens bastante flexível, permitindo diversas personalizações, inclusive que o usuário execute seus próprios relays de transmissão. Nesse sentido, instalar um relay e conectá-lo a uma inteligência artificial rodando localmente no computador é uma tarefa relativamente fácil.

O principal desafio está em criar um bot intermediário que:

Recebe mensagens no relay,

Passa a entrada para a IA local,

Coleta a resposta gerada pela IA,

E a envia de volta via SimpleX.

Para garantir total privacidade, todo o tráfego deve ocorrer via rede onion.

Como implementar na prática? É necessário:

Um relay simplexmq rodando via Tor (.onion).

Uma IA local (LLaMA.cpp, whisper.cpp ou outra de preferência do desenvolvedor) instalada no computador.

Com esses dois elementos configurados, basta criar um script (em Python, por exemplo) para:

Ler mensagens recebidas,

Encaminhá-las à IA local,

Capturar a resposta e enviá-la via protocolo SMP (SimpleX Messaging Protocol).

Resultado? Um sistema privado de comunicação com assistente inteligente: ✔ Sem servidores de terceiros, ✔ Sem nuvem, ✔ Sem Google, OpenAI ou qualquer outra empresa de IA. ✔ Tudo via Tor, tudo criptografado. ✔ Você interage com uma IA local, com zero risco de vazamento de dados.

Principais desafios técnicos (nada impossível!) Implementar um cliente SimpleX (script em Python) no lado da IA, pois o relay sozinho não envia mensagens — ele apenas as entrega entre peers conectados.

O protocolo SimpleX ainda não tem um cliente CLI oficial, mas é possível usar bibliotecas emergentes ou implementar comunicação em nível de socket com base na documentação do protocolo.

@ fd208ee8:0fd927c1

E-cash are coupons or tokens for Bitcoin, or Bitcoin debt notes that the mint issues. The e-cash states, essentially, "IoU 2900 sats".

They're redeemable for Bitcoin on Lightning (hard money), and therefore can be used as cash (softer money), so long as the mint has a good reputation. That means that they're less fungible than Lightning because the e-cash from one mint can be more or less valuable than the e-cash from another. If a mint is buggy, offline, or disappears, then the e-cash is unreedemable.

It also means that e-cash is more anonymous than Lightning, and that the sender and receiver's wallets don't need to be online, to transact. Nutzaps now add the possibility of parking transactions one level farther out, on a relay. The same relays that cannot keep npub profiles and follow lists consistent will now do monetary transactions.

What we then have is * a transaction on a relay that triggers * a transaction on a mint that triggers * a transaction on Lightning that triggers * a transaction on Bitcoin.

Which means that every relay that stores the nuts is part of a wildcat banking system. Which is fine, but relay operators should consider whether they wish to carry the associated risks and liabilities. They should also be aware that they should implement the appropriate features in their relay, such as expiration tags (nuts rot after 2 weeks), and to make sure that only expired nuts are deleted.

There will be plenty of specialized relays for this, so don't feel pressured to join in, and research the topic carefully, for yourself.

https://github.com/nostr-protocol/nips/blob/master/60.md https://github.com/nostr-protocol/nips/blob/master/61.md

@ 23202132:eab3af30

Ter um segundo sistema de mensagens é importante para uso com a família ou grupo de amigos, especialmente naqueles casos em que o WhatsApp é invadido para aplicar golpes nos seus contatos ou, ainda, por conta de bloqueios judiciais que alguns governantes consideram necessários impor. Nesses casos — entre outros possíveis problemas — possuir um segundo sistema de mensagens pode garantir a continuidade da comunicação com seus amigos ou familiares.

Como sistemas de mensagem alternativos, os aplicativos Mixin, Session e Simplex se destacam, cada um com funcionalidades bem distintas. Um fator importante é o grau de dificuldade para usuários com pouca ou nenhuma familiaridade na configuração de aplicativos. Nesse sentido, a escolha do aplicativo deve levar em conta o perfil das pessoas que irão usá-lo.

O aplicativo mais fácil de operar para quem já usa WhatsApp é, sem dúvidas, o Mixin Messenger. Ele permite o cadastro com o número do celular, em uma lógica muito semelhante ao WhatsApp. Para os mais exigentes em relação à privacidade, é possível criar uma conta sem uso de e-mails ou número de telefone. Assim, atende tanto ao usuário acostumado ao WhatsApp quanto àquele que prefere algo com menor vínculo de identificação, ao eliminar dados de contato.

Já o Session oferece a criação de contas totalmente desvinculadas de qualquer dado pessoal, sem necessidade de e-mail ou número de telefone. No entanto, ao criar uma conta, é gerado um ID totalmente aleatório e uma seed (13 palavras) que serve como senha. Se você perder essa seed, perderá o acesso à conta. Essa forma de cadastro garante total privacidade, mas exige cuidado por parte do usuário em armazenar bem a seed. É ideal para grupos com alguma familiaridade no uso de palavras-chave. Usuários acostumados a recuperar senhas com frequência geralmente não dão a devida importância à segurança dessas seeds.

O Simplex é o que há de mais radical em termos de privacidade até o momento — mas é importante lembrar que mais privacidade também significa mais complexidade. A alta privacidade exige uma combinação equilibrada entre comportamento e tecnologia, algo mais comum entre usuários com perfil técnico. Nesse sentido, o Simplex geralmente é utilizado por grupos com algum conhecimento tecnológico e hábitos de segurança digital. Ele permite, por exemplo, que o próprio usuário hospede seu relay na rede Onion, em um Raspberry Pi ou outro tipo de computador.

Uma característica que torna o Simplex tão radical é o fato de não gerar um ID fixo nem utilizar servidores convencionais para trafegar mensagens, além de não coletar metadados. No entanto, isso pode representar dificuldades para usuários sem experiência com tecnologias de comunicação.

Basicamente, se você pretende usar um aplicativo de mensagens alternativo com um grupo inexperiente, o Mixin pode ser a melhor escolha. Já se os familiares e amigos têm mais desenvoltura com tecnologia, o Session pode ser uma excelente alternativa. O Simplex, por outro lado, pode gerar dor de cabeça para grupos inexperientes, dada sua complexidade de uso. No Simplex não há recuperação automatizada de conta com arquivos na nuvem ou qualquer recurso semelhante — é necessário o hábito de realizar backups manuais com alguma frequência. A configuração inicial também pode gerar confusão para usuários não técnicos. Por isso, o Simplex é uma boa escolha apenas para grupos com alguma desenvoltura tecnológica. Para pessoas experientes, ele oferece total personalização e privacidade.

Em termos de segurança, todos os três aplicativos oferecem privacidade e resistência à censura, não são atraentes para golpistas e são difíceis de bloquear. Isso é importante se você está buscando um sistema de mensagens alternativo justamente para manter a comunicação ativa em caso de problemas com seu mensageiro principal. Mas não se esqueça de considerar qual é o perfil dos usuários do seu grupo de contatos.

@ 7d33ba57:1b82db35

Sofia might surprise you. One of Europe’s oldest cities, it's a place where Roman ruins, Ottoman mosques, Orthodox churches, Soviet monuments, and hip street art all live side by side. Add in mountain views, leafy parks, and a rising food and coffee scene, and you’ve got a laid-back, history-rich capital that’s still flying under the radar.

🌟 What to See in Sofia

1️⃣ Alexander Nevsky Cathedral

• The city’s iconic symbol, with golden domes and an ornate Orthodox interior
• Free to enter, and worth visiting at sunset when the light hits the gold just right

2️⃣ Roman Ruins of Serdica

• Right in the heart of the city, you can walk through the excavated streets and buildings of ancient Serdica
• Look down through glass panels or walk among ruins near the Largo complex

3️⃣ St. George Rotunda

• A 4th-century red-brick church tucked behind government buildings
• One of the oldest and most atmospheric sites in Sofia

4️⃣ Vitosha Boulevard

• The city’s main pedestrian street, lined with shops, cafés, and mountain views
• Great for people-watching, especially at a terrace with a rakia or local craft beer

5️⃣ National Palace of Culture (NDK)

• A massive cultural center with striking architecture and gardens
• Surrounded by a wide boulevard that's great for walks or grabbing snacks from nearby vendors

⛰️ Escape to Nature: Vitosha Mountain

• Just outside the city, Vitosha Mountain is a paradise for hikers, skiers, or picnickers
• Visit Boyana Church (UNESCO site) and hike to Boyana Waterfall
• In winter: great for a quick ski day
• In summer: cool breezes and panoramic city views

🍽️ What to Eat in Sofia

• Shopska salad – Fresh, simple, and topped with white cheese
• Kavarma – Slow-cooked meat and vegetables in clay pots
• Banitsa – A flaky pastry filled with cheese or pumpkin
• Wash it down with rakia (fruit brandy) or local wines from Melnik or the Thracian Valley

🎯 Tips for Visiting Sofia

✅ Affordable and uncrowded—a great value destination
✅ Currency: Bulgarian lev (BGN)
✅ Most signs use both Cyrillic and Latin alphabets, but a few phrases in Bulgarian go a long way
✅ Spring and fall offer the best weather for exploring both city and mountain

@ 0fa80bd3:ea7325de

intro

The Russian state made me a Bitcoiner. In 1991, it devalued my grandmother's hard-earned savings. She worked tirelessly in the kitchen of a dining car on the Moscow–Warsaw route. Everything she had saved for my sister and me to attend university vanished overnight. This story is similar to what many experienced, including Wences Casares. The pain and injustice of that time became my first lessons about the fragility of systems and the value of genuine, incorruptible assets, forever changing my perception of money and my trust in government promises.

In 2014, I was living in Moscow, running a trading business, and frequently traveling to China. One day, I learned about the Cypriot banking crisis and the possibility of moving money through some strange thing called Bitcoin. At the time, I didn’t give it much thought. Returning to the idea six months later, as a business-oriented geek, I eagerly began studying the topic and soon dove into it seriously.

I spent half a year reading articles on a local online journal, BitNovosti, actively participating in discussions, and eventually joined the editorial team as a translator. That’s how I learned about whitepapers, decentralization, mining, cryptographic keys, and colored coins. About Satoshi Nakamoto, Silk Road, Mt. Gox, and BitcoinTalk. Over time, I befriended the journal’s owner and, leveraging my management experience, later became an editor. I was drawn to the crypto-anarchist stance and commitment to decentralization principles. We wrote about the economic, historical, and social preconditions for Bitcoin’s emergence, and it was during this time that I fully embraced the idea.

It got to the point where I sold my apartment and, during the market's downturn, bought 50 bitcoins, just after the peak price of $1,200 per coin. That marked the beginning of my first crypto winter. As an editor, I organized workflows, managed translators, developed a YouTube channel, and attended conferences in Russia and Ukraine. That’s how I learned about Wences Casares and even wrote a piece about him. I also met Mikhail Chobanyan (Ukrainian exchange Kuna), Alexander Ivanov (Waves project), Konstantin Lomashuk (Lido project), and, of course, Vitalik Buterin. It was a time of complete immersion, 24/7, and boundless hope.

After moving to the United States, I expected the industry to grow rapidly, attended events, but the introduction of BitLicense froze the industry for eight years. By 2017, it became clear that the industry was shifting toward gambling and creating tokens for the sake of tokens. I dismissed this idea as unsustainable. Then came a new crypto spring with the hype around beautiful NFTs – CryptoPunks and apes.

I made another attempt – we worked on a series called Digital Nomad Country Club, aimed at creating a global project. The proceeds from selling images were intended to fund the development of business tools for people worldwide. However, internal disagreements within the team prevented us from completing the project.

With Trump’s arrival in 2025, hope was reignited. I decided that it was time to create a project that society desperately needed. As someone passionate about history, I understood that destroying what exists was not the solution, but leaving everything as it was also felt unacceptable. You can’t destroy the system, as the fiery crypto-anarchist voices claimed.

With an analytical mindset (IQ 130) and a deep understanding of the freest societies, I realized what was missing—not only in Russia or the United States but globally—a Bitcoin-native system for tracking debts and financial interactions. This could return control of money to ordinary people and create horizontal connections parallel to state systems. My goal was to create, if not a Bitcoin killer app, then at least to lay its foundation.

At the inauguration event in New York, I rediscovered the Nostr project. I realized it was not only technologically simple and already quite popular but also perfectly aligned with my vision. For the past month and a half, using insights and experience gained since 2014, I’ve been working full-time on this project.

@ f57bac88:6045161e

شاهباز یکی از نام‌های کهن و پررمزوراز در فرهنگ ایرانی است که در طول تاریخ به عنوان نمادی از قدرت، بلندپروازی، و فره‌ایزدی شناخته شده است. این پرنده که از نظر زیست‌شناسی به شاهین یا باز شکاری شباهت دارد، در ادبیات، هنر، اسطوره‌شناسی و فرهنگ ایران جایگاه ویژه‌ای داشته است. در این نوشتار به بررسی جایگاه شاهباز در ایران باستان، نمادشناسی آن، حضورش در داستان‌های اساطیری و تعبیر دیدن این پرنده در خواب خواهیم پرداخت.

شاهباز در ایران باستان

در دوران ایران باستان، پرندگان شکاری مانند شاهین، عقاب و شاهباز جایگاه ویژه‌ای داشتند و اغلب با مفاهیمی همچون پادشاهی، جنگاوری و حمایت الهی پیوند خورده بودند. شاهباز به عنوان پرنده‌ای که در اوج آسمان پرواز می‌کند، نماد ارتباط میان زمین و آسمان و حامل پیام‌های ایزدی به‌شمار می‌رفت.

یکی از جلوه‌های برجسته‌ی شاهباز در تمدن هخامنشی و ساسانی، حضور آن بر روی برخی آثار هنری و پرچم‌های شاهنشاهی است. عقاب و باز به عنوان نگهبانان شاهان و فرماندهان در هنرهای ایران باستان دیده می‌شوند. برخی پژوهشگران معتقدند که "درفش کاویانی" که نماد پادشاهی ایران بوده، تصاویری از این پرنده بر خود داشته است.

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شاهباز در داستان‌های اساطیری و نمادها

در داستان‌های کهن ایرانی، شاهباز جایگاه ویژه‌ای دارد و اغلب در کنار قهرمانان و شخصیت‌های برجسته‌ی اسطوره‌ای دیده می‌شود.

1. شاهباز و زال در شاهنامه\ در داستان تولد زال، سیمرغ که خود پرنده‌ای اساطیری و نماد خرد است، زال را از کوه البرز نجات می‌دهد و پرورش می‌دهد. برخی روایت‌ها بر این باورند که شاهباز نیز می‌تواند یکی از اشکال سیمرغ باشد، پرنده‌ای که همواره همراه شاهان و پهلوانان بوده است.
2. شاهباز در نمادشناسی عرفانی\ در عرفان اسلامی و ایرانی، شاهباز به عنوان نمادی از روح بلندپرواز، خرد و آزادی مطرح است. این پرنده نماد انسانی است که از قیدهای مادی رهایی یافته و به سوی حقیقت پرواز می‌کند. مولانا و عطار در اشعار خود به این مفهوم اشاره کرده‌اند.
3. شاهباز در فرهنگ پهلوی و زرتشتی\ در آیین زرتشتی، پرندگان بلندپرواز همچون شاهباز و عقاب به عنوان نیروهای روشنی در برابر تاریکی و نمادی از فره‌وشی (روح‌های نگهبان) در نظر گرفته می‌شدند. آن‌ها به عنوان فرستادگان اهورامزدا برای هدایت انسان‌ها شناخته می‌شدند.

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معانی دیدن شاهباز در خواب و رویا

دیدن شاهباز در خواب تعابیر مختلفی دارد که به فرهنگ، باورهای شخصی و شرایط زندگی بیننده بستگی دارد:

• دیدن شاهباز در حال پرواز: نشانه‌ی قدرت، موفقیت و ارتقای مقام در زندگی.
• نشستن شاهباز بر دست: نشان از عزت، شکوه و دریافت نعمتی بزرگ.
• دیدن شاهباز زخمی یا در بند: ممکن است اشاره به موانع و مشکلات در مسیر موفقیت داشته باشد.
• رهایی شاهباز از قفس: نمادی از آزادی از محدودیت‌ها و ورود به مرحله‌ای جدید از زندگی.

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شاهباز در هنر و فرهنگ معاصر

امروزه نیز شاهباز در هنر، شعر و موسیقی ایرانی جایگاه ویژه‌ای دارد. بسیاری از شاعران از این پرنده به عنوان نماد شکوه و آزادی یاد کرده‌اند. در ادبیات معاصر و حتی نام‌گذاری افراد، شاهباز همچنان جایگاه خود را حفظ کرده است.

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نتیجه‌گیری

شاهباز یکی از نمادهای مهم در فرهنگ و تاریخ ایران است که از دوران باستان تاکنون، جایگاهی ویژه در اسطوره‌ها، هنر، ادبیات و باورهای مردمی داشته است. این پرنده نماد قدرت، خرد، آزادی و ارتباط با آسمان بوده و همچنان در ذهن و دل ایرانیان جای دارد.

@ 6e0ea5d6:0327f353

Ascolta.

We live in times where the average man is measured by the speeches he gives — not by the commitments he keeps. People talk about dreams, goals, promises… but what truly remains is what’s honored in the silence of small gestures, in actions that don’t seek applause, in attitudes unseen — yet speak volumes.

Punctuality, for example. Showing up on time isn’t about the clock. It’s about respect. Respect for another’s time, yes — but more importantly, respect for one’s own word. A man who is late without reason is already running late in his values. And the one who excuses his own lateness with sweet justifications slowly gets used to mediocrity.

Keeping your word is more than fulfilling promises. It is sealing, with the mouth, what the body must later uphold. Every time a man commits to something, he creates a moral debt with his own dignity. And to break that commitment is to declare bankruptcy — not in the eyes of others, but in front of himself.

And debts? Even the small ones — or especially the small ones — are precise thermometers of character. A forgotten sum, an unpaid favor, a commitment left behind… all of these reveal the structure of the inner building that man resides in. He who neglects the small is merely rehearsing for his future collapse.

Life, contrary to what the reckless say, is not built on grand deeds. It is built with small bricks, laid with almost obsessive precision. The truly great man is the one who respects the details — recognizing in them a code of conduct.

In Sicily, especially in the streets of Palermo, I learned early on that there is more nobility in paying a five-euro debt on time than in flaunting riches gained without word, without honor, without dignity.

As they say in Palermo: L’uomo si conosce dalle piccole cose.

So, amico mio, Don’t talk to me about greatness if you can’t show up on time. Don’t talk to me about respect if your word is fickle. And above all, don’t talk to me about honor if you still owe what you once promised — no matter how small.

Thank you for reading, my friend!

If this message resonated with you, consider leaving your "🥃" as a token of appreciation.

A toast to our family!

@ e3ba5e1a:5e433365

My favorite line in any Marvel movie ever is in “Captain America.” After Captain America launches seemingly a hopeless assault on Red Skull’s base and is captured, we get this line:

“Arrogance may not be a uniquely American trait, but I must say, you do it better than anyone.”

Yesterday, I came across a comment on the song Devil Went Down to Georgia that had a very similar feel to it:

America has seemingly always been arrogant, in a uniquely American way. Manifest Destiny, for instance. The rest of the world is aware of this arrogance, and mocks Americans for it. A central point in modern US politics is the deriding of racist, nationalist, supremacist Americans.

That’s not what I see. I see American Arrogance as not only a beautiful statement about what it means to be American. I see it as an ode to the greatness of humanity in its purest form.

For most countries, saying “our nation is the greatest” is, in fact, twinged with some level of racism. I still don’t have a problem with it. Every group of people should be allowed to feel pride in their accomplishments. The destruction of the human spirit since the end of World War 2, where greatness has become a sin and weakness a virtue, has crushed the ability of people worldwide to strive for excellence.

But I digress. The fears of racism and nationalism at least have a grain of truth when applied to other nations on the planet. But not to America.

That’s because the definition of America, and the prototype of an American, has nothing to do with race. The definition of Americanism is freedom. The founding of America is based purely on liberty. On the God-given rights of every person to live life the way they see fit.

American Arrogance is not a statement of racial superiority. It’s barely a statement of national superiority (though it absolutely is). To me, when an American comments on the greatness of America, it’s a statement about freedom. Freedom will always unlock the greatness inherent in any group of people. Americans are definitionally better than everyone else, because Americans are freer than everyone else. (Or, at least, that’s how it should be.)

In Devil Went Down to Georgia, Johnny is approached by the devil himself. He is challenged to a ridiculously lopsided bet: a golden fiddle versus his immortal soul. He acknowledges the sin in accepting such a proposal. And yet he says, “God, I know you told me not to do this. But I can’t stand the affront to my honor. I am the greatest. The devil has nothing on me. So God, I’m gonna sin, but I’m also gonna win.”

Libertas magnitudo est

@ 6e0ea5d6:0327f353

Ascolta bene.
A man’s collapse never begins on the battlefield.
It begins in the invisible antechamber of his own mind.
Before any public fall, there is an ignored internal whisper—
a small, quiet, private decision that gradually drags him toward ruin.

No empire ever fell without first rotting from within.
The world does not destroy a man who hasn’t first surrendered to himself.
The enemy outside only wins when it finds space in the void the man has silently carved.

**Non ti sbagliare ** — there are no armies more ruthless than undisciplined thoughts.
There are no blows more fatal than the ones we deal ourselves:
with small concessions, well-crafted excuses,
and the slow deterioration of our integrity.
What people call failure is nothing more than the logical outcome
of a sequence of internal betrayals.

Afraid of the world? Sciocchezze.
But a man who’s already bowed before his own weaknesses—
he needs no enemies.
He digs his own grave, chooses the epitaph,
and the only thing the world does is toss in some dirt.

Capisci?

Strength isn’t the absence of falling, but the presence of resistance.
The true battle isn’t external.
It takes place within—where there’s only you, your conscience, and the mirror.
And it’s in that silent courtroom where everything is decided.

The discipline to say “no” to yourself
is more noble than any public glory.
Self-control is more valuable than any victory over others.

In Sicily, we learn early:
“Cu s’abbrazza cu’ so’ nemicu, si scorda la faccia di l’amicu.”
He who embraces his enemy forgets the face of his friend.
The most dangerous enemy is the one you feed daily with self-indulgence.
And the most relentless confrontation is the one you avoid in front of the mirror.

So don’t talk to me about external defeats.
Tell me where inside you the weakness began.
Tell me the exact moment you abandoned what you believed in, in the name of ease.
Because a man only falls before the world… after falling before himself.

Thank you for reading, my friend!

If this message resonated with you, consider leaving your "🥃" as a token of appreciation.

A toast to our family!

@ daa41bed:88f54153

There has been a good bit of discussion on Nostr over the past few days about the merits of zaps as a method of engaging with notes, so after writing a rather lengthy article on the pros of a strategic Bitcoin reserve, I wanted to take some time to chime in on the much more fun topic of digital engagement.

Let's begin by defining a couple of things:

Nostr is a decentralized, censorship-resistance protocol whose current biggest use case is social media (think Twitter/X). Instead of relying on company servers, it relies on relays that anyone can spin up and own their own content. Its use cases are much bigger, though, and this article is hosted on my own relay, using my own Nostr relay as an example.

Zap is a tip or donation denominated in sats (small units of Bitcoin) sent from one user to another. This is generally done directly over the Lightning Network but is increasingly using Cashu tokens. For the sake of this discussion, how you transmit/receive zaps will be irrelevant, so don't worry if you don't know what Lightning or Cashu are.

If we look at how users engage with posts and follows/followers on platforms like Twitter, Facebook, etc., it becomes evident that traditional social media thrives on engagement farming. The more outrageous a post, the more likely it will get a reaction. We see a version of this on more visual social platforms like YouTube and TikTok that use carefully crafted thumbnail images to grab the user's attention to click the video. If you'd like to dive deep into the psychology and science behind social media engagement, let me know, and I'd be happy to follow up with another article.

In this user engagement model, a user is given the option to comment or like the original post, or share it among their followers to increase its signal. They receive no value from engaging with the content aside from the dopamine hit of the original experience or having their comment liked back by whatever influencer they provide value to. Ad revenue flows to the content creator. Clout flows to the content creator. Sales revenue from merch and content placement flows to the content creator. We call this a linear economy -- the idea that resources get created, used up, then thrown away. Users create content and farm as much engagement as possible, then the content is forgotten within a few hours as they move on to the next piece of content to be farmed.

What if there were a simple way to give value back to those who engage with your content? By implementing some value-for-value model -- a circular economy. Enter zaps.

Unlike traditional social media platforms, Nostr does not actively use algorithms to determine what content is popular, nor does it push content created for active user engagement to the top of a user's timeline. Yes, there are "trending" and "most zapped" timelines that users can choose to use as their default, but these use relatively straightforward engagement metrics to rank posts for these timelines.

That is not to say that we may not see clients actively seeking to refine timeline algorithms for specific metrics. Still, the beauty of having an open protocol with media that is controlled solely by its users is that users who begin to see their timeline gamed towards specific algorithms can choose to move to another client, and for those who are more tech-savvy, they can opt to run their own relays or create their own clients with personalized algorithms and web of trust scoring systems.

Zaps enable the means to create a new type of social media economy in which creators can earn for creating content and users can earn by actively engaging with it. Like and reposting content is relatively frictionless and costs nothing but a simple button tap. Zaps provide active engagement because they signal to your followers and those of the content creator that this post has genuine value, quite literally in the form of money—sats.

I have seen some comments on Nostr claiming that removing likes and reactions is for wealthy people who can afford to send zaps and that the majority of people in the US and around the world do not have the time or money to zap because they have better things to spend their money like feeding their families and paying their bills. While at face value, these may seem like valid arguments, they, unfortunately, represent the brainwashed, defeatist attitude that our current economic (and, by extension, social media) systems aim to instill in all of us to continue extracting value from our lives.

Imagine now, if those people dedicating their own time (time = money) to mine pity points on social media would instead spend that time with genuine value creation by posting content that is meaningful to cultural discussions. Imagine if, instead of complaining that their posts get no zaps and going on a tirade about how much of a victim they are, they would empower themselves to take control of their content and give value back to the world; where would that leave us? How much value could be created on a nascent platform such as Nostr, and how quickly could it overtake other platforms?

Other users argue about user experience and that additional friction (i.e., zaps) leads to lower engagement, as proven by decades of studies on user interaction. While the added friction may turn some users away, does that necessarily provide less value? I argue quite the opposite. You haven't made a few sats from zaps with your content? Can't afford to send some sats to a wallet for zapping? How about using the most excellent available resource and spending 10 seconds of your time to leave a comment? Likes and reactions are valueless transactions. Social media's real value derives from providing monetary compensation and actively engaging in a conversation with posts you find interesting or thought-provoking. Remember when humans thrived on conversation and discussion for entertainment instead of simply being an onlooker of someone else's life?

If you've made it this far, my only request is this: try only zapping and commenting as a method of engagement for two weeks. Sure, you may end up liking a post here and there, but be more mindful of how you interact with the world and break yourself from blind instinct. You'll thank me later.

@ dbb19ae0:c3f22d5a

1. Downloading the linux package (1.8GB) https://cortex.so/docs/installation
2. Installing Cortex on linux is done via dpkg note: it requires 2 linux packages (openmpi-bin and libopenmpi-dev) sudo apt-get install openmpi-bin libopenmpi-dev prior to run sudo dpkg -i cortex-1.0.9-linux-amd64-local-installer.deb

3. When running Cortex, cortex start a local implementation will be running on http://127.0.0.1:39281

4. Using python it is possible to run queries make sure the model name is correct you can double check the value using: cortex ps

Now the python program to run one little query: ``` python import requests

url = "http://127.0.0.1:39281/v1/chat/completions"

headers = {"Content-Type": "application/json"}

payload = { "model": "tinyllama:1b-gguf", "messages": [ { "role": "user", "content": "Write a joke" } ], "stream": False, "max_tokens": 128, "stop": ["End"], "frequency_penalty": 0.2, "presence_penalty": 0.6, "temperature": 0.8, "top_p": 0.95, }

response = requests.post(url, json=payload, headers=headers)

print(response.json()) ```

@ 2e8970de:63345c7a

(source)

• Notice how "social" stuff like therapy and finding purpose is up massively, now all first 3 spots.
• All the "new" stuff is down. You won't get new ideas out of chatGPT, explore topics of interest, or research. It only spits back at you what you said to it. Nothing new, nothing creative or unexpected.
• Coding is new this year? Really?

originally posted at https://stacker.news/items/943133

@ df478568:2a951e67

Freedom tech is free and open-source software. It is free as in freedom. A common license in FOSS is the MIT license. It's the license behind Bitcoin, a peer-to-peer electronic cash system. Anyone is free to run this software. The same is true for the software at mempool.space. The software is free to use. I run it on my own server.

This is what I use to time-stamp my articles. You can use it to check transactions on the bitcoin time chain, but you need to trust that I'm not doing any funny business. I'm not, but keep in mind, the whole point of p2p elwctronic cash is that you don't trust. You verify.

The beauty of FOSS is: You don't need to trust me. You can triple-check the transactions you search on my mempool instance by looking at the official mempool.space website and blockchain.info...Or...You can run your own node on your own hardware, free of charge.

Of course, the hardware is not free. Neither is the actual bitcoin. The freedom is built into the software, but as the saying goes, "freedom isn't free." It took me years to learn how to run my own software on my own server and make it available on the clear net.

SearXNG

SearXNG is my favorite search engine. I don't like giving up my precious data to big tech located in the United States or China. I run my own search engine. I have noticed certain biases in Google searches. The biggest problem is ads.

Companies tend to pay for Yelp and Google reviews. I called an AC company I found from a local magazine that came in the mail. A portly man wearing an HVAC costume drove to my house in a white van. He had a great smile and even better social skills. The van had a slogan plastered on it like most tradie vans do. "Reviews Matter We have a 4.9 Review on Google." He also had his name painted on this van like a Bomber pilot from WW2. I won't dox him, but it was something like "Joe the closer."

I don't trust the omnipotenence of the Googs. I also don't trust fat men they call "the closer" to give me the best deal. The trick to saving sats is to choose the game-theory optimal way of negogiation.

In DUCY, by David Sklansky, I learned useful negotiation skills. Sklansky wrote classic poker books and applied his actuarial math brain to negotiation techniques. He said he would go to a Toyota dealer and say, "I'm shopping for a new Camry. I already have a price from dealership XYZ in a nearby city. What is your price?"

This changes the dynamic right from the starting line and gives the consumer the advantage. So I tried this based technique with the HVAC industrial complex. I got a quote from 3 people: 1. Joe "The Closer." 2. The Costco-sponsored HVAC Company 3. My SearXNG search results.

In essence, I apply the same logic I learned running a full bitcoin node. Remember how I said the decentralized nature of bitcoin allows you to triple-check your transactions? Running SearXNG allows me to triple check my search results in a similar fashion. I don't trust Google, Costco, or the magazine I get every month in the mail. I verify results with my own search engine.

My SearXNG does not track my location, but I set it to give me local results. To be honest, I have not verified this, but the code is on GitHub for everyone to see.

I don't want to be "sold" on an AC. I don't want an AC if I could avoid it, but my AC was as dead as dentacoin. Living in Southern California with a wife going through "the change" gave me no alternative.

The guy I found on SearXNG showed up in an unmarked van. He had a beard. He was not "a closer." He was an actual HVAC technician. He tried cleaning my unit made in the same year Weezer released their Blue album. He said he coukd jerry rig it to get it working for another few months, but the machine is on it's last days. He said a newer unit would also be more efficient so I asked him about the energy like a bitcoiner.

"How many kilowatt hours does it cost me to run my AC versus a new AC?"

I don't remember the exact answer, but I asked all three companies. He was the only one that new how to find out. He also happened to be the cheapest, but I would have bought a new AC from this guy even if he wasn't.

I told him I made a space heater out of a bitcoin miner. He had no idea this was possible, but he at least pretended to find it interesting. That's why I use SearXNG to find tradesmen. It's better than Yelp.

If you would like to try my instance of SearXNG, check it out.

523FeCpi9Gx4nR9NmSFIMEaYcI5Q4WmhYHPEPaEah84=

To decrypt it, use the key behind the paywall at:

https://8gwifi.org/CipherFunctions.jsp

npub1marc26z8nh3xkj5rcx7ufkatvx6ueqhp5vfw9v5teq26z254renshtf3g0

882785

merch

Follow me on nostr.

All of my work is available under the Creative Commons 0 licence. If you would like to try my instance of Searxng and do not wish to support my work, find me on habla.news by searching my npub. You can find all of my work there(including encryption keys)free of charge.

Paywall On Substack

abdominal.savior.repaint

Will decrypt this ciphertext: 523FeCpi9Gx4nR9NmSFIMEaYcI5Q4WmhYHPEPaEah84=

Which will reveal my instance of SearXNG at

https://searxng.marc26z.com/

Subscribe on Subtack

@ c21b1a6c:0cd4d170

🧾 Progress Report Two

Hey everyone! I’m back with another progress report for Formstr, a part of the now completed grant from nostr:npub10pensatlcfwktnvjjw2dtem38n6rvw8g6fv73h84cuacxn4c28eqyfn34f . This update covers everything we’ve built since the last milestone — including polish, performance, power features, and plenty of bug-squashing.

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🏗️ What’s New Since Last Time?

This quarter was less about foundational rewrites and more about production hardening and real-world feedback. With users now onboard, our focus shifted to polishing UX, fixing issues, and adding new features that made Formstr easier and more powerful to use.

✨ New Features & UX Improvements

• Edit Existing Forms
• Form Templates
• Drag & Drop Enhancements (especially for mobile)
• New Public Forms UX (card-style layout)
• FAQ & Support Sections
• Relay Modal for Publishing
• Skeleton Loaders and subtle UI Polish

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🐛 Major Bug Fixes

• Fixed broken CSV exports when responses were empty
• Cleaned up mobile rendering issues for public forms
• Resolved blank.ts export issues and global form bugs
• Fixed invalid npub strings in the admin flow
• Patched response handling for private forms
• Lots of small fixes for titles, drafts, embedded form URLs, etc.

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🔐 Access Control & Privacy

• Made forms private by default
• Fixed multiple issues around form visibility, access control UIs, and anonymous submissions
• Improved detection of pubkey issues in shared forms

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🚧 Some Notable In-Progress Features

The following features are actively being developed, and many are nearing completion:

• Conditional Questions:
  This one’s been tough to crack, but we’re close!
  Work in progress by keraliss and myself:
  👉 PR #252

• Downloadable Forms:
  Fully-contained downloadable HTML versions of forms.
  Being led by casyazmon with initial code by Basanta Goswami
  👉 PR #274

• OLLAMA Integration (Self-Hosted LLMs):
  Users will be able to create forms using locally hosted LLMs.
  PR by ashu01304
  👉 PR #247

• Sections in Forms:
  Work just started on adding section support!
  Small PoC PR by keraliss:
  👉 PR #217

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🙌 Huge Thanks to New Contributors

We've had amazing contributors this cycle. Big thanks to:

• Aashutosh Gandhi (ashu01304) – drag-and-drop enhancements, OLLAMA integration
• Amaresh Prasad (devAmaresh) – fixed npub and access bugs
• Biresh Biswas (Billa05) – skeleton loaders
• Shashank Shekhar Singh (Shashankss1205) – bugfixes, co-authored image patches
• Akap Azmon Deh-nji (casyazmon) – CSV fixes, downloadable forms
• Manas Ranjan Dash (mdash3735) – bug fixes
• Basanta Goswami – initial groundwork for downloadable forms
• keraliss – ongoing work on conditional questions and sections

We also registered for the Summer of Bitcoin program and have been receiving contributions from some incredibly bright new applicants.

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🔍 What’s Still Coming?

From the wishlist I committed to during the grant, here’s what’s still in the oven:

-[x] Upgrade to nip-44 - [x] Access Controlled Forms: A Form will be able to have multiple admins and Editors. - [x] Private Forms and Fixed Participants: Enncrypt a form and only allow certain npubs to fill it. - [x] Edit Past Forms: Being able to edit an existing form. - [x] Edit Past Forms
- [ ] Conditional Rendering (in progress)
- [ ] Sections (just started)
- [ ] Integrations - OLLAMA / AI-based Form Generation (near complete)
- [ ] Paid Surveys
- [ ] NIP-42 Private Relay support

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❌ What’s De-Prioritized?

• Nothing is de-prioritized now especially since Ollama Integration got re-prioritized (thanks to Summer Of Bitcoin). We are a little delayed on Private Relays support but it's now becoming a priority and in active development. Zap Surveys will be coming soon too.

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💸 How Funds Were Used

• Paid individual contributors for their work.
• Living expenses to allow full-time focus on development

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🧠 Closing Thoughts

Things feel like they’re coming together now. We’re out of "beta hell", starting to see real adoption, and most importantly, gathering feedback from real users. That’s helping us make smarter choices and move fast without breaking too much.

Stay tuned for the next big drop — and in the meantime, try creating a form at formstr.app, and let me know what you think!

@ 7bc05901:8c26d22b

Max posted: We don't want to rule the world - just the square meter where our feet touch earth. Multiply that by billions and watch empires crumble.

This is how we should build and tinker. One square meter at a time.

I have been trying to subtly preach square foot gardening to my wife over the winter. While we were planting yesterday, I noticed she had placed the cabbage just a couple inches away from each other, because based on the size they are now, it seems right. I said, you think those are far enough apart? And she quickly divided them up each into their own square foot, which is the recommended distance to maximize their growth. Considerations about future growth engaged her intuition, and giving them each a square foot made sense.

One cannot get more hyper-local than the square meter that they currently occupy. After we had finished planting, we sat on lawn chairs in the grass while our daughter chased bubbles from the battery-powered bubble machine that the neighbor had given us. My wife and I started talking about how many blades of grass were in our entire backyard. Our whole piece of property is not quite three quarters of an acre, and the backyard is about a third of it. The way to figure that out, though, is to figure out how many blades of grass there are in a square foot. After a bit of back and forth, le chat (the mistral AI) finally told me that in a more dense square foot of grass, you might have over 7,000 blades of grass and in a less dense square foot around 3,000. We didn't do the math on our whole yard, but we at least know the formula if we ever care to.

Thinking by the square foot is truly how empires fall. Realizing that the world is divisible not just by state, but also by square foot, is a critical step towards manifesting sovereignty. The world is not just cities, counties, nations, continents -- the network that we impact is not defined by armies, politicians, or CEOs unless we let it be.

As we think about the expansion of our hyper-local spaces, the permaculture design principles about controlling edges seemed relevant to me. This is from mistral:

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In permaculture, the principle of "using edges and valuing the marginal" is one of the key design principles. This principle emphasizes the importance of the edges or boundaries in a system, where different environments or ecosystems meet. These edges are often the most diverse and productive areas because they allow for interactions between different elements.

Here are some key aspects of this principle:

Increased Productivity: Edges are often more productive because they receive inputs from multiple environments. For example, the edge of a forest and a meadow might receive sunlight from the meadow side and nutrients from the forest side.

Diversity: Edges support a greater diversity of species because they provide a variety of microclimates and resources. This diversity can lead to more resilient ecosystems.

Innovation: Edges are places of interaction and exchange, which can lead to new ideas and innovations. In a permaculture design, this might mean placing elements that benefit from interaction at the edges of different zones.

Valuing the Marginal: This principle also encourages valuing and utilizing marginal spaces and resources that might otherwise be overlooked. By doing so, permaculture aims to make the most efficient use of all available resources.

In practical terms, this principle might be applied by designing gardens or farms to maximize edge environments, such as by using keyhole beds or creating winding paths that increase the amount of edge in the landscape. It's about recognizing the potential in transitional spaces and leveraging it for greater productivity and resilience.

In permaculture, the principle of "using edges and valuing the marginal" is one of the key design principles. This principle emphasizes the importance of the edges or boundaries in a system, where different environments or ecosystems meet. These edges are often the most diverse and productive areas because they allow for interactions between different elements.

Here are some key aspects of this principle:

1. Increased Productivity: Edges are often more productive because they receive inputs from multiple environments. For example, the edge of a forest and a meadow might receive sunlight from the meadow side and nutrients from the forest side.

2. Diversity: Edges support a greater diversity of species because they provide a variety of microclimates and resources. This diversity can lead to more resilient ecosystems.

3. Innovation: Edges are places of interaction and exchange, which can lead to new ideas and innovations. In a permaculture design, this might mean placing elements that benefit from interaction at the edges of different zones.

4. Valuing the Marginal: This principle also encourages valuing and utilizing marginal spaces and resources that might otherwise be overlooked. By doing so, permaculture aims to make the most efficient use of all available resources.

In practical terms, this principle might be applied by designing gardens or farms to maximize edge environments, such as by using keyhole beds or creating winding paths that increase the amount of edge in the landscape. It's about recognizing the potential in transitional spaces and leveraging it for greater productivity and resilience.

---

The revolution will begin in your square meter, and it will grow when you use edges and value the marginal.

We are all on the edge over here in the Nostr-ecosystem. And bitcoin allows you to store your value in your square meter without interference from those who currently control many square meters.

Stay sovereign.

@ da0b9bc3:4e30a4a9

It's Finally here Stackers!

It's Friday!

We're about to kick off our weekends with some feel good tracks.

Let's get the party started. Bring me those Feel Good tracks.

Talk Music. Share Tracks. Zap Sats.

Let's go!

https://youtu.be/6Whgn_iE5uc?si=ArBOHVpKN2OyNf1D

originally posted at https://stacker.news/items/879159

@ e8744882:47d84815

For Telugu-speaking movie lovers, enjoying Hollywood movies in Telugu dubbed has never been easier! Thanks to Dimension On Demand (DOD), you can now experience Hollywood’s most exciting films in your preferred language. Whether you enjoy intense thrillers, supernatural mysteries, or high-stakes survival stories, DOD has a great selection of action-packed movies waiting for you.

If you're searching for Hollywood movies in Telugu dubbed, we’ve got you covered! Here are two must-watch films that will keep you entertained from start to finish. Each of these picks delivers gripping storytelling, thrilling action, and unforgettable characters—perfect for fans of adrenaline-pumping entertainment.

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@ 4e088f30:744b1792

Pouco menos de um mês antes de sua morte, minha mãe escreveu um texto com suas reflexões sobre a carta dezesseis do conjunto de cartas que eu criei. Ela estava lendo com a fonoaudióloga que a atendia e me contou. Eu disse que queria ouvir a reflexão, e um dia ela gravou um áudio para mim.

A carta dizia assim:

Ajo como borboleta que vai contra a força da vida ao sair do casulo tentando controlar o modo como será vista. Não percebo que tudo o que precisa ser feito agora é me entregar às minhas próprias asas.

Se a borboleta sai do casulo para ser vista como idealiza, o que ela deixa de ver, o que ela deixa de nutrir na vida?

Um dos trechos do texto que ela escreveu era:

“Você pode me ver?”

E eu me pergunto: será que tenho coragem de vê-la por inteiro? Ver sem palavras, sem conceitos, sem julgamentos, sem projeções? Será que tenho coragem de apenas ver quem ela é?

–

Outro dia, estava na casa dela - e o que mais me interessa sempre são seus cadernos - eu encontrei um que ainda não tinha visto. Parece que ela o usava em meados dos anos 90. Eu o abri e encontrei o nome Elizabeth Kubler Ross e eu tinha lido alguns livros dela alguns anos atrás, quando comecei a mergulhar em estudos sobre cuidados paliativos, morte e luto, então achei oportuno e li o que estava escrito:

“Depois de passar por todas as provas para as quais fomos mandados à terra como parte de nosso aprendizado, podemos nos formar. Podemos sair do nosso corpo, que aprisiona a alma como um casulo aprisiona a futura borboleta e, no momento certo, deixá-lo para trás. E estaremos livres da dor, livres dos medos e livres das preocupações… Livres como uma borboleta voltando para casa, para Deus… em um lugar onde nunca estamos sós, onde continuamos a crescer, a cantar, a dançar, onde estamos com aqueles que amamos e cercados de mais amor que jamais poderemos imaginar.” Elizabeth Kubler Ross, M.D (A roda da vida)

Antes de ouvir o que ela tinha escrito, eu disse que ela estava confiando na fonoaudióloga para se abrir e isso ia ajudá-la a florescer, ela emendou com “largar o casulo e virar borboleta”. Ela se sentia ainda emaranhada no casulo. No último ano ela falou algumas vezes sobre a necessidade de desapegar, sobre a única dificuldade dela ser soltar o apego a nós, os filhos dela. Mas ela foi fazendo o trabalho de soltar e soltar e soltar, até que se entregou às suas asas que sempre foram lindas e brilhantes a cada metamorfose em vida, e agora sendo vida.

Começo essa jornada, que ainda não sei o que será - embora tenha alguns desejos, com esses escritos, que ofereço à Vida, que já foi chamada de Glória e de minha mãe.

@ dbb19ae0:c3f22d5a

Cortex (https://cortex.so/docs) is an open-source framework designed to serve as standalone API server or as the "brain" for robots, encompassing capabilities in vision, speech, language, tabular data, and action processing.

Notably, it offers the flexibility to operate locally so independently of cloud services, making it suitable for various light deployment environments.

Key Features:

• User-Friendly Command-Line Interface (CLI): Inspired by Ollama, Cortex provides a straightforward CLI, simplifying interaction and management.

• Comprehensive C++ Implementation: The framework is fully implemented in C++ (https://github.com/janhq/cortex.cpp), allowing it to be packaged into both desktop and mobile applications, enhancing portability and performance.

• Versatile Model Integration: Users can pull models from multiple sources, including Hugging Face (gguf format) and Cortex's Built-in Model Library, ensuring flexibility in model selection.

  cortex pull [model_id] cortex pull mistral

Note: it's recommended to have more than 8 GB of RAM available to run 3B models, 16 GB for 7B models, and 32 GB for 14B models.

• Deployment Flexibility: It can function as a standalone API server or be integrated into applications such as Jan.ai, providing adaptability in various use cases.

  cortex start cortex stop

If GPU hardware is available, Cortex leverages GPU acceleration by default, enhancing performance for demanding tasks.

Conclusion:

In summary, Cortex offers a robust and flexible solution for integrating advanced cognitive capabilities into robotic systems, with an emphasis on openness, performance, and adaptability.

@ 846ebf79:fe4e39a4

The next iteration is coming

We're busy racing to the finish line, for the #Alexandria Gutenberg beta. Then we can get the bug hunt done, release v0.1.0, and immediately start producing the first iteration of the Euler (v0.2.0) edition.

While we continue to work on fixing the performance issues and smooth rendering on the Reading View, we've gone ahead and added some new features and apps, which will be rolled-out soon.

The biggest projects this iteration have been:

• the HTTP API for the #Realy relay from nostr:npub1fjqqy4a93z5zsjwsfxqhc2764kvykfdyttvldkkkdera8dr78vhsmmleku,
• implementation of a publication tree structure by nostr:npub1wqfzz2p880wq0tumuae9lfwyhs8uz35xd0kr34zrvrwyh3kvrzuskcqsyn,
• and the Great DevOps Migration of 2025 from the ever-industrious Mr. nostr:npub1qdjn8j4gwgmkj3k5un775nq6q3q7mguv5tvajstmkdsqdja2havq03fqm7.

All are backend-y projects and have caused a major shift in process and product, on the development team's side, even if they're still largely invisible to users.

Another important, but invisible-to-you change is that nostr:npub1ecdlntvjzexlyfale2egzvvncc8tgqsaxkl5hw7xlgjv2cxs705s9qs735 has implemented the core bech32 functionality (and the associated tests) in C/C++, for the #Aedile NDK.

On the frontend:

nostr:npub1636uujeewag8zv8593lcvdrwlymgqre6uax4anuq3y5qehqey05sl8qpl4 is currently working on the blog-specific Reading View, which allows for multi-npub or topical blogging, by using the 30040 index as a "folder", joining the various 30041 articles into different blogs. She has also started experimenting with categorization and columns for the landing page.

nostr:npub1l5sga6xg72phsz5422ykujprejwud075ggrr3z2hwyrfgr7eylqstegx9z revamped the product information pages, so that there is now a Contact page (including the ability to submit a Nostr issue) and an About page (with more product information, the build version displayed, and a live #GitCitadel feed).

We have also allowed for discrete headings (headers that aren't section headings, akin to the headers in Markdown). Discrete headings are formatted, but not added to the ToC and do not result in a section split by Asciidoc processors.

We have added OpenGraph metadata, so that hyperlinks to Alexandria publications, and other events, display prettily in other apps. And we fixed some bugs.

The Visualisation view has been updated and bug-fixed, to make the cards human-readable and closeable, and to add hyperlinks to the events to the card-titles.

We have added support for the display of individual wiki pages and the integration of them into 30040 publications. (This is an important feature for scientists and other nonfiction writers.)

We prettified the event json modal, so that it's easier to read and copy-paste out of.

The index card details have been expanded and the menus on the landing page have been revamped and expanded. Design and style has been improved, overall.

Project management is very busy

Our scientific adviser nostr:npub1m3xdppkd0njmrqe2ma8a6ys39zvgp5k8u22mev8xsnqp4nh80srqhqa5sf is working on the Euler plans for integrating features important for medical researchers and other scientists, which have been put on the fast track.

Next up are:

• a return of the Table of Contents
• kind 1111 comments, highlights, likes
• a prototype social feed for wss://theforest.nostr1.com, including long-form articles and Markdown rendering
• compose and edit of publications
• a search field
• the expansion of the relay set with the new relays from nostr:npub12262qa4uhw7u8gdwlgmntqtv7aye8vdcmvszkqwgs0zchel6mz7s6cgrkj, including some cool premium features
• full wiki functionality and disambiguation pages for replaceable events with overlapping d-tags
• a web app for mass-uploading and auto-converting PDFs to 30040/41 Asciidoc events, that will run on Realy, and be a service free for our premium relay subscribers
• ability to subscribe to the forest with a premium status
• the book upload CLI has been renamed and reworked into the Sybil Test Utility and that will get a major release, covering all the events and functionality needed to test Euler
• the #GitRepublic public git server project
• ....and much more.

Thank you for reading and may your morning be good.

@ 2685c45c:8bc01bfd

1. Abstract

A society is a group of individuals (members) who abide by common rules.
A democracy is a society where members strive for rules defined with the maximum consciousness and consensus.

To increase awareness, such a society must be completely transparent.

The key challenge is to find the most consensual set of rules. Members could themselves decide:

• Who to admit or exclude from membership
• Which rules to submit for approval
• How to approve proposed rules

The proposed software does not:

• Interpret the meaning of the rules
• Prevent from having inconsistent sets of rules
• Impose a governance structure

Rather, it could be viewed as:

• A framework for defining and running a society (a constitution)
• A ledger which records all rules, votes and members in one place

A client accessing the blockchain can, at any time, know:

• The rights and duties of any member
• The connections between members
• The voting history of any member

In summary, the software enables a web of trust on a blockchain used for voting.

2. A blockchain

2.1 Why using a blockchain

The core of any society lies in maintaining an up-to-date registry of its members (1 member = 1 pubkey), along with their respective rights and duties. This information is recorded on a distributed blockchain.

The advantages of using a distributed blockchain are:

• No single central authority/server in charge of publishing society updates
• Each block is a time unit to define anteriorities and thereby freeze the state of the society

Unlike Bitcoin, there is no financial incentive to participate in the network. Instead, stakeholders may be motivated by their desire:

• To support a society
• To join a society
• To remain part of a society

2.2 Structure of a block

Members issue objects (as bitcoiners issue transactions) that are first stored in a mempool, prior to being 'blockchainized'.

A Block has three parts:

• Header
  • Hash of the signature of the preceding block
  • Object counter
  • Merkle root of the below objects
• Content
  • All objects sorted
• Footer
  • Signature of the block header (by the author of the block)

Unlike Bitcoin:

• There is no nonce
• Objects must be arranged following an hard-coded sorting method
• A block must have at least one object (no upper limit: no block size)
• A block must be signed by its author
• The hash of the signature constitutes the 'chain' connecting the 'blocks'

@readers

We call 'block hash' the hash of the block's signature.

In this paper, for clarity, the ideas of object's issuer and author are one.

2.3 Consensus mechanism

Like in Bitcoin, the branch with the most leading zeros in its block hashes is the legitimate branch. To prevent spam, a block (at height n) will be relayed only if its hash is less than the one currently stored at height n.

Block authors may choose to omit certain (available in mempool) objects from a block, as they would increase the block hash value. However, statistically, these excluded objects will contribute to lower a future block hash.

Block time is agreed upon by members. Block authors should stick to this pace. Those who don't may be causing inconvenience for others, but won't compromise the consensus. Repeat offenders can be easily identified through their block signatures and could get banned.

2.4 Consensus attack

An attack on the consensus can:

• Censor a controversial object
• Disrupt the chronology of the blockchainized objects

A block author, attempting to manipulate the blockchain, can compute a malicious object solely designed to reduce his block hash. This tactic ensures that the maliciously created block will be accepted as part of the legitimate branch. This attack could be repeated on all future blocks. Some other attacks on the consensus are possible.

A trustless blockchain requires POW. But, the proposed blockchain is not trustless as it records a web of trust. When needed, members will vote for the block they consider legitimate and it will contravene the default consensus rule. Actually, the real risk lies in members not trusting each other.

3. Objects

3.1 Common format

Objects are JSONs.

There are:

• 5 different objects that can be recorded in the blockchain
• 1 pseudo object that constitutes the blockchain

The JSONs have standardized keys, known as 'attributes'. One of these is called 'core', which contains a further dictionary with its own standardized keys, known as 'fields'.

@readers

• 'Pop' is abbreviated from 'population'
• 'Admin' is abbreviated from 'administration'

3.2 Link

A link is created by 2 members signing their pubkeys. The web of trust comprises all these links. It serves as a civil registry.

3.3 Admin

An admin:

• Grants some members permission to issue some objects (even other admins)
• Defines criteria for the issued objects approval (votes requirements)

The set of approved admins defines the constitution of the society.

Any core of an admin must have these fields:

• Member: Pop of members allowed to issue objects
• Boundary: Limitations on the issued objects
• Approval: Vote requirements for the issued objects approval

3.4 Law

A law is a human interpretable free text which applies to a defined pop of members.

Any core of a law must have these fields:

• Member: Pop of members on whom the law applies
• Content: The content of the law

3.5 Vote

A vote may concern any object (even another vote).

Any core of a vote must have these fields:

• Object: Pop of objects being voted
• Side: The 'yes' or 'no' vote itself

If a member votes twice on the same object, only the first one will count. To counteract this, the member would need to void his first vote.

3.6 Void

A void is used to temporarily or permanently ignore objects (even other voids).

Any core of a void must have these fields:

• Object: Pop of objects to be ignored
• Duration: Time period expressed in blocks, can be infinite

Modifying an already blockchainized object requires to:

1. Void the object
2. Issue a newly created object with the wished modifications

Once an admin is voided:

• The children objects are unaffected
• The voided admin cannot issue any further object

The genesis admin, JSON object automatically created at system setup, grants full permissions to founding members. It allows them to create the first admins. Once this has been done, the genesis admin should be permanently voided.

A member exists only by his links. Voiding all these means banning this member.

@readers:

• 'Member pop' means 'pop of members'
• 'Object pop' means 'pop of objects'

3.7 Block

A block is a pseudo object as it is not recorded in the blockchain but constitutes it.

Like other objects:

• An admin can grant some members permission to issue blocks
• Issuing votes or voids concerning blocks can be allowed

But unlike other objects:

• Blocks do not possess explicit attributes like other JSON objects
• The program implicitly assigns a 'type' attribute to blocks
• Approved and voided blocks impact the default consensus rule

Actually, the program identifies the legitimate branch according to the consensus rule (maximum cumulative heading 0), with these constraints:

• All approved blocks must be part of this branch
• This branch must not pass through any voided block

In case of fork attack:

• Block voters can vote for the right forking block
• Block voiders could reconsider this decision voiding the approved forking block (trust crisis)

@devs:

Approving/voiding blocks can lead to a rollback. Only genesis block is not approvable/voidable.

4. Attributes

4.1 Path

Each object originates from the core of an admin which originates from the core of a parent admin. This continues until the genesis admin is reached. All objects and cores have an id. The path of an object A consists of all these ids: from the genesis admin till the id of A.

Two blockchainized objects can't have the same path. In order to reduce conflicts, it can be advisable to choose large random numbers as ids.

4.2 Type

An object can have only one type.

A block always has the default type 'block'. A JSON object can't have this type.

4.3 Author

This attribute stores the list of pubkeys of the members who wrote the object.

Except for links, which must have exactly two authors, other objects can have from 1 to n authors.

4.4 Label

This attribute allows members to tag objects. Members shall agree on standardized tags: tax, justice... They could even tag objects as belonging to an ideology or party. It would ease the work for voters who need guidance.

4.5 Context

In addition to storing and relaying objects, servers can optionally store aside free texts and relay them as well. They provide explanations (such as contextual information) about the issued objects. This attribute enables linking a free text (through its hash) to an object.

4.6 Core

All objects possess between 1 and n cores - though links which do not have one. They define the political essence of the objects. Practically, a core is a dictionary where allowed fields (keys) depend on the object type.

4.7 Signature

Before object issuance, each member whose the pubkey is in the author list must sign all previously described attributes. This attribute stores the list of these signatures.

4.8 Digest

| level | key | value | uniqueness | mandatory | | - | - | - | - | - | | 1 | path | list of ids | yes | yes | | 1 | type | 'link' or 'admin' or 'law' or 'vote' or 'void' | yes | yes | | 1 | author | list of pubkeys | yes | yes | | 1 | label | string of plain word(s) | yes | no | | 1 | context | string of an hash | yes | no | | 1 | core-n | dict of fields | no | yes, except for links | | 1 | signature | list of signatures | yes | yes |

@devs:

In this paper, a list refers to a string where items are separated by commas without any blank space.

Such lists are well suited for regex parsing.

4.9 Example

The object below describes an admin with the id 29 originating from:

• The core 3 of the admin 7 which originates from
• The core 0 of the admin 0 (the genesis admin)

This admin:

• Is created by two members
• Is tagged with the words 'trade' and 'justice'
• Has a context file associated
• Has two signatures

{ 'path': '0-0,7-3,29', 'type': 'admin', 'author': '15a3b72c,b52d6e1a', 'label': 'trade justice', 'context': '5bc953e0', 'core-0': <This core allows to issue laws>, 'core-1': <This core allows to issue votes concerning the core-0 laws>, 'signature': '827d65b7,3c65da6b' }

5. Member field

5.1 Applications

The field member defines a member pop. It is used in:

• Admin cores: Define who can issue objects
• Law cores: Define who is concerned by the law

5.2 Composing pops

Member pops can be composed using algebra of sets. Two keys are used:

• Operand: A member pop
• Operator: An operator (arity = 2)

An operand is a dictionary that:

• Defines a basic pop
• Applies methods to this basic pop to adjust it

Operators are either:

• '+': Union: Merge two member pops
• '-': Complement: Subtract from the first pop the members in the second pop
• '&': Intersection: Keep only the members who are in both pops

The simplest composition consists of just one operand. However, as shown in the following example, complex compositions (with priority rules) are also possible:

• The operand-0 pop is the intersection of two other pops
• The final pop is the operand-0 pop minus the operand-1 pop

'core-0': |--'member': |--'operand-0': | |--'operand-10': ... | |--'operator-10': '&' | |--'operand-11': ... |--'operator-0': '-' |--'operand-1': ...

5.3 Defining a basic pop

These keys define a basic pop:

• Base: Set a starting point to define the pop
• Value: Define an argument to complete the base key
• Future: Define whether the pop will evolve after object blockchainization

The base key has these possible values:

• Allmembers:
  • Includes all non banned members of the society
  • Useful for widespread rights/duties (i.e., the right to issue links)
  • Omits the value key
• Nomember:
  • Doesn't include any member
  • Useful for giving rights/duties to few members or to members with specific locations in the graph
  • Supposed to be used with the method 'name' to add members to the pop
  • Omits the value key
• Issuing:
  • Includes all members who have issued or co-issued objects belonging to a defined object pop
  • Useful for giving rights/duties to members according to their past actions
  • The value key must store an object pop
• Pointing:
  • Points to an existing member pop
  • Useful for readability
  • The value key must store the path to an admin or law core

The future key has these possible values:

• Dynamic: The pop is recomputed at each new block by the program
• Static: The pop is computed at the time of object blockchainization, only future voided links can still impact it

5.4 Adjusting a basic pop

5.4.1 Common format

These keys define a method:

• Method: The method's name
• Arg: The argument passed to the method

As several methods can be applied to the same basic pop, these keys are suffixed. These suffixes specify the methods order execution.

5.4.2 Name method

It adds or removes the specified members from the basic pop. The arg must be a list of pubkeys prefixed by:

• '+': Add member
• '-': Remove member

The program ignores added members who have been banned.

Two keywords can be used instead of a pubkey:

• @self: It denotes the pubkey(s) of the author(s) of the object
• @center: It denotes the pubkey(s) of the member(s) located at the whole graph center

@thinkers:

Does the center of the web of trust best reflect the values of the society?

5.4.3 Radius method

It adds or removes members from the basic pop (which is a graph) based on how far they are from its center. The arg must be a positive or negative integer:

• n: Radius + n links
• -n: Radius - n links

If given basic pop is a disconnected graph, the method is applied to each subgraph.

@devs:

The distance between 2 members is the minimum number of links to join these 2 members.

The center of a graph is composed of the members who have the smallest distance to all other members.

The radius of a graph is this smallest distance.

5.4.4 Degree method

It adds or removes members from the basic pop according to their number of links within it. This method can be used to exclude members not well integrated within the basic pop.

The arg must be an integer which serves as a comparison:

• n: n or more links
• -n: n or less links

@readers:

An integer which serves as a comparison is called a 'comparator'.

5.5 Digest

| level | key | value | uniqueness | mandatory | | - | - | - | - | - | | 2 | member | dict with below level-3 keys | yes | yes | | 3 | operand-n | dict with below level-4 keys | no | yes | | 4 | base | 'allmembers' or 'nomember' or 'issuing' or 'pointing' | yes | yes | | 4 | value | base='issuing', object pop
base='pointing', path to a core | yes | base='issuing'/'pointing', yes
base='allmembers'/'nomembers', no | | 4 | future | 'dynamic' or 'static' | yes | yes | | 4 | method-n | 'name' or 'radius' or 'degree' | no | no | | 4 | arg-n | method='name', list of +/- prefixed pubkeys
method='radius', integer (-inf,+inf)
method='degree', comparator (-inf,+inf)| no | any method requires an arg | | 3 | operator-n | '+' or '-' or '&' | no | no |

5.6 Examples

The following example shows the union of two pops, forming the final member pop.

The first pop is dynamic: it is re-computed at each new block. It includes:

• All members within 20 hops radius around the graph's center
• With at least 3 links within this 'extended central' pop

The second pop references an existing member pop: the core-1 pop of the law or admin 2, itself originating from the core 0....until the genesis admin. The referenced pop could be dynamic. However, this second pop is static.

'core-0': |--'member': | |--'operand-0': | | |--'core': 'nomember' | | |--'future': 'dynamic' | | |--'method-0': 'name' | | |--'arg-0': '+@center' | | |--'method-1': 'radius' | | |--'arg-1': 20 | | |--'method-2': 'degree' | | |--'arg-2': 3 | |--'operator': '+' | |--'operand-1': | | |--'core': 'pointing' | | |--'future': 'static' | | |--'value': '0-0,5-2,3-0,2-1'

The following example shows a pop comprising a single operand. It includes:

• The object's author(s)
• All his (their) current neighbors up to 5 hops away

'core-0': |--'member': | |--'operand-0': | | |--'core': 'nomember' | | |--'future': 'dynamic' | | |--'method-0': 'name' | | |--'arg-0': '+@self' | | |--'method-1': 'radius' | | |--'arg-1': 5

6. Approval field

6.1 Application

The approval field is used in the admin cores. It specifies voting requirements for issued objects approval.

Approved objects have varying implications depending on their types:

• Link: Only approved links comprise the graph (the web of trust)
• Admin: Only approved admins can issue objects
• Law: Once approved, a law applies to concerned members
• Vote: Only approved votes counts to meet voting requirements
• Void: Once approved, objects concerned by the void are ignored (voided)
• Block: The legitimate branch must pass through the approved blocks

@devs:

Except for laws, approved objects affect program behavior.

6.2 Defining approval requirements

These keys define an approval field:

• Quorum: Minimum percentage of voters required among eligible voters
• Strength: Minimum percentage of 'yes' votes required among all votes

The values of these keys are comparators between 0 and 100. If both values are equal to zero, it means that once blockchainized, the object is approved.

The pop of eligible voters can be spread across multiple admin cores. It can also be dynamic, maintaining a perpetual approval uncertainty.

@thinkers:

Should new eligible voters have the automatic right to challenge existing approved rules ?

6.3 Digest

| level | key | value | uniqueness | mandatory | | - | - | - | - | - | | 2 | approval | dict with below level-3 keys | yes | yes | | 3 | quorum | comparator [0,100] | yes | yes | | 3 | strength | comparator [0,100] | yes | yes |

6.4 Example

In the following example, the approval requirements are:

• At least 50% of the eligible voters must vote
• At least 70% of the votes must be 'yes' votes

'core-0': |--'approval': | |--'quorum': 50 | |--'strength': 70

7. Content field

The content field is used in the law cores. It's a text open to human interpretation defining the content of a law.

| level | key | value | uniqueness | mandatory | | - | - | - | - | - | | 2 | content | free text | yes | yes |

8. Object field

8.1 Applications

The object field defines an object pop. It is used for these objects:

• Vote: Define the objects voted
• Void: Define the objects to ignore

Object pops can be composed in the same way as member pops (same operators).

8.2 Defining an object pop

An object pop is a dictionary where key names mirror some attribute and field names. These keys act as filters (criteria) to select relevant objects.

An object pop includes all objects that:

• Satisfy criteria at attribute level
• Have at least one core that satisfies all criteria at field level

Meeting a criterion depends on its type:

• Regex: Full match with mirrored attribute or field
• Pop: Include mirrored pop

Depending on the criteria, object pops can be static or dynamic. However, issuing votes or voids concerning a dynamic object pop means voting or voiding non yet issued objects! UX should prevent this risk.

8.3 Digest

| level | key | value | uniqueness | mandatory | | - | - | - | - | - | | 2 | object | dict with below level-3 keys | yes | yes | | 3 | operand-n | dict with below level-4 keys | no | yes | | 4 | path | regex | yes | no | | 4 | type | regex | yes | no | | 4 | author | member pop | yes | no | | 4 | label | regex | yes | no | | 4 | member | member pop | yes | no | | 4 | object | object pop | yes | no | | 4 | side | regex | yes | no | | 3 | operator-n | '+' or '-' or '&' | no | no |

8.4 Examples

The following example shows an object pop, including objects:

• Originating from the core 2 of the admin 9 (itself originating from the genesis admin)
• With ids from 0 to 5
• That are voids or laws
• That have the word 'CUSTO' in their labels

'core-0': |--'object': | |--'path': '0-0,9-2,[0-5]' | |--'type': 'void|law' | |--'label': '.*CUSTO.*'

The following example shows an object pop which includes any object originating from the core 2 of the admin 9. It includes eventual admins and their children objects. This kind of dynamic object pops should be used carefully.

'core-0': |--'object': | |--'path': '0-0,9-2,.*'

The following example could be an extract of a vote which concerns voids:

• Originating from the core 5 of the admin 8
• Issued (or co-issued) by any member currently located within a 3-hop radius around the member 4f52da24
• Concerning laws originating from the cores 0 to 4 of the admin 8

'core-0': |--'object': | |--'operand': | | |--'path': '0-0,8-5,[0-9]*' | | |--'type': 'void' | | |--'author': | | | |--'operand': | | | | |--'base': 'nomember' | | | | |--'behavior': 'dynamic' | | | | |--'method-0': 'name' | | | | |--'arg-0': '+4f52da24' | | | | |--'method-1': 'radius' | | | | |--'arg-1': 3 | | |--'object': | | | |--'operand': | | | | |--'path': '0-0,8-[0-4]' | | | | |--'type': 'law'

@thinkers:

A vote concerning voids which concern laws.

Getting the hang of it requires some mental effort!

9. Side field

The side field is used in the vote cores. It tells whether it's a yes or no vote.

| level | key | value | uniqueness | mandatory | | - | - | - | - | - | | 2 | side | 'yes' or 'no' | yes | yes |

10. Duration field

10.1 Application

The duration field is used in void cores. It specifies how long the program ignores the voided object.

10.2 Defining duration

The duration field can have these values:

• 0: Voided objects are forever ignored
• n (with n>0): Voided objects are ignored during n blocks

The timeframe starts after void approval.

10.3 Digest

| level | key | value | uniqueness | mandatory | | - | - | - | - | - | | 2 | duration | integer [0,+inf) | yes | yes |

11. Boundary field

11.1 Application

The boundary field is used in admin cores. It limits the objects that can be issued.

These keys define a boundary field:

• Content: To restrict the content of the issued objects
• Amount: To limit the amount of objects issued

An object that does not fully respect the boundary field will be rejected by the network.

11.2 Restricting content

The content key stores a dictionary where key names mirror some attribute and field names. These keys act as criteria to filter the objects that can be issued. These objects must:

• Satisfy criteria at attribute level
• Have all their cores satisfying criteria at field level

Blocks possess only the type attribute. Therefore, a content restriction on blocks can only allow or forbid issuance.

Meeting a criterion depends on its type:

• Regex: Full match with mirrored attribute or field
• Pop: Include mirrored pop
• Comparator: Respect comparison logic
• Boundary:
  • This criterion type is used to limit the boundary field of a meta-admin
  • A meta-admin is an admin that can generate child admins
  • It consists of the same data as a boundary field
  • All the restrictions of the mirrored boundary field must be more stringent

@devs:

A regex can be more stringent than another one. For example, '[0-9]{2}' is more stringent than '[0-9]+'. Boundary criterion requires to code such a regex assessor.

11.3 Restricting amount

These keys define the amount restriction:

• Scope:
  • Meaning: The below restrictions can be either per member or for the whole member pop
  • Value: Either the string 'each' or the string 'all'
• Maximum:
  • Meaning: Maximum number of issued objects (excluding issued objects voided)
  • Value: A negative non null comparator
• Frequency:
  • Meaning: Required time gap (expressed in blocks) between object issuance
  • Value: A positive or null comparator

11.4 Digest

| level | key | value | uniqueness | mandatory | | - | - | - | - | - | | 2 | boundary | dict with below level-3 keys | yes | yes | | 3 | content | dict with below level-4 keys | yes | no | | 4 | path | regex | yes | no | | 4 | type | regex | yes | no | | 4 | author | member pop | yes | no | | 4 | label | regex | yes | no | | 4 | member | member pop | yes | no | | 4 | approval | dict with below level-4 keys | yes | no | | 5 | quorum | comparator [0,100] | yes | no | | 5 | strength | comparator [0,100] | yes | no | | 4 | object | object pop | yes | no | | 4 | duration | comparator (-inf,+inf) | yes | no | | 4 | boundary | boundary | yes | no | | 3 | amount | dict with below level-3 keys | no | no | | 4 | scope | 'all' or 'each' | yes | no | | 4 | maximum | comparator (-inf,-1] | yes | no | | 4 | frequency | comparator [0,+inf) | yes | no |

@devs:

The comparator for duration has a quirk. Indeed, a zero duration means forever.

11.5 Examples

The boundary field in the following example allows to issue laws:

• That include the word 'medicine' in their labels
• That concern all current and future members (or any sub-pop of this pop)

'core-0': |--'boundary': | |--'content': | | |--'type': 'law' | | |--'label': '.*medicine.*' | | |--'member': | | | |--'operand-0': | | | | |--'base': 'allmembers' | | | | |--'future': 'dynamic'

The admin core described in the following example:

• Allows all current and future members
• To issue links
• That are automatically approved

The amount of issued links is limited:

• Up to 8 links maximum per member (excluding issued links voided)
• Each member must wait 1,095 blocks between two links

'core-0': |--'member': | |--'operand-0': | | |--'base': 'allmembers' | | |--'future': 'dynamic' |--'boundary': | |--'content': | | |--'type': 'link' | |--'amount': | | |--'scope': 'each' | | |--'maximum': 8 | | |--'frequency': 1095 |--'approval': | |--'quorum': 0 | |--'strength': 0

The admin core described in the following example:

• Allows all current and future members
• To issue voids
• That are automatically approved

These voids must:

• Have the exact value 'unlink' as label
• Concern links written by the void author and his direct neighbors

This admin core allows each member to void his own links. Motivations might be:

• The loss of confidence in a direct neighbor
• The death of a direct neighbor
• The wish to opt-out from the society

'core-0': |--'member': | |--'operand-0': | | |--'base': 'allmembers' | | |--'future': 'dynamic' |--'boundary': | |--'content': | | |--'type': 'void' | | |--'label': 'unlink' | | |--'object': | | | |--'operand-0': | | | | |--'type': 'link' | | | | |--'author': | | | | | |--'operand-0': | | | | | | |--'base': 'nomember' | | | | | | |--'future': 'dynamic' | | | | | | |--'method-0': 'name' | | | | | | |--'arg-0': '+@self' | | | | | | |--'method-1': 'radius' | | | | | | |--'arg-1': 1 |--'approval': | |--'quorum': 0 | |--'strength': 0

The meta-admin core described in the following example:

• Allows 3 members
• To issue admins
• That require votes to be approved (80-30)

These admins:

• Allow some members (center + 50 hops and 6 or more links)
• To issue laws
• That require votes to be approved (60-50)

These laws:

• Must include the word 'newcomer' in their labels
• Must concern all members with 3 or less links

'core-0': |--'member': | |--'operand-0': | | |--'base': 'nomember' | | |--'future': 'static' | | |--'method-0': 'name' | | |--'arg-0': '+d15a4c8f,+4867ae22,+a1f8c7d4' |--'boundary': | |--'content': | | |--'type': 'admin' | | |--'member': | | | |--'operand-0': | | | | |--'base': 'nomember' | | | | |--'future': 'dynamic' | | | | |--'method-0': 'name' | | | | |--'arg-0': '+@center' | | | | |--'method-1': 'radius' | | | | |--'args-1': 50 | | | | |--'method-2': 'degree' | | | | |--'arg-2': 6 | | |--'boundary': | | | |--'content': | | | | |--'type': 'law' | | | | |--'label': '.*newcomer.*' | | | | |--'member': | | | | | |--'operand-0': | | | | | | |--'base': 'allmembers' | | | | | | |--'future': 'dynamic' | | | | | | |--'method-0': 'degree' | | | | | | |--'arg-0': '-3' | | |--'approval': | | | |--'quorum': 60 | | | |--'strength': 50 |--'aproval': | |--'quorum': 80 | |--'strength': 30

@thinkers:

We don't recommend creating short-lived admins.

A sturdy constitution (set of admins), is the hallmark of good governance.

12. Staying united

12.1 Membership feeling

Using a web-of-trust to register members has several effects on social dynamics, including boosting the sense of community. Moreover, the more governance reflects members preferences, the greater this effect becomes.

12.2 Banning a member

To prevent banned members from reappearing with new identities (new pubkeys), doxing them is essential.

A highly adversarial environment would demand such caution:

1. Any member can denunciate a suspect to 'initiators'
2. 'Initiators' decide whether to issue a void concerning the links of the suspect
3. 'Neighbors' of the suspect should reveal his identity to the 'initiators'
4. 'Initiators' issue a report on the suspect to the 'judges'
5. 'Judges' vote for or against the void
6. If the void is approved, the suspect is banned and the initiators issue a law to dox him

Ideally:

• Communications in steps 1, 3 and 4 should be encrypted for the intended recipients
• Neighbors should cooperate with initiators to avoid raising suspicions!
• The report sent to judges should be anonymized

Organizing the ban process in real life can be much more simple but it entails risks. Social enginery can mitigate these risks.

12.3 Sybill attack

An attacker could assume several identities. To tackle this problem, above banning process applies with these exceptions:

• Several suspects are involved
• Reports can't be anonymized

12.4 Adversarial environment

This chapter explores a high-risk use case: breaking free from an oppressive and centralized state. In this context, decentralization and anonymity are essential to survive.

A society is as strong and attractive as its members being supportive of each other. This involves fostering an exclusive commercial environment. Businesses need to be encouraged while keeping members' privacy concerns paramount. In an extreme scenario, producers should trade only with their direct neighbours, who endorse the role of trader with their own direct neighbours, thus mirroring the graph's topology.

Encrypting blockchain content to restrict access to members only is a misguided approach. It creates an air of mystery around the society's intentions, fuelling fear instead. To counter this, it's crucial to showcase the society's benevolent intentions, thereby undermining central state oppression and making the system as appealing as possible.

The state might anyway hinder the development of such a society. In response, members could adopt this defensive strategy:

1. Dox on chain low-level managers overseeing state violence and their supports
2. Halt solidarity with doxed people until they give up doing evil
3. Update the list of doxed people
4. Attract operators of the resigned managers to enforce justice in their own society

@thinkers:

We believe total social exclusion produces better outcomes than physical violence. We never encourage the latter.

13. Conclusion

We have proposed a system for a decentralized and pseudonymous society where a built-in script language provides unparalleled flexibility in designing the constitution. Only hands-on use can demonstrate its value. The potential impact on human organizations is considerable and we urge careful consideration. All lives matter.

14. ANNEX 1: UX

14.1 A UX per use case

Any political venture vulnerable to central powers could fall back on the proposed software:

• Collaborative encyclopaedia
• Sport association or committee
• ...

Devs could share customized plugins for each use case. A plugin comprises:

• A set of pre-built objects
• A UX

Incorporating a plugin into the software would make a big difference in terms of usability:

• Wizard for society setup (constitution)
• Template objects to reuse/customize
• Template pops and regex to reuse/customize
• Simplified interface for voting
• ...

A draft, generic, by default, UX is detailed below.

14.2 Main view

+--------------------------------------------------------------------------+ | url: https://www.node_accepting_connections_from_some_trusted_members.io | +-------------------------+------------------------------------------------+ | Member focused | | | -------------- | o---------o---------o-------o-----o------o | | | \ /|\ / \ / /| | | | [Enter here a pubkey] | \ / | \ / \ / / | | | | | \ / | o / \ / / | o | | | States considered | \ / | \ / / / | / | | | ----------------- | o----|----o / \ / | / | | | | | / \ / \ / |/ | | | [ ] Mempool | | / \ / o------o------o | | [x] Blockchainized | | / \ / | | | | [x] Approved | |/ o-------o------o | | [ ] Voided | o | | | | +-------------------------+------------------------------------------------+ | Understand | Behave | Act | |--------------------------------------------------------------------------| | | | These 3 tabs are explained further | | | +--------------------------------------------------------------------------+

The main view is divided into three sections:

• Focus: Set global settings
• Graph: Display the web of trust
• Explorer: Explore and create objects

Focus section affects both Graph and Explorer sections that:

• Adopt the selected member's point of view
• Show only objects with the desired states

The explorer section is divided into three tabs.

14.3 Understand tab

+-------------------------+------------------------------------------+------------------------------------+ | Tree | Children | Content | +-------------------------+------------------------------------------+------------------------------------+ | v id 0 | Select | id | type | label | Status | v attributes | | |-v core 0 |------------------------------------------| |-> path: 0-0,1-0,0-0,2 | | | |-v id 0 | ( ) | 0 | law | cadaster | approved | |-> type: law | | | | |-> core 0 | ( ) | 1 | law | cadaster | approved | |-> ... | | | | |-> core 1 | (x) | 2 | law | cadaster | approved | |-v core 0 | | | |-v id 1 | ( ) | 3 | void | cadaster | approved | | |-v member | | | | |-v core 0 |------------------------------------------| | | |-v operand 0 | | | | | |-v id 0 | | | | | |-> base: allmembers | | | | | | |-> >>core 0<< | | | | | |-> future: dynamic | | | | | | |-> core 1 | | | | |-v content | | | | +--------------------------------+ | | | | | Upon approval of this law, | | | | | | a45br7h6 will become the owner | | | | | | of property 8394144 | | | | | +--------------------------------+ | +-------------------------+------------------------------------------+------------------------------------+

The Understand tab serves as an object explorer. It is divided into three panels:

• Tree: Tree of all admins
• Children: Children objects of the selected item in the Tree panel:
  • An admin: A list of the cores of this admin
  • A core: A list of the objects originating from this core
• Content: Content of the selected item in the Children panel:
  • A core: The JSON content of this core
  • An object: The JSON content of this object
  • No selection: The JSON content of the selected admin or core in the Tree panel

14.4 Behave tab

+---------------------------------------------------------+-------------------------------------------+ | Regulation | Content | +---------------------------------------------------------+-------------------------------------------+ | Label filter: [Add text to filter objects i.e. 'tax'] | v attributes | |---------------------------------------------------------| |-> path: 0-0,2-0,6 | | Select | path | label | status | |-> type: law | |---------------------------------------------------------| |-> issuer: 2dac829k, b7ff56ff | | ( ) | 0-0,1-2,3-4,5 | tax water | approved | |-> label: tax property | | (x) | 0-0,2-0,6 | tax property | blockchainized | |-> context: s7w7y89f | | ( ) | 0-0,3-4,0-2,5 | foreigner tax | mempool | | | |-v operand 0 | |---------------------------------------------------------| | | | |-> base: allmembers | | | | | | |-> future: dynamic | | | | | |-v content | | | +---------------------------------------+ | | | | Monthly payment expected: | | | | | - Amount: 500¥ per square meter owned | | | | | - Address: 3dsh4r44 | | | | | Well indicate your pubkey in the tx | | | | +---------------------------------------+ | |---------------------------------------------------------+-------------------------------------------+

The Behave tab enables access to all laws concerning the selected member. It is divided into three panels:

• Regulation: All laws concerning the selected member
• Content: JSON content of the selected law

14.5 Act tab

+-------------------------+-----------------------------------+---------------------------------------+ | Tree | Content | Writer | +-------------------------+-----------------------------------+---------------------------------------+ | v id 0 | v core | v attributes | | |-v core 0 | |-v member | |-> path: 0-0,1-0,0-0,[Add id] | | | |-v id 0 | | |-v operand 0 | |-> type: vote | | | | |-> core 0 | | | |-> base: nomember | |-> pubkey: 78cq32hu, [Add cosigner] | | | | |-> core 1 | | | |-> future: dynamic | |-> label: [Add label] | | | |-v id 5 | | | |-> method 0: name | |-> context: [Add hash] | | | | |-v core 2 | | | |-> arg 0: +@center | |-v core 0 | | | | | |-v id 3 | |-v boundary | | |-v object | | | | | | |-> core 6 | | |-v content | | | |-v operand 0 | | | | | | |-> >>core 7<< | | | |-> type: vote | | | | |-> path: [Add regex] | | | | | |-v object | | |-> side: [Add 'yes' or 'no'] | | | | | | |-v operand 0 | | | | | | | | |-> path: 0-0,5-2,3-6,.+ | +----------+ | | | |-v approval | | Add core | | | | | |-> quorum: 0 | +----------+ | | | | |-> strength: 0 | +-----------------------+ | | | | | Sign and issue object | | | | | +-----------------------+ | +-------------------------+-----------------------------------+---------------------------------------+

The Act tab enables to write and issue objects. It is divided into three panels:

• Tree: Tree of the admins where the selected member has issuance rights
• Content: JSON content of the core selected
• Creator: Form to write an object (require privkey; the selected member = the visitor)