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@ 57d1a264:69f1fee1
2025-05-08 05:25:48Safe Bits & Self Custody Tips
The journey of onboarding a user and create a bitcoin multiSig setup begins far before opening a desktop like Bitcoin Safe (BS) or any other similar application. Bitcoin Safe seems designed for families and people that want to start exploring and learning about multiSig setup. The need for such application and use of it could go much further, defining best practices for private organizations that aim to custody bitcoin in a private and anonymous way, following and enjoy the values and standards bitcoin has been built for.
Intro
Organizations and small private groups like families, family offices and solopreneurs operating on a bitcoin standard will have the need to keep track of transactions and categorize them to keep the books in order. A part of our efforts will be spent ensuring accessibility standards are in place for everyone to use Bitcoin Safe with comfort and safety.
We aim with this project to bring together the three Designathon ideas below: - Bitcoin Safe: improve its overall design and usability. - No User Left Behind: improve Bitcoin Safe accessibility. - Self-custody guidelines for organizations: How Bitcoin Safe can be used by private organization following best self-custody practices.
We are already halfway of the first week, and here below the progress made so far.
Designing an icon Set for Bitcoin Safe
One of the noticeable things when using BS is the inconsistency of the icons, not just in colors and shapes, but also the way are used. The desktop app try to have a clean design that incorporate with all OS (Win, macOS, Linux) and for this reason it's hard to define when a system default icon need to be used or if a custom one can be applied instead. The use of QT Ui framework for python apps help to respond to these questions. It also incorporates and brig up dome default settings that aren't easily overwritten.
Here below you can see the current version of BS:
Defining a more strict color palette for Bitcoin Safe was the first thing!
How much the icons affect accessibility? How they can help users to reach the right functionality? I took the challenge and, with PenPot.app, redesigned the icons based on the grid defined in the https://bitcoinicons.com/ and proposing the implementation of it to have a cleaner and more consistent look'n feel, at least for the icons now.
What's next
I personally look forward to seeing these icons implemented soon in Bitcoin Safe interface. In the meantime, we'll focus on delivering an accessibility audit and evaluate options to see how BS could be used by private organizations aiming to become financially sovereign with self-custody or more complex bitcoin multiSig setups.
One of the greatest innovations BS is bringing to us is the ability to sync the multiSig wallets, including PBST, Categories and labels, through the nostr decentralized protocol, making current key custodial services somehow obsolete. Second-coolest feature that this nostr implementation brings is the ability to have a build-in private chat that connect and enable the various signers of a multiSig to communicate and sign transactions remotely. Where have you seen something like this before?
Categories UX and redesign is also considered in this project. We'll try to understand how to better serve this functionality to you, the user, really soon.
Stay tuned!
originally posted at https://stacker.news/items/974488
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@ 57d1a264:69f1fee1
2025-05-08 05:08:36Welcome back to our weekly
JABBB
, Just Another Bitcoin Bubble Boom, a comics and meme contest crafted for you, creative stackers!If you'd like to learn more, check our welcome post here.
This week sticker:
Bitcoin Sir
You can download the source file directly from the HereComesBitcoin website in SVG and PNG. Use this sticker around SN with the code

The task
Make sure you use this week sticker to design a comic frame or a meme, add a message that perfectly captures the sentiment of the current most hilarious takes on the Bitcoin space. You can contextualize it or not, it's up to you, you chose the message, the context and anything else that will help you submit your comic art masterpiece.
Are you a meme creator? There's space for you too: select the most similar shot from the gifts hosted on the Gif Station section and craft your best meme... Let's Jabbb!
If you enjoy designing and memeing, feel free to check out the JABBB archive and create more to spread Bitcoin awareness to the moon.
Submit each proposal on the relative thread, bounties will be distributed when enough participants submit options.
PS: you can now use HereComesBitcoin stickers to use on Stacker.News
₿e creative, have fun! :D
originally posted at https://stacker.news/items/974483
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@ 57d1a264:69f1fee1
2025-05-07 06:56:25Wild parrots tend to fly in flocks, but when kept as single pets, they may become lonely and bored https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=OHcAOlamgDc
Source: https://www.smithsonianmag.com/smart-news/scientists-taught-pet-parrots-to-video-call-each-other-and-the-birds-loved-it-180982041/
originally posted at https://stacker.news/items/973639
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@ 57d1a264:69f1fee1
2025-05-07 06:29:52Your device, your data. TRMNL's architecture prevents outsiders (including us) from accessing your local network. TRMNAL achieve this through 1 way communication between client and server, versus the other way around. Learn more.
Learn more at https://usetrmnl.com/
originally posted at https://stacker.news/items/973632
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@ 57d1a264:69f1fee1
2025-05-07 06:16:30Here’s Sean Voisen writing about how programming is a feeling:
For those of us who enjoy programming, there is a deep satisfaction that comes from solving problems through well-written code, a kind of ineffable joy found in the elegant expression of a system through our favorite syntax. It is akin to the same satisfaction a craftsperson might find at the end of the day after toiling away on well-made piece of furniture, the culmination of small dopamine hits that come from sweating the details on something and getting them just right. Maybe nobody will notice those details, but it doesn’t matter. We care, we notice, we get joy from the aesthetics of the craft.
This got me thinking about the idea of satisfaction in craft. Where does it come from?
Continue Reading https://blog.jim-nielsen.com/2025/craft-and-satisfaction/
originally posted at https://stacker.news/items/973628
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@ 57d1a264:69f1fee1
2025-05-07 06:03:29CryptPad
Collaboration and privacy. Yes, you can have both Flagship instance of CryptPad, the end-to-end encrypted and open-source collaboration suite. Cloud administered by the CryptPad development team. https://cryptpad.fr/
ONLYOFFICE DocSpace
Document collaboration made simpler. Easily collaborate with customizable rooms. Edit any content you have. Work faster using AI assistants. Protect your sensitive business data. Download or try STARTUP Cloud (Limited-time offer) FREE https://www.onlyoffice.com/
SeaFile
A new way to organize your files Beyond just syncing and sharing files, Seafile lets you add custom file properties and organize your files in different views. With AI-powered automation for generating properties, Seafile offers a smarter, more efficient way to manage your files. Try it Now, Free for up to 3 users https://seafile.com/
SandStorm
An open source platform for self-hosting web apps Self-host web-based productivity apps easily and securely. Sandstorm is an open source project built by a community of volunteers with the goal of making it really easy to run open source web applications. Try the Demo or Signup Free https://alpha.sandstorm.io/apps
NextCloud Hub
A new generation of online collaboration that puts you in control. Nextcloud offers a modern, on premise content collaboration platform with real-time document editing, video chat & groupware on mobile, desktop and web. Sign up for a free Nextcloud account https://nextcloud.com/sign-up/
LinShare
True Open Source Secure File Sharing Solution We are committed to providing a reliable Open Source file-sharing solution, expertly designed to meet the highest standards of diverse industries, such as government and finance Try the Demo https://linshare.app/
Twake Drive
The open-source alternative to Google Drive. Privacy-First Open Source Workplace. Twake workplace open source business. Improve your effeciency with truly Open Source, all-in-one digital suite. Enhance the security in every aspect of your professional and private life. Sign up https://sign-up.twake.app/
SpaceDrive
One Explorer. All Your Files. Unify files from all your devices and clouds into a single, easy-to-use explorer. Designed for creators, hoarders and the painfully disorganized. Download desktop app (mobile coming soon) https://www.spacedrive.com/
ente
Safe Home for your photos Store, share, and discover your memories with end-to-end encryption. End-to-end encryption, durable storage and simple sharing. Packed with these and much more into our beautiful open source apps. Get started https://web.ente.io
fileStash
Turn your FTP server into... Filestash is the enterprise-grade file manager connecting your storage with your identity provider and authorisations. Try the demo https://demo.filestash.app
STORJ
Disruptively fast. Globally secure. S3-compatible distributed cloud services that make the most demanding workflows fast and affordable. Fast track your journey toward high performance cloud services. Storj pricing is consistent and competitive in meeting or exceeding your cloud services needs. Give the products a try to experience the benefits of the distributed cloud. Get Started https://www.storj.io/get-started
FireFile
The open‑source alternative to Dropbox. Firefiles lets you setup a cloud drive with the backend of your choice and lets you seamlessly manage your files across multiple providers. It revolutionizes cloud storage management by offering a unified platform for all your storage needs. Sign up Free https://beta.firefiles.app
originally posted at https://stacker.news/items/973626
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@ 57d1a264:69f1fee1
2025-05-06 06:00:25Album art didn’t always exist. In the early 1900s, recorded music was still a novelty, overshadowed by sales of sheet music. Early vinyl records were vastly different from what we think of today: discs were sold individually and could only hold up to four minutes of music per side. Sometimes, only one side of the record was used. One of the most popular records of 1910, for example, was “Come, Josephine, in My Flying Machine”: it clocked in at two minutes and 39 seconds.
The invention of album art can get lost in the story of technological mastery. But among all the factors that contributed to the rise of recorded music, it stands as one of the few that was wholly driven by creators themselves. Album art — first as marketing material, then as pure creative expression — turned an audio-only medium into a multi-sensory experience.
This is the story of the people who made music visible.
originally posted at https://stacker.news/items/972642
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@ 57d1a264:69f1fee1
2025-05-06 05:49:01I don’t like garlic. It’s not a dislike for the taste in the moment, so much as an extreme dislike for the way it stays with you—sometimes for days—after a particularly garlicky meal.
Interestingly enough, both of my brothers love garlic. They roast it by itself and keep it at the ready so they can have a very strong garlic profile in their cooking. When I prepare a dish, I don’t even see garlic on the ingredient list. I’ve cut it out of my life so completely that my brain genuinely skips over it in recipes. While my brothers are looking for ways to sneak garlic into everything they make, I’m subconsciously avoiding it altogether.
A few years back, when I was digging intensely into how design systems mature, I stumbled on the concept of a design system origin story. There are two extreme origin stories and an infinite number of possibilities between. On one hand you have the grassroots system, where individuals working on digital products are simply trying to solve their own daily problems. They’re frustrated with having to go cut and paste elements from past designs or with recreating the same layouts over and over, so they start to work more systematically. On the other hand, you have the top down system, where leadership is directing teams to take a more systematic approach, often forming a small partially dedicated core team to tackle some centralized assets and guidelines for all to follow. The influences in those early days bias a design system in interesting and impactful ways.
We’ve established that there are a few types of bias that are either intentionally or unintentionally embedded into our design systems. Acknowledging this is a great first step. But, what’s the impact of this? Does it matter?
I believe there are a few impacts design system biases, but there’s one that stands out. The bias in your design system makes some individuals feel the system is meant for them and others feel it’s not. This is a problem because, a design system cannot live up to it’s expected value until it is broadly in use. If individuals feel your design system is not for them, the won’t use it. And, as you know, it doesn’t matter how good your design system is if nobody is using it.
originally posted at https://stacker.news/items/972641
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@ d61f3bc5:0da6ef4a
2025-05-06 01:37:28I remember the first gathering of Nostr devs two years ago in Costa Rica. We were all psyched because Nostr appeared to solve the problem of self-sovereign online identity and decentralized publishing. The protocol seemed well-suited for textual content, but it wasn't really designed to handle binary files, like images or video.
The Problem
When I publish a note that contains an image link, the note itself is resilient thanks to Nostr, but if the hosting service disappears or takes my image down, my note will be broken forever. We need a way to publish binary data without relying on a single hosting provider.
We were discussing how there really was no reliable solution to this problem even outside of Nostr. Peer-to-peer attempts like IPFS simply didn't work; they were hopelessly slow and unreliable in practice. Torrents worked for popular files like movies, but couldn't be relied on for general file hosting.
Awesome Blossom
A year later, I attended the Sovereign Engineering demo day in Madeira, organized by Pablo and Gigi. Many projects were presented over a three hour demo session that day, but one really stood out for me.
Introduced by hzrd149 and Stu Bowman, Blossom blew my mind because it showed how we can solve complex problems easily by simply relying on the fact that Nostr exists. Having an open user directory, with the corresponding social graph and web of trust is an incredible building block.
Since we can easily look up any user on Nostr and read their profile metadata, we can just get them to simply tell us where their files are stored. This, combined with hash-based addressing (borrowed from IPFS), is all we need to solve our problem.
How Blossom Works
The Blossom protocol (Blobs Stored Simply on Mediaservers) is formally defined in a series of BUDs (Blossom Upgrade Documents). Yes, Blossom is the most well-branded protocol in the history of protocols. Feel free to refer to the spec for details, but I will provide a high level explanation here.
The main idea behind Blossom can be summarized in three points:
- Users specify which media server(s) they use via their public Blossom settings published on Nostr;
- All files are uniquely addressable via hashes;
- If an app fails to load a file from the original URL, it simply goes to get it from the server(s) specified in the user's Blossom settings.
Just like Nostr itself, the Blossom protocol is dead-simple and it works!
Let's use this image as an example:
If you look at the URL for this image, you will notice that it looks like this:
blossom.primal.net/c1aa63f983a44185d039092912bfb7f33adcf63ed3cae371ebe6905da5f688d0.jpg
All Blossom URLs follow this format:
[server]/[file-hash].[extension]
The file hash is important because it uniquely identifies the file in question. Apps can use it to verify that the file they received is exactly the file they requested. It also gives us the ability to reliably get the same file from a different server.
Nostr users declare which media server(s) they use by publishing their Blossom settings. If I store my files on Server A, and they get removed, I can simply upload them to Server B, update my public Blossom settings, and all Blossom-capable apps will be able to find them at the new location. All my existing notes will continue to display media content without any issues.
Blossom Mirroring
Let's face it, re-uploading files to another server after they got removed from the original server is not the best user experience. Most people wouldn't have the backups of all the files, and/or the desire to do this work.
This is where Blossom's mirroring feature comes handy. In addition to the primary media server, a Blossom user can set one one or more mirror servers. Under this setup, every time a file is uploaded to the primary server the Nostr app issues a mirror request to the primary server, directing it to copy the file to all the specified mirrors. This way there is always a copy of all content on multiple servers and in case the primary becomes unavailable, Blossom-capable apps will automatically start loading from the mirror.
Mirrors are really easy to setup (you can do it in two clicks in Primal) and this arrangement ensures robust media handling without any central points of failure. Note that you can use professional media hosting services side by side with self-hosted backup servers that anyone can run at home.
Using Blossom Within Primal
Blossom is natively integrated into the entire Primal stack and enabled by default. If you are using Primal 2.2 or later, you don't need to do anything to enable Blossom, all your media uploads are blossoming already.
To enhance user privacy, all Primal apps use the "/media" endpoint per BUD-05, which strips all metadata from uploaded files before they are saved and optionally mirrored to other Blossom servers, per user settings. You can use any Blossom server as your primary media server in Primal, as well as setup any number of mirrors:
## Conclusion
For such a simple protocol, Blossom gives us three major benefits:
- Verifiable authenticity. All Nostr notes are always signed by the note author. With Blossom, the signed note includes a unique hash for each referenced media file, making it impossible to falsify.
- File hosting redundancy. Having multiple live copies of referenced media files (via Blossom mirroring) greatly increases the resiliency of media content published on Nostr.
- Censorship resistance. Blossom enables us to seamlessly switch media hosting providers in case of censorship.
Thanks for reading; and enjoy! 🌸
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@ a5ee4475:2ca75401
2025-05-09 17:39:47clients #list #descentralismo #english #article #finalversion
*These clients are generally applications on the Nostr network that allow you to use the same account, regardless of the app used, keeping your messages and profile intact.
**However, you may need to meet certain requirements regarding access and account NIP for some clients, so that you can access them securely and use their features correctly.
CLIENTS
Twitter like
- Nostrmo - [source] 🌐🤖🍎💻(🐧🪟🍎)
- Coracle - Super App [source] 🌐
- Amethyst - Super App with note edit, delete and other stuff with Tor [source] 🤖
- Primal - Social and wallet [source] 🌐🤖🍎
- Iris - [source] 🌐🤖🍎
- Current - [source] 🤖🍎
- FreeFrom 🤖🍎
- Openvibe - Nostr and others (new Plebstr) [source] 🤖🍎
- Snort 🌐(🤖[early access]) [onion] [source]
- Damus 🍎 [source]
- Nos 🍎 [source]
- Nostur 🍎 [source]
- NostrBand 🌐 [info] [source]
- Yana 🤖🍎🌐💻(🐧) [source]
- Nostribe [on development] 🌐 [source]
- Lume 💻(🐧🪟🍎) [info] [source]
- Gossip - [source] 💻(🐧🪟🍎)
- Camelus [early access] 🤖 [source]
Communities
- CCNS - Community Curated Nostr Stuff [source]
- noStrudel - Gamified Experience [onion] [info/source] 🌐
- [Nostrudel Next] - [onion]
- moStard - Nostrudel with Monero [onion] [info/source] 🌐
- Nostr Kiwi [creator] 🌐
- Satellite [info] 🌐
- Flotilla - [source] 🌐🐧
- Chachi - [source] 🌐
- Futr - Coded in haskell [source] 🐧 (others soon)
- Soapbox - Comunnity server [info] [source] 🌐
- Ditto - Soapbox comunnity server 🌐 [source] 🌐
- Cobrafuma - Nostr brazilian community on Ditto [info] 🌐
- Zapddit - Reddit like [source] 🌐
- Voyage (Reddit like) [on development] 🤖
Wiki
Search
- Advanced nostr search - Advanced note search by isolated terms related to a npub profile [source] 🌐
- Nos Today - Global note search by isolated terms [info] [source] 🌐
- Nostr Search Engine - API for Nostr clients [source]
- Ntrends - Trending notes and profiles 🌐
Website
App Store
ZapStore - Permitionless App Store [source] 🤖 💻(🐧🍎)
Video and Live Streaming
- Flare - Youtube like 🌐 [source]
- ZapStream - Live streaming and zap who you want (NIP-53) [source] 🤖(on zapstore) 🌐
- Swae - Live streaming [source] (on development) ⏳
Audio and Podcast Transmission
- Castr - Your npub as podcast feed [source]
- Nostr Nests - Audio Chats [source] 🌐
- Fountain - Podcast [source] 🤖🍎
- Corny Chat - Audio Chat [source] 🌐
Music
- Tidal - Music Streaming [source] [about] [info] 🤖🍎🌐
- Wavlake - Music Streaming [source] 🌐(🤖🍎 [early access])
- Tunestr - Musical Events [source] [about] 🌐
- Stemstr - Musical Colab (paid to post) [source] [about] 🌐
Images
- Lumina - Trending images and pictures [source] 🌐
- Pinstr - Pinterest like [source] 🌐
- Slidestr - DeviantArt like [source] 🌐
- Memestr - ifunny like [source] 🌐
Download and Upload
Documents, graphics and tables
- Mindstr - Mind maps [source] 🌐
- Docstr - Share Docs [info] [source] 🌐
- Formstr - Share Forms [info] 🌐
- Sheetstr - Share Spreadsheets [source] 🌐
- Slide Maker - Share slides 🌐 (advice: https://zaplinks.lol/ and https://zaplinks.lol/slides/ sites are down)
Health
- Sobrkey - Sobriety and mental health [source] 🌐
- NosFabrica - Finding ways for your health data 🌐
- LazerEyes - Eye prescription by DM [source] 🌐
Forum
- OddBean - Hacker News like [info] [source] 🌐
- LowEnt - Forum [info] 🌐
- Swarmstr - Q&A / FAQ [info] 🌐
- Staker News - Hacker News like 🌐 [info]
Direct Messenges (DM)
- 0xchat 🤖🍎 [source]
- Nostr Chat 🌐🍎 [source]
- Blowater 🌐 [source]
- Anigma (new nostrgram) - Telegram based [on development] [source]
- Keychat - Signal based [🤖🍎 on development] [source]
Reading
- nRSS - Nostr RSS reader 🌐
- Highlighter - Insights with a highlighted read [info] 🌐
- Zephyr - Calming to Read [info] 🌐
- Flycat - Clean and Healthy Feed [info] 🌐
- Nosta - Check Profiles [on development] [info] 🌐
- Alexandria - e-Reader and Nostr Knowledge Base (NKB) [source] 🌐
Writing
Lists
- Following - Users list [source] 🌐
- Nostr Unfollower - Nostr Unfollower
- Listr - Lists [source] 🌐
- Nostr potatoes - Movies List source 💻(numpy)
Market and Jobs
- Shopstr - Buy and Sell [source] 🌐
- Nostr Market - Buy and Sell 🌐
- Plebeian Market - Buy and Sell [source] 🌐
- Ostrich Work - Jobs [source] 🌐
- Nostrocket - Jobs [source] 🌐
Data Vending Machines - DVM (NIP90)
(Data-processing tools)
Games
- Chesstr - Chess 🌐 [source]
- Jestr - Chess [source] 🌐
- Snakestr - Snake game [source] 🌐
- DEG Mods - Decentralized Game Mods [info] [source] 🌐
- NG Engine - Nostr Game Engine [source] 🌐
- JmonkeyEngine - Java game engine [source] 🌐
Customization
Like other Services
- Olas - Instagram like [source] 🤖🍎🌐
- Nostree - Linktree like 🌐
- Rabbit - TweetDeck like [info] 🌐
- Zaplinks - Nostr links 🌐
- Omeglestr - Omegle-like Random Chats [source] 🌐
General Uses
- Njump - HTML text gateway source 🌐
- Filestr - HTML midia gateway [source] 🌐
- W3 - Nostr URL shortener [source] 🌐
- Playground - Test Nostr filters [source] 🌐
- Spring - Browser 🌐
Places
- Wherostr - Travel and show where you are
- Arc Map (Mapstr) - Bitcoin Map [info]
Driver and Delivery
- RoadRunner - Uber like [on development] ⏱️
- Nostrlivery - iFood like [on development] ⏱️
[⚠️SCAM⚠️] Arcade City - Uber like [source]
OTHER STUFF
Lightning Wallets (zap)
- Alby - Native and extension [info] 🌐
- ZBD - Gaming and Social [info] 🤖🍎
- Wallet of Satoshi [info] 🤖🍎
- Minibits - Cashu mobile wallet [info] 🤖
- Blink - Opensource custodial wallet (KYC over 1000 usd) [source] 🤖🍎
- LNbits - App and extesion [source] 🤖🍎💻
- Zeus - [info] [source] 🤖🍎
Exchange
Media Server (Upload Links)
audio, image and video
Connected with Nostr (NIP):
- Nostr Build - Free and paid Upload [info] [source] 🌐
- NostrMedia - Written in Go with Nip 96 / Blossom (free and paid) [info] [source]
- Nostr Check - [info] [source] 🌐
- NostPic - [info] [source] 🌐
- Sovbit - Free and paid upload [info] [source] 🌐
- Voidcat - Nip-96 and Blossom [source] 🌐
- Primal Media - [source] 🌐
Blossom - Your Media Safer
Primal Blossom 🌐 NostrBuild Blossom - Free upload (max 100MiB) and paid [info] [source] 🌐
Paid Upload Only
Satellite CDN - prepaid upload (max 5GB each) [info] [source] 🌐
Without Nostr NIP:
- Pomf - Upload larger videos (max 1GB) [source]
- Catbox - max 200 MB [source]
- x0 - max 512 MiB [source]
Donation and payments
- Zapper - Easy Zaps [source] 🌐
- Autozap [source] 🌐
- Zapmeacoffee 🌐
- Nostr Zap 💻(numpy)
- Creatr - Creators subscription 🌐
- Geyzer - Crowdfunding [info] [source] 🌐
- Heya! - Crowdfunding [source]
Security
- Secret Border - Generate offline keys 💻(java)
- Umbrel - Your private relay [source] 🌐
Key signing and Extension
- Nowser - Account access keys 📱(🤖🍎) 💻(🐧🍎🪟)
- Nos2x - Account access keys 🌐
- Nsec.app 🌐 [info]
- Lume - [info] [source] 🐧🪟🍎
- Satcom - Share files to discuss - [info] 🌐
- KeysBand - Multi-key signing [source] 🌐
Code
- Nostrify - Share Nostr Frameworks 🌐
- Git Workshop (github like) [experimental] 🌐
- Gitstr (github like) [on development] ⏱️
- Osty [on development] [info] 🌐
- Python Nostr - Python Library for Nostr
- Sybil - Creating, managing and test Nostr events [on development] ⏱️
Relay Check and Cloud
- Nostr Watch - See your relay speed 🌐
- NosDrive - Nostr Relay that saves to Google Drive
Bidges and Getways
- Matrixtr Bridge - Between Matrix & Nostr
- Mostr - Between Nostr & Fediverse
- Nostrss - RSS to Nostr
- Rsslay - Optimized RSS to Nostr [source]
- Atomstr - RSS/Atom to Nostr [source]
Useful Profiles and Trends
nostr-voice - Voice note (just some clients)
NOT RELATED TO NOSTR
Android Keyboards
Personal notes and texts
Front-ends
- Nitter - Twitter / X without your data [source]
- NewPipe - Youtube, Peertube and others, without account & your data [source] 🤖
- Piped - Youtube web without you data [source] 🌐
Other Services
- Brave - Browser [source]
- DuckDuckGo - Search [source]
- LLMA - Meta - Meta open source AI [source]
- DuckDuckGo AI Chat - Famous AIs without Login [source]
- Proton Mail - Mail [source]
Other open source index: Degoogled Apps
Some other Nostr index on:
-
@ 57d1a264:69f1fee1
2025-05-05 05:26:34The European Accessibility Act is coming, now is a great time for accessibility trainings!. In my Accessibility for Designer workshop, you will learn how to design accessible mockups that prevent issues in visual design, interactions, navigation, and content. You will be able to spot problems early, fix them in your designs, and communicate accessibility clearly with your team. This is a practical workshop with hands-on exercises, not just theory. You’ll actively apply accessibility principles to real design scenarios and mockups. And will get access to my accessibility resources: checklists, annotation kits and more.
When? 4 sessions of 2 hours + Q and As, on: - Mon, June 16, - Tue, June 17, Mon, - June 23 and Tue, - June 24. 9:30 – 12:00 PM PT or 18:30 – 21:00 CET
Register with 15% discount ($255) https://ti.to/smashingmagazine/online-workshops-2022/with/87vynaoqc0/discount/welcometomyworkshop
originally posted at https://stacker.news/items/971772
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@ a5ee4475:2ca75401
2025-05-09 17:13:22lista #descentralismo #compilado #portugues
*Algumas destas listas ainda estão sendo trocadas, portanto as versões mais recentes delas só estão visíveis no Amethyst por causa da ferramenta de edição.
Clients do Nostr e Outras Coisas
nostr:naddr1qq245dz5tqe8w46swpphgmr4f3047s6629t45qg4waehxw309aex2mrp0yhxgctdw4eju6t09upzpf0wg36k3g3hygndv3cp8f2j284v0hfh4dqgqjj3yxnreck2w4qpqvzqqqr4guxde6sl
Modelos de IA e Ferramentas
nostr:naddr1qq24xwtyt9v5wjzefe6523j32dy5ga65gagkjqgswaehxw309ahx7um5wghx6mmd9upzpf0wg36k3g3hygndv3cp8f2j284v0hfh4dqgqjj3yxnreck2w4qpqvzqqqr4guk62czu
Iniciativas de Bitcoin
nostr:naddr1qvzqqqr4gupzpf0wg36k3g3hygndv3cp8f2j284v0hfh4dqgqjj3yxnreck2w4qpqq2nvmn5va9x2nrxfd2k5smyf3ux7vesd9znyqxygt4
Profissionais Brasileiros no Nostr
nostr:naddr1qq24qmnkwe6y67zlxgc4sumrxpxxce3kf9fn2qghwaehxw309aex2mrp0yhxummnw3ezucnpdejz7q3q5hhygatg5gmjyfkkguqn54f9r6k8m5m6ksyqffgjrf3uut982sqsxpqqqp65wp8uedu
Comunidades em Português no Nostr
nostr:naddr1qq2hwcejv4ykgdf3v9gxykrxfdqk753jxcc4gqg4waehxw309aex2mrp0yhxgctdw4eju6t09upzpf0wg36k3g3hygndv3cp8f2j284v0hfh4dqgqjj3yxnreck2w4qpqvzqqqr4gu455fm3
Grupos em Português no Nostr
nostr:nevent1qqs98kldepjmlxngupsyth40n0h5lw7z5ut5w4scvh27alc0w86tevcpzpmhxue69uhkummnw3ezumt0d5hsygy7fff8g6l23gp5uqtuyqwkqvucx6mhe7r9h7v6wyzzj0v6lrztcspsgqqqqqqs3ndneh
Jogos de Código Aberto
Open Source Games nostr:naddr1qvzqqqr4gupzpf0wg36k3g3hygndv3cp8f2j284v0hfh4dqgqjj3yxnreck2w4qpqq2kvwp3v4hhvk2sw3j5sm6h23g5wkz5ddzhz8x40v0
Formatação de Texto em Markdown
(Amethyst, Yakihone e outros) nostr:naddr1qvzqqqr4gupzpf0wg36k3g3hygndv3cp8f2j284v0hfh4dqgqjj3yxnreck2w4qpqq2454m8dfzn26z4f34kvu6fw4rysnrjxfm42wfpe90
Outros Links
nostr:nevent1qqsrm6ywny5r7ajakpppp0lt525n0s33x6tyn6pz0n8ws8k2tqpqracpzpmhxue69uhkummnw3ezumt0d5hsygp6e5ns0nv3dun430jky25y4pku6ylz68rz6zs7khv29q6rj5peespsgqqqqqqsmfwa78
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@ 57d1a264:69f1fee1
2025-05-05 05:15:02Crabtree's Framework for Evaluating Human-Centered Research
Picture this: You've spent three weeks conducting qualitative research for a finance app redesign. You carefully recruited 12 participants, conducted in-depth interviews, and identified patterns around financial anxiety and decision paralysis. You're excited to present your findings when the inevitable happens:
"But are these results statistically significant?"
"Just 12 people? How can we make decisions that affect thousands of users based on conversations with just 12 people?"
As UX professionals, we regularly face stakeholders who evaluate our qualitative research using criteria designed for quantitative methods... This misalignment undermines the unique value qualitative research brings to product development.
Continue reading https://uxpsychology.substack.com/p/beyond-numbers-how-to-properly-evaluate
originally posted at https://stacker.news/items/971767
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@ a5ee4475:2ca75401
2025-05-09 17:10:35Título H1 - Formatação Markdown
[Titulo com '# ' antes do texto, pode não funcionar se o título H1 for iniciado depois de um texto normal]
list #descentralismo #markdown #clients #Amethyst #Yakihonne
Título H2 [2 hashtags e espaço]
Título H3 [3 hashtags e espaço]
Título H4 [4 hashtags e espaço]
Título H5 [5 hashtags e espaço]
Título H6 [6 hashtags e espaço]
*Copie e cole o texto para enxergar os caracteres usados
Réguas horizontais
- Com 3 sublinhados (_) seguidos:
- Com 3 hífens (-) seguidos:
- Com três asteriscos (*) seguidos:
Ênfases
Negrito: - Dois asteriscos antes e depois: Este é um texto em negrito
- Dois sublinhados antes e depois: Esse é um texto em negrito
Itálico - Um asterisco antes e um depois: Esse é um texto em itálico
- Um sublinhado antes e um depois: Esse é um texto em itálico
Tachado:
~~Aqui houve uma rasura~~
Bloco de citações
Usando 1 a 3 “>”:
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…Usando cada vez mais maior-que (>).
…Mesmo com espaços entre eles.
Listas
Não-ordenadas
- Crie um tópico começando com
+
,-
ou*
. - Subtópicos são feitos adicionando 2 espaços:
- A mudança da marcação inicial não altera a lista:
- Com asterisco
- Com sinal de mais
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- Muito fácil!
Ordenadas
- Lorem ipsum dolor sit amet
- Consectetur adipiscing elit
- Integer molestie lorem at massa
- Você pode usar números em sequência...
- ...ou deixar tudo como
1.
ou outro número.
O número inicia com recuos:
- foo
- bar
Códigos
código
na mesma linhaCaixa de código
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Códigos intentados com 4 espaços:
// Some comments line 1 of code line 2 of code line 3 of code
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Com 3 acentos graves antes e depois:
Marcação de texto:
Insira o texto aqui...
Marcação de sintaxe:
``` js var foo = function (bar) { return bar++; };
console.log(foo(5)); ```
Tabelas
| APP | Descrição | | ------ | ----------- | | Element | App de mensagens que usa a rede Matrix. | | Simplex | App de mensagens bastante usado. | | 0xchat | App de mensagens no Nostr. |
Links
-
Link autoconvertido https://github.com/nodeca/pica (habilite o linkify para ver)
Imagens nomeadas
Minion:
Stormtroopocat:
Como links, imagens também tem sintaxe footnote ‘!’ + ‘Outro texto’...
…com uma referência id posterior da referência na localização da URL.
Plugins
O recurso de
markdown-it
é um suporte muito eficaz de plugins de sintaxe.
Emojis
*Acesse o link para entender melhor
Marcação clássica: :wink: :cry: :laughing: :yum:
Figuras Ascii (emoticons): :-) :-( 8-) ;)
Veja como mudar a exibição com o twemoji.
Sobrescrito / Subscrito
*Acesse os links para entender melhor
- 19^th^
- H~2~O
\
*Acesse o link para entender melhor
++Texto Inserido++
\
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==Texto marcado==
Notas de Rodapé
*Acesse o link para entender melhor
Nota de rodapé 1 link[^primeiro].
Nota de rodapé 2 link[^segundo].
Rodapé^[Texto do rodapé na linha] definição na linha.
Referência duplicada no rodapé[^segundo].
[^primeiro]: Rodapé pode ter marcação
e múltiplos parágrafos.
[^segundo]: Texto de rodapé.
Listas de Definição
*Acesse o link para entender melhor
Termo 1
: Definição 1 com continuação preguiçosa.
Termo 2 com marcação na linha
: Definição 2
{ algum código, parte da Definição 2 } Third paragraph of definition 2.
Estilo compacto:
Termo 1 ~ Definição 1
Termo 2 ~ Definição 2a ~ Definição 2b
Esse texto é uma adaptação do:
nostr:nevent1qqsv54qfgtme38r2tl9v6ghwfj09gdjukealstkzc77mwujr56tgfwspzamhxue69uhhyetvv9ujumn0wd68ytnzv9hxgtczyqy0j6zknu2lr7qrge5yt725azecflhxv6d2tzwgtwrql5llukdqjqcyqqqqqqgfdk5w3
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@ c631e267:c2b78d3e
2025-05-02 20:05:22Du bist recht appetitlich oben anzuschauen, \ doch unten hin die Bestie macht mir Grauen. \ Johann Wolfgang von Goethe
Wie wenig bekömmlich sogenannte «Ultra-Processed Foods» wie Fertiggerichte, abgepackte Snacks oder Softdrinks sind, hat kürzlich eine neue Studie untersucht. Derweil kann Fleisch auch wegen des Einsatzes antimikrobieller Mittel in der Massentierhaltung ein Problem darstellen. Internationale Bemühungen, diesen Gebrauch zu reduzieren, um die Antibiotikaresistenz bei Menschen einzudämmen, sind nun möglicherweise gefährdet.
Leider ist Politik oft mindestens genauso unappetitlich und ungesund wie diverse Lebensmittel. Die «Corona-Zeit» und ihre Auswirkungen sind ein beredtes Beispiel. Der Thüringer Landtag diskutiert gerade den Entwurf eines «Coronamaßnahmen-Unrechtsbereinigungsgesetzes» und das kanadische Gesundheitsministerium versucht, tausende Entschädigungsanträge wegen Impfnebenwirkungen mit dem Budget von 75 Millionen Dollar unter einen Hut zu bekommen. In den USA soll die Zulassung von Covid-«Impfstoffen» überdacht werden, während man sich mit China um die Herkunft des Virus streitet.
Wo Corona-Verbrecher von Medien und Justiz gedeckt werden, verfolgt man Aufklärer und Aufdecker mit aller Härte. Der Anwalt und Mitbegründer des Corona-Ausschusses Reiner Fuellmich, der seit Oktober 2023 in Untersuchungshaft sitzt, wurde letzte Woche zu drei Jahren und neun Monaten verurteilt – wegen Veruntreuung. Am Mittwoch teilte der von vielen Impfschadensprozessen bekannte Anwalt Tobias Ulbrich mit, dass er vom Staatsschutz verfolgt wird und sich daher künftig nicht mehr öffentlich äußern werde.
Von der kommenden deutschen Bundesregierung aus Wählerbetrügern, Transatlantikern, Corona-Hardlinern und Russenhassern kann unmöglich eine Verbesserung erwartet werden. Nina Warken beispielsweise, die das Ressort Gesundheit übernehmen soll, diffamierte Maßnahmenkritiker als «Coronaleugner» und forderte eine Impfpflicht, da die wundersamen Injektionen angeblich «nachweislich helfen». Laut dem designierten Außenminister Johann Wadephul wird Russland «für uns immer der Feind» bleiben. Deswegen will er die Ukraine «nicht verlieren lassen» und sieht die Bevölkerung hinter sich, solange nicht deutsche Soldaten dort sterben könnten.
Eine wichtige Personalie ist auch die des künftigen Regierungssprechers. Wenngleich Hebestreit an Arroganz schwer zu überbieten sein wird, dürfte sich die Art der Kommunikation mit Stefan Kornelius in der Sache kaum ändern. Der Politikchef der Süddeutschen Zeitung «prägte den Meinungsjournalismus der SZ» und schrieb «in dieser Rolle auch für die Titel der Tamedia». Allerdings ist, anders als noch vor zehn Jahren, die Einbindung von Journalisten in Thinktanks wie die Deutsche Atlantische Gesellschaft (DAG) ja heute eher eine Empfehlung als ein Problem.
Ungesund ist definitiv auch die totale Digitalisierung, nicht nur im Gesundheitswesen. Lauterbachs Abschiedsgeschenk, die «abgesicherte» elektronische Patientenakte (ePA) ist völlig überraschenderweise direkt nach dem Bundesstart erneut gehackt worden. Norbert Häring kommentiert angesichts der Datenlecks, wer die ePA nicht abwähle, könne seine Gesundheitsdaten ebensogut auf Facebook posten.
Dass die staatlichen Kontrolleure so wenig auf freie Software und dezentrale Lösungen setzen, verdeutlicht die eigentlichen Intentionen hinter der Digitalisierungswut. Um Sicherheit und Souveränität geht es ihnen jedenfalls nicht – sonst gäbe es zum Beispiel mehr Unterstützung für Bitcoin und für Initiativen wie die der Spar-Supermärkte in der Schweiz.
[Titelbild: Pixabay]
Dieser Beitrag wurde mit dem Pareto-Client geschrieben und ist zuerst auf Transition News erschienen.
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@ 21335073:a244b1ad
2025-05-09 13:56:57Someone asked for my thoughts, so I’ll share them thoughtfully. I’m not here to dictate how to promote Nostr—I’m still learning about it myself. While I’m not new to Nostr, freedom tech is a newer space for me. I’m skilled at advocating for topics I deeply understand, but freedom tech isn’t my expertise, so take my words with a grain of salt. Nothing I say is set in stone.
Those who need Nostr the most are the ones most vulnerable to censorship on other platforms right now. Reaching them requires real-time awareness of global issues and the dynamic relationships between governments and tech providers, which can shift suddenly. Effective Nostr promoters must grasp this and adapt quickly.
The best messengers are people from or closely tied to these at-risk regions—those who truly understand the local political and cultural dynamics. They can connect with those in need when tensions rise. Ideal promoters are rational, trustworthy, passionate about Nostr, but above all, dedicated to amplifying people’s voices when it matters most.
Forget influencers, corporate-backed figures, or traditional online PR—it comes off as inauthentic, corny, desperate and forced. Nostr’s promotion should be grassroots and organic, driven by a few passionate individuals who believe in Nostr and the communities they serve.
The idea that “people won’t join Nostr due to lack of reach” is nonsense. Everyone knows X’s “reach” is mostly with bots. If humans want real conversations, Nostr is the place. X is great for propaganda, but Nostr is for the authentic voices of the people.
Those spreading Nostr must be so passionate they’re willing to onboard others, which is time-consuming but rewarding for the right person. They’ll need to make Nostr and onboarding a core part of who they are. I see no issue with that level of dedication. I’ve been known to get that way myself at times. It’s fun for some folks.
With love, I suggest not adding Bitcoin promotion with Nostr outreach. Zaps already integrate that element naturally. (Still promote within the Bitcoin ecosystem, but this is about reaching vulnerable voices who needed Nostr yesterday.)
To promote Nostr, forget conventional strategies. “Influencers” aren’t the answer. “Influencers” are not the future. A trusted local community member has real influence—reach them. Connect with people seeking Nostr’s benefits but lacking the technical language to express it. This means some in the Nostr community might need to step outside of the Bitcoin bubble, which is uncomfortable but necessary. Thank you in advance to those who are willing to do that.
I don’t know who is paid to promote Nostr, if anyone. This piece isn’t shade. But it’s exhausting to see innocent voices globally silenced on corporate platforms like X while Nostr exists. Last night, I wondered: how many more voices must be censored before the Nostr community gets uncomfortable and thinks creatively to reach the vulnerable?
A warning: the global need for censorship-resistant social media is undeniable. If Nostr doesn’t make itself known, something else will fill that void. Let’s start this conversation.
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@ c631e267:c2b78d3e
2025-04-25 20:06:24Die Wahrheit verletzt tiefer als jede Beleidigung. \ Marquis de Sade
Sagen Sie niemals «Terroristin B.», «Schwachkopf H.», «korrupter Drecksack S.» oder «Meinungsfreiheitshasserin F.» und verkneifen Sie sich Memes, denn so etwas könnte Ihnen als Beleidigung oder Verleumdung ausgelegt werden und rechtliche Konsequenzen haben. Auch mit einer Frau M.-A. S.-Z. ist in dieser Beziehung nicht zu spaßen, sie gehört zu den Top-Anzeigenstellern.
«Politikerbeleidigung» als Straftatbestand wurde 2021 im Kampf gegen «Rechtsextremismus und Hasskriminalität» in Deutschland eingeführt, damals noch unter der Regierung Merkel. Im Gesetz nicht festgehalten ist die Unterscheidung zwischen schlechter Hetze und guter Hetze – trotzdem ist das gängige Praxis, wie der Titel fast schon nahelegt.
So dürfen Sie als Politikerin heute den Tesla als «Nazi-Auto» bezeichnen und dies ausdrücklich auf den Firmengründer Elon Musk und dessen «rechtsextreme Positionen» beziehen, welche Sie nicht einmal belegen müssen. [1] Vielleicht ernten Sie Proteste, jedoch vorrangig wegen der «gut bezahlten, unbefristeten Arbeitsplätze» in Brandenburg. Ihren Tweet hat die Berliner Senatorin Cansel Kiziltepe inzwischen offenbar dennoch gelöscht.
Dass es um die Meinungs- und Pressefreiheit in der Bundesrepublik nicht mehr allzu gut bestellt ist, befürchtet man inzwischen auch schon im Ausland. Der Fall des Journalisten David Bendels, der kürzlich wegen eines Faeser-Memes zu sieben Monaten Haft auf Bewährung verurteilt wurde, führte in diversen Medien zu Empörung. Die Welt versteckte ihre Kritik mit dem Titel «Ein Urteil wie aus einer Diktatur» hinter einer Bezahlschranke.
Unschöne, heutzutage vielleicht strafbare Kommentare würden mir auch zu einigen anderen Themen und Akteuren einfallen. Ein Kandidat wäre der deutsche Bundesgesundheitsminister (ja, er ist es tatsächlich immer noch). Während sich in den USA auf dem Gebiet etwas bewegt und zum Beispiel Robert F. Kennedy Jr. will, dass die Gesundheitsbehörde (CDC) keine Covid-Impfungen für Kinder mehr empfiehlt, möchte Karl Lauterbach vor allem das Corona-Lügengebäude vor dem Einsturz bewahren.
«Ich habe nie geglaubt, dass die Impfungen nebenwirkungsfrei sind», sagte Lauterbach jüngst der ZDF-Journalistin Sarah Tacke. Das steht in krassem Widerspruch zu seiner früher verbreiteten Behauptung, die Gen-Injektionen hätten keine Nebenwirkungen. Damit entlarvt er sich selbst als Lügner. Die Bezeichnung ist absolut berechtigt, dieser Mann dürfte keinerlei politische Verantwortung tragen und das Verhalten verlangt nach einer rechtlichen Überprüfung. Leider ist ja die Justiz anderweitig beschäftigt und hat außerdem selbst keine weiße Weste.
Obendrein kämpfte der Herr Minister für eine allgemeine Impfpflicht. Er beschwor dabei das Schließen einer «Impflücke», wie es die Weltgesundheitsorganisation – die «wegen Trump» in finanziellen Schwierigkeiten steckt – bis heute tut. Die WHO lässt aktuell ihre «Europäische Impfwoche» propagieren, bei der interessanterweise von Covid nicht mehr groß die Rede ist.
Einen «Klima-Leugner» würden manche wohl Nir Shaviv nennen, das ist ja nicht strafbar. Der Astrophysiker weist nämlich die Behauptung von einer Klimakrise zurück. Gemäß seiner Forschung ist mindestens die Hälfte der Erderwärmung nicht auf menschliche Emissionen, sondern auf Veränderungen im Sonnenverhalten zurückzuführen.
Das passt vielleicht auch den «Klima-Hysterikern» der britischen Regierung ins Konzept, die gerade Experimente zur Verdunkelung der Sonne angekündigt haben. Produzenten von Kunstfleisch oder Betreiber von Insektenfarmen würden dagegen vermutlich die Geschichte vom fatalen CO2 bevorzugen. Ihnen würde es besser passen, wenn der verantwortungsvolle Erdenbürger sein Verhalten gründlich ändern müsste.
In unserer völlig verkehrten Welt, in der praktisch jede Verlautbarung außerhalb der abgesegneten Narrative potenziell strafbar sein kann, gehört fast schon Mut dazu, Dinge offen anzusprechen. Im «besten Deutschland aller Zeiten» glaubten letztes Jahr nur noch 40 Prozent der Menschen, ihre Meinung frei äußern zu können. Das ist ein Armutszeugnis, und es sieht nicht gerade nach Besserung aus. Umso wichtiger ist es, dagegen anzugehen.
[Titelbild: Pixabay]
--- Quellen: ---
[1] Zur Orientierung wenigstens ein paar Hinweise zur NS-Vergangenheit deutscher Automobilhersteller:
- Volkswagen
- Porsche
- Daimler-Benz
- BMW
- Audi
- Opel
- Heute: «Auto-Werke für die Rüstung? Rheinmetall prüft Übernahmen»
Dieser Beitrag wurde mit dem Pareto-Client geschrieben und ist zuerst auf Transition News erschienen.
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@ a5ee4475:2ca75401
2025-05-08 21:57:12brasil #portugal #portugues #bitcoin
Brasil
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Jericoacoara - Ceará nostr:nprofile1qqsdc47glaz2z599a7utq9gk2xyf6z70t7ddyryrnweyt32z4sdarfsppemhxue69uhkummn9ekx7mp00ex584
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Rolante - Rio Grande do Sul nostr:nprofile1qqsdrks96vr7vc7frjflm8lmhwleslwzgjlkpyj4ahjhzgm4n8dh0qqprdmhxue69uhkymm4de3k2u3wd45ku6tzdak8gtnfdenx7qgcwaen5te0xycrqt3hxyhryvfh9ccngde6xsurgwqpz3mhxue69uhhyetvv9ujuerpd46hxtnfduhxppd6
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Santo Antonio do Pinhal - São Paulo nostr:nprofile1qqsr5maylee9j77ce0es6tgmxj3pax2dlsuuptkn2stuj95jzqysulgpzemhxue69uhhyetvv9ujuurjd9kkzmpwdejhgqgjwaehxw309ac82unsd3jhqct89ejhxqgdwaehxw309ahx7uewd3hkca6zsjl
Portugal
- Ilha da Madeira - nostr:nprofile1qqsv45qvfz5vdzwn9478wzusyggjf44x3w7xk8f3cgpe4px44wgv77cpr3mhxue69uhkummnw3ezucnfw33k76twv4ezuum0vd5kzmqpz3mhxue69uhhyetvv9ujumn0wd68ytnzvuq32amnwvaz7tmwdaehgu3dwfjkccte9eshquqzhddc4
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@ a5ee4475:2ca75401
2025-05-07 20:00:42lista #descentralismo #comunidades #portugues
[em atualização]
*Até a criação desse post, só alguns clients têm acesso às comunidades, tal como o Satellite, o Coracle e o Amethyst.
**Se a comunidade não tiver proprietários ou moderadores ativos, o seu envio de mensagem poderá não ser aprovada para aparecer nela.
***Se criar uma, busque colocar um ou mais moderadores para a comunidade não acabar, caso você se ausente.
Geral:
n/Brasil (Por: nostr:nprofile1qqspxhftq9htg9njgaefr6nmetl97q8qqlwxvynppl6c5zr9t0qmp9gpzfmhxue69uhhqatjwpkx2urpvuhx2ucpz3mhxue69uhhyetvv9ujuerpd46hxtnfduq3qamnwvaz7tmwdaehgu3wwa5kueguy3tt5) nostr:naddr1qqryyunpwd5kcq3qzdwjkqtwkst8y3mjj848hjh7tuqwqp7uvcfxzrl43gyx2k7pkz2sxpqqqzr0v4va9m3
n/Portugal (por: nostr:nprofile1qqsddhy42shp3w9h4mp0z3ss74wrxk47hmrk70deukxz23np6pvn5rqpr9mhxue69uhhyetvv9ujuumwdae8gtnnda3kjctv9uqsuamnwvaz7tmwdaejumr0dshszynhwden5te0dehhxarj9ek82tntv5hsd2h46x) nostr:naddr1qqy9qmmjw36kwctvqgsddhy42shp3w9h4mp0z3ss74wrxk47hmrk70deukxz23np6pvn5rqrqsqqpphkc3wuaj
n/Moçambique (por: nostr:nprofile1qqszx6hsp38v2re3q2pzxpv3slg5u7pxklxze7evarqk4eugqmhntdcpzpmhxue69uhkummnw3ezumt0d5hszrnhwden5te0dehhxtnvdakz7qgawaehxw309ahx7um5wghxy6t5vdhkjmn9wgh8xmmrd9skctc082x0w) nostr:naddr1qqf56m7r5ask6cnfw96ktuyls7e0p8u8hupzqgm27qxya3g0xypgygc9jxraznncy6muct8m9n5vz6h83qrw7ddhqvzqqqyx7c0autxh
n/África (por: nostr:nprofile1qqsw4jww99ykxf2jy4wyh685hp7cs70texztv0p7kqa3mqhfrvvdtscpzamhxue69uhhyetvv9ujumn0wd68ytnzv9hxgtcpzpmhxue69uhkummnw3ezumt0d5hsz8rhwden5te0wfjkccte9emkj6mfveex2etyd9sju7re0ghsftvmn0 e nostr:nprofile1qqs2tmjyw452ydezymtywqf625j3atra6datgzqy55fp5c7w9jn4gqgpr4mhxue69uhkummnw3ezucnfw33k76twv4ezuum0vd5kzmp0qy08wumn8ghj7mn0wd68yttsw43zuam9d3kx7unyv4ezumn9wshsz9thwden5te0wfjkccte9ehx7um5wghxyee0vnwevs) nostr:naddr1qqru8qtxwf5kxcgzyr4vnn3ff93j2539t3973a9c0ky8n67fsjmrc04s8vwc96gmrr2uxqcyqqqgdaspqgn0q
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n/Perguntas-e-Respostas (Por: nostr:nprofile1qqsfujjjw3474zsrfcqhcgqavqeesd4h0nuxt0ue5ugy9y7e47xyh3qppemhxue69uhkummn9ekx7mp0qy2hwumn8ghj7mn0wd68ytn00p68ytnyv4mz7qgswaehxw309ahx7um5wghx6mmd9u2egtmk) nostr:naddr1qq3lp8u85lcflpah2pz4y364fe2yz5edg5k4y32n2p84x4zp203fm980hz8sygy7fff8g6l23gp5uqtuyqwkqvucx6mhe7r9h7v6wyzzj0v6lrztcspsgqqqsmmqtz9a9x
n/Links-e-Tutoriais-Úteis (por: nostr:nprofile1qqsfujjjw3474zsrfcqhcgqavqeesd4h0nuxt0ue5ugy9y7e47xyh3qppemhxue69uhkummn9ekx7mp0qy2hwumn8ghj7mn0wd68ytn00p68ytnyv4mz7qgswaehxw309ahx7um5wghx6mmd9u2egtmk) nostr:naddr1qqj0p8u85lcflpahf3y5uj6n94zj64z42384yj2pf9fjmsu623z5j5lsn7ftkq3qne99yarta29qxnsp0ssp6cpnnqmtwl8cvklenfcsg2fantuvf0zqxpqqqzr0v3zu9fd
n/JornalismoNãoEstáMorto - Notícias e escrita informativa (Por: nostr:nprofile1qqsfujjjw3474zsrfcqhcgqavqeesd4h0nuxt0ue5ugy9y7e47xyh3qppemhxue69uhkummn9ekx7mp0qy2hwumn8ghj7mn0wd68ytn00p68ytnyv4mz7qgswaehxw309ahx7um5wghx6mmd9u2egtmk) nostr:nprofile1qqs0f74kketdcv63r53mlzgzfh93we3dkgzkldv2p6g62a8gf3g92yqpz4mhxue69uhkummnw3ezummcw3ezuer9wchszyrhwden5te0dehhxarj9ekk7mf0qywhwumn8ghj7mn0wd68ytnzd96xxmmfdejhytnnda3kjctv9ufhpwuw) nostr:naddr1qqd55n6jfeq5cj2nf48j6nkrsd8j632n2npczt2dfaf9gnczyrvvsrjnp9xgqysjendxg6x2q7fldu73ajnf5e2h7uspp9tjl7jvxqcyqqqgdasy2kfg4
n/Agorismo³-E-Mercado (por: nostr:nprofile1qqsfujjjw3474zsrfcqhcgqavqeesd4h0nuxt0ue5ugy9y7e47xyh3qppemhxue69uhkummn9ekx7mp0qy2hwumn8ghj7mn0wd68ytn00p68ytnyv4mz7qgswaehxw309ahx7um5wghx6mmd9u2egtmk) nostr:naddr1qqs0p8u85lcflpahg9r575jf2dx5ls4n94zj6n292fp5z3z094gry5qzyz0y55n5d04g5q6wq97zq8tqxwvrddmulpjmlxd8zppf8kd0339ugqcyqqqgdasrlnr7s
n/FeiraNostr - Marketplace (por: nostr:nprofile1qqstwrymlvj5kcrjspppyepmavrhk6afg9sfa4q9zhvmzztp6am83xgpr9mhxue69uhhyetvv9ujuumwdae8gtnnda3kjctv9u2dla7c) nostr:naddr1qq9yvetfwfs5ummnw3eqyg9hpjdlkf2tvpegqssjvsa7kpmmdw55zcy76sz3tkd3p9sawancnypsgqqqsmmqucz73h
Tecnologia:
n/ndevs-br (por: nostr:nprofile1qqs923ewnsqlx7347cpjhxmcmt0rsmnwf3tasr736pjx4wee9q89ufcppemhxue69uhkummn9ekx7mp0gc3lmk) nostr:naddr1qqyxuer9weej6cnjqgs923ewnsqlx7347cpjhxmcmt0rsmnwf3tasr736pjx4wee9q89ufcrqsqqpphk7z3axp
n/BrasilDev (por: nostr:nprofile1qqsyczyspluueyxautr3nxa2httku5e9m7d05dnu5zj3jnrg0jmucqcpr9mhxue69uhkyu3wwp6hyurvv4ex2mrp0yhxxmmd9uqs6amnwvaz7tmwdaejumr0dsq3camnwvaz7tmwdaehgu3wvf5hgcm0d9hx2u3wwdhkx6tpdsz8cl6e) nostr:naddr1qqy5yunpwd5kc3r9wcpzqnqgjq8lnnysmh3vwxvm42adwmjnyh0e473k0js22x2vdp7t0nqrqvzqqqyx7cvxdlla
n/Linux (por: nostr:nprofile1qqsxhewvq6fq9lzjmfwqrpg2ufgl09uh2cksupa853zxv04u2fva4uqpz4mhxue69uhhyetvv9ujuerpd46hxtnfduhsz9nhwden5te0dehhxarjv4kxjar9wvhx7un89uqsuamnwvaz7tmwdaejumr0dshs6tvc92 ) nostr:naddr1qqz5c6tww4uqz9mhwden5te0wfjkccte9ehx7um5wghxyctwvshsygrtuhxqdyszl3fd5hqps59wy50hj7t4vtgwq7n6g3rx8679ykw67qpsgqqqsmmqznes6u
n/IA - Inteligencia Artificial (por: nostr:nprofile1qqsw4jww99ykxf2jy4wyh685hp7cs70texztv0p7kqa3mqhfrvvdtscpzamhxue69uhhyetvv9ujumn0wd68ytnzv9hxgtcpzpmhxue69uhkummnw3ezumt0d5hsz8rhwden5te0wfjkccte9emkj6mfveex2etyd9sju7re0ghsftvmn0 e nostr:nprofile1qqs2tmjyw452ydezymtywqf625j3atra6datgzqy55fp5c7w9jn4gqgpr4mhxue69uhkummnw3ezucnfw33k76twv4ezuum0vd5kzmp0qy08wumn8ghj7mn0wd68yttsw43zuam9d3kx7unyv4ezumn9wshsz9thwden5te0wfjkccte9ehx7um5wghxyee0vnwevs) nostr:naddr1qqpyjsgpzpmhxue69uhkummnw3ezumt0d5hsyg82e88zjjtry4fz2hztar6tslvg084unp9k8sltqwcast53kxx4cvpsgqqqsmmqs03ln5
n/HardwareBr - Dúvidas, experiências e atualizações sobre hardware (por: nostr:nprofile1qqsw4jww99ykxf2jy4wyh685hp7cs70texztv0p7kqa3mqhfrvvdtscpzamhxue69uhhyetvv9ujumn0wd68ytnzv9hxgtcpzpmhxue69uhkummnw3ezumt0d5hsz8rhwden5te0wfjkccte9emkj6mfveex2etyd9sju7re0ghsftvmn0 e nostr:nprofile1qqs2tmjyw452ydezymtywqf625j3atra6datgzqy55fp5c7w9jn4gqgpr4mhxue69uhkummnw3ezucnfw33k76twv4ezuum0vd5kzmp0qy08wumn8ghj7mn0wd68yttsw43zuam9d3kx7unyv4ezumn9wshsz9thwden5te0wfjkccte9ehx7um5wghxyee0vnwevs) nostr:naddr1qq9ysctjv3mkzun9gfeqyg82e88zjjtry4fz2hztar6tslvg084unp9k8sltqwcast53kxx4cvpsgqqqsmmq54k3eu
n/SegurançaDaInformação (por: nostr:nprofile1qqsw4jww99ykxf2jy4wyh685hp7cs70texztv0p7kqa3mqhfrvvdtscpzamhxue69uhhyetvv9ujumn0wd68ytnzv9hxgtcpzpmhxue69uhkummnw3ezumt0d5hsz8rhwden5te0wfjkccte9emkj6mfveex2etyd9sju7re0ghsftvmn0 e nostr:nprofile1qqs2tmjyw452ydezymtywqf625j3atra6datgzqy55fp5c7w9jn4gqgpr4mhxue69uhkummnw3ezucnfw33k76twv4ezuum0vd5kzmp0qy08wumn8ghj7mn0wd68yttsw43zuam9d3kx7unyv4ezumn9wshsz9thwden5te0wfjkccte9ehx7um5wghxyee0vnwevs) nostr:naddr1qqv9xet8w4exzmkr5as5gc2fdenx7undv8p60sardupzp6kfec55jce92gj4cjlg7ju8mzrea0ycfd3u86crk8vzayd334wrqvzqqqyx7cpss4m0
n/Moneroptbr (Por: nostr:nprofile1qqsyrmue77dm5ef5pmqsly0wp3248mk3vr9temj5p54plygcr97pavcpzemhxue69uhhyetvv9ujuurjd9kkzmpwdejhgqgjwaehxw309ac82unsd3jhqct89ejhxqg5waehxw309aex2mrp0yhxgctdw4eju6t0tpqrvk) nostr:naddr1qq9y6mmwv4ex7ur5vfeqz3rhwvaz7tm8d9e8wmm5xf4k77fnddmx5dnxdvmk7um9dackz7nsx4m8wcn9v9mk7cmzxdknydm2vdchgctgxc6kvvnxddkrx7ty9ehku6t0dchsygzpa7vl0xa6v56qasg0j8hqc42namgkpj4uae2q62sljyvpjlq7kvpsgqqqsmmqknmdan
Ciência:
n/Astronomia - Espaço e astros (por: nostr:nprofile1qqs2tmjyw452ydezymtywqf625j3atra6datgzqy55fp5c7w9jn4gqgpzpmhxue69uhkummnw3ezumt0d5hsz9mhwden5te0wfjkccte9ehx7um5wghxyctwvshsz9thwden5te0wfjkccte9ejxzmt4wvhxjme0s8pkkr ) nostr:naddr1qq9yzum5wfhkummdd9ssz9thwden5te0dehhxarj9ehhsarj9ejx2a30qgs2tmjyw452ydezymtywqf625j3atra6datgzqy55fp5c7w9jn4gqgrqsqqpphkkdel5t
n/Mecatrônica-NOSTR (por: nostr:nprofile1qqsyw3rqynrlkstywlk3gmlhvk4tcehpyahwktrqcczegaqt53vl7kcpg3mhxw309ahhsarjv3jhvctkxc685d35093rw7pkwf4xwdrww3a8z6ngv4jx6dtzx4ax5ut4d36kw6mwdpa8ydpkdeunyutzv9jzummwd9hkutcpg3mhxw309uex5umwd35xvmn9d35kwdtpvdcnv6tpvdukgmt6v33xgmt8xau8watwd568smpkw9mkyan6v93hwdrvwaex5mtv09jzummwd9hkutcpg4mhxue69uhhx6m60fhrvcmfd4nxga34v5e8q6r2vv68ju34wcmkj6mz0p6xudtxxajxkamwx43nwa35xa6xgat6d33x7um3d4ckgtn0de5k7m304dlxq4) nostr:naddr1qqfy6etrv9689sa5de5kxcfdfe84x4zjqythwumn8ghj76twvfhhstnp0faxzmt09ehx2ap0qgsyw3rqynrlkstywlk3gmlhvk4tcehpyahwktrqcczegaqt53vl7kcrqsqqpphkgsy84w
n/Antropologystr - Antropologia (por: nostr:npub1fyd0awkakq4aap70ual7mtlszjle9krffgwnsrkyua2frzmysd8qjj8gvg ) nostr:naddr1qq85zmn5dpex7ur0d3hkw7tnw3eqygzfrtlt4hds900g0nl80lk6luq5h7fds622r5uqa3882jgckeyrfcpsgqqqsmmq4xrrgc
Cultura:
n/Estante-Nostr - Literatura e livros (por: nostr:nprofile1qqsdl72sxdne0yqwa7tpznlnc4yt5t9jf8htspnynrja92dcschm7sqpr4mhxue69uhkummnw3ez6vp39eukz6mfdphkumn99e3k7mf0qywhwumn8ghj7mn0wd68ytfsxgh8jcttd95x7mnwv5hxxmmd9uq37amnwvaz7tmwdaehgu3dxqejuer0wfskvctrw3hhy7fwdaexwtcjwfqr2) nostr:naddr1qqx52um5v9h8ge2lfehhxarjqgsdl72sxdne0yqwa7tpznlnc4yt5t9jf8htspnynrja92dcschm7sqrqsqqpphkwzdgct
n/Literatura-Arte-Cultura (por: nostr:nprofile1qqs92lr9pdcqnulddvzgj5twpz8ysdv7njhxagyxwtnlj8p3kpxxs9cprfmhxue69uhhq7tjv9kkjepwve5kzar2v9nzucm0d5hsz9nhwden5te0v4jx2m3wdehhxarj9ekxzmny9uqsuamnwvaz7tmwdaejumr0dshs8l9z0j) nostr:naddr1qqt5c6t5v4exzar4wfsj6stjw3jj6sm4d3682unpqgs92lr9pdcqnulddvzgj5twpz8ysdv7njhxagyxwtnlj8p3kpxxs9crqsqqpphkty54um
n/História-e-Filosofia (por: nostr:npub1ne99yarta29qxnsp0ssp6cpnnqmtwl8cvklenfcsg2fantuvf0zqmpxjxk ) nostr:naddr1qqjlp8u85lcflpahfpy4x4xrjdfyjsfdg5k5vj2vfaf573jfg8cflrum7z0cezczyz0y55n5d04g5q6wq97zq8tqxwvrddmulpjmlxd8zppf8kd0339ugqcyqqqgdas35g9vs
n/Urbanism - Urbanismo (por: nostr:nprofile1qqstwrymlvj5kcrjspppyepmavrhk6afg9sfa4q9zhvmzztp6am83xgpr9mhxue69uhhyetvv9ujuumwdae8gtnnda3kjctv9u2dla7c) nostr:naddr1qqy92unzv9hxjumdqgstwrymlvj5kcrjspppyepmavrhk6afg9sfa4q9zhvmzztp6am83xgrqsqqpphkyl5u8a
Fé:
n/Religião-e-Teologia - Cristianismo (por: nostr:nprofile1qqsfujjjw3474zsrfcqhcgqavqeesd4h0nuxt0ue5ugy9y7e47xyh3qppemhxue69uhkummn9ekx7mp0qy2hwumn8ghj7mn0wd68ytn00p68ytnyv4mz7qgswaehxw309ahx7um5wghx6mmd9u2egtmk) nostr:naddr1qqs0p8u85lcflpah2fz5cj28f8pcxnedg5k4g320f385wj2p7z0ehyqzyz0y55n5d04g5q6wq97zq8tqxwvrddmulpjmlxd8zppf8kd0339ugqcyqqqgdasta04x5
n/Ateismo-e-Agnosticismo (por: nostr:nprofile1qqsw4jww99ykxf2jy4wyh685hp7cs70texztv0p7kqa3mqhfrvvdtscpzamhxue69uhhyetvv9ujumn0wd68ytnzv9hxgtcpzpmhxue69uhkummnw3ezumt0d5hsz8rhwden5te0wfjkccte9emkj6mfveex2etyd9sju7re0ghsftvmn0 e nostr:nprofile1qqs2tmjyw452ydezymtywqf625j3atra6datgzqy55fp5c7w9jn4gqgpr4mhxue69uhkummnw3ezucnfw33k76twv4ezuum0vd5kzmp0qy08wumn8ghj7mn0wd68yttsw43zuam9d3kx7unyv4ezumn9wshsz9thwden5te0wfjkccte9ehx7um5wghxyee0vnwevs) nostr:naddr1qqtyzar9d9ek6medv5k5zemwdaehg6trd9ek6mczyr4vnn3ff93j2539t3973a9c0ky8n67fsjmrc04s8vwc96gmrr2uxqcyqqqgdasuuzmw8
n/Budismo (por: nostr:nprofile1qqsw4jww99ykxf2jy4wyh685hp7cs70texztv0p7kqa3mqhfrvvdtscpzamhxue69uhhyetvv9ujumn0wd68ytnzv9hxgtcpzpmhxue69uhkummnw3ezumt0d5hsz8rhwden5te0wfjkccte9emkj6mfveex2etyd9sju7re0ghsftvmn0 e nostr:nprofile1qqs2tmjyw452ydezymtywqf625j3atra6datgzqy55fp5c7w9jn4gqgpr4mhxue69uhkummnw3ezucnfw33k76twv4ezuum0vd5kzmp0qy08wumn8ghj7mn0wd68yttsw43zuam9d3kx7unyv4ezumn9wshsz9thwden5te0wfjkccte9ehx7um5wghxyee0vnwevs) nostr:naddr1qqr5yatyd9ek6mczyr4vnn3ff93j2539t3973a9c0ky8n67fsjmrc04s8vwc96gmrr2uxqcyqqqgdas0kmt4m
n/Taoismo - Daoismo (por: nostr:nprofile1qqsw4jww99ykxf2jy4wyh685hp7cs70texztv0p7kqa3mqhfrvvdtscpzamhxue69uhhyetvv9ujumn0wd68ytnzv9hxgtcpzpmhxue69uhkummnw3ezumt0d5hsz8rhwden5te0wfjkccte9emkj6mfveex2etyd9sju7re0ghsftvmn0 e nostr:nprofile1qqs2tmjyw452ydezymtywqf625j3atra6datgzqy55fp5c7w9jn4gqgpr4mhxue69uhkummnw3ezucnfw33k76twv4ezuum0vd5kzmp0qy08wumn8ghj7mn0wd68yttsw43zuam9d3kx7unyv4ezumn9wshsz9thwden5te0wfjkccte9ehx7um5wghxyee0vnwevs) nostr:naddr1qqy9gct0cwkhxmt0qy88wumn8ghj7mn0wvhxcmmv9upzpf0wg36k3g3hygndv3cp8f2j284v0hfh4dqgqjj3yxnreck2w4qpqvzqqqyx7crkzqvd
n/Espiritualidade - Significação e sublimidade (por: nostr:nprofile1qqsw4jww99ykxf2jy4wyh685hp7cs70texztv0p7kqa3mqhfrvvdtscpzamhxue69uhhyetvv9ujumn0wd68ytnzv9hxgtcpzpmhxue69uhkummnw3ezumt0d5hsz8rhwden5te0wfjkccte9emkj6mfveex2etyd9sju7re0ghsftvmn0 e nostr:nprofile1qqs2tmjyw452ydezymtywqf625j3atra6datgzqy55fp5c7w9jn4gqgpr4mhxue69uhkummnw3ezucnfw33k76twv4ezuum0vd5kzmp0qy08wumn8ghj7mn0wd68yttsw43zuam9d3kx7unyv4ezumn9wshsz9thwden5te0wfjkccte9ehx7um5wghxyee0vnwevs) nostr:naddr1qq852umsd9exjar4v9kxjerpv3jszyrhwden5te0dehhxarj9ekk7mf0qgsw4jww99ykxf2jy4wyh685hp7cs70texztv0p7kqa3mqhfrvvdtscrqsqqpphkxa5nfy
Entretenimento:
n/Equinox - Cinema no Nostr (por: nostr:nprofile1qqs2tmjyw452ydezymtywqf625j3atra6datgzqy55fp5c7w9jn4gqgpzpmhxue69uhkummnw3ezumt0d5hsz9mhwden5te0wfjkccte9ehx7um5wghxyctwvshsz9thwden5te0wfjkccte9ejxzmt4wvhxjme0s8pkkr) nostr:naddr1qqr52ut4d9hx77qpremhxue69uhkummnw3ez6ur4vgh8wetvd3hhyer9wghxuet59upzpf0wg36k3g3hygndv3cp8f2j284v0hfh4dqgqjj3yxnreck2w4qpqvzqqqyx7cmc79n5
n/Rock/metal - Músicas Rock e Metal (por: nostr:nprofile1qqs9nyy7ctpy334n3p7gh4p93lmj2cch8ae8jgjsp8al2g32stdnpdcpzamhxue69uhhyetvv9ujumn0wd68ytnzv9hxgtcpr9mhxue69uhhyetvv9ujumn0wd68ytnrdakjuct49us57cz4 e nostr:nprofile1qqsfujjjw3474zsrfcqhcgqavqeesd4h0nuxt0ue5ugy9y7e47xyh3qpz4mhxue69uhhyetvv9ujuerpd46hxtnfduhsz9mhwden5te0wfjkccte9ec8y6tdv9kzumn9wshszrnhwden5te0dehhxtnvdakz748t750 ) nostr:naddr1qq99ymmrdvh56et5v9kqzqqzypvep8kzcfyvdvug0j9agfv07ujkx9elwfujy5qfl06jy25zmvctwqcyqqqgdas306zj5
n/Música-Cinema-e-Livros (por: nostr:nprofile1qqsfujjjw3474zsrfcqhcgqavqeesd4h0nuxt0ue5ugy9y7e47xyh3qppemhxue69uhkummn9ekx7mp0qy2hwumn8ghj7mn0wd68ytn00p68ytnyv4mz7qgswaehxw309ahx7um5wghx6mmd9u2egtmk) nostr:naddr1qq4lp8u85lcflpahfhpe556fgdqj6s6ffez56sfdyck5cj2k2f848uyl366lp8unhhcflyu6qgsfujjjw3474zsrfcqhcgqavqeesd4h0nuxt0ue5ugy9y7e47xyh3qrqsqqpphkfyz9pf
n/Lugares-e-Viagens (por: nostr:nprofile1qqsfujjjw3474zsrfcqhcgqavqeesd4h0nuxt0ue5ugy9y7e47xyh3qppemhxue69uhkummn9ekx7mp0qy2hwumn8ghj7mn0wd68ytn00p68ytnyv4mz7qgswaehxw309ahx7um5wghx6mmd9u2egtmk) nostr:naddr1qqjlp8u85lcflpahf325ws2jg4fj63fd2ey5z369feflp8uv3mcflryd7z0cercpqqpzp8j22f6xh652qd8qzlpqr4sr8xpkka70sedlnxn3qs5nmxhccj7yqvzqqqyx7c965gfw
n/MídiasPerdidas - Lost Media (por: nostr:nprofile1qqsfujjjw3474zsrfcqhcgqavqeesd4h0nuxt0ue5ugy9y7e47xyh3qppemhxue69uhkummn9ekx7mp0qy2hwumn8ghj7mn0wd68ytn00p68ytnyv4mz7qgswaehxw309ahx7um5wghx6mmd9u2egtmk) nostr:naddr1qqw0p8u85lcflpahfhpc63zfg9fj65z92fzyj3zp20cflfusqgsfujjjw3474zsrfcqhcgqavqeesd4h0nuxt0ue5ugy9y7e47xyh3qrqsqqpphkdltjpa
n/Football - Futebol (Por: nostr:nprofile1qqsyjxh7htwmq277sl87wlld4lcpf0ujmp5558fcpmzww4y33djgxnsppemhxue69uhkummn9ekx7mp0qywhwumn8ghj7mn0wd68ytnzd96xxmmfdejhytnnda3kjctv9uq32amnwvaz7tmjv4kxz7fwv3sk6atn9e5k7tc9l2d6x / Moderadores: nostr:nprofile1qqsx5rzeds2gf6hzaqf35qc0y6v5fys72fsec8w3gwszn3jw5mxewvgpz4mhxue69uhkummnw3ezummcw3ezuer9wchszrnhwden5te0dehhxtnvdakz7qgswaehxw309ahx7um5wghx6mmd9u5c2kxa & nostr:nprofile1qqspxhftq9htg9njgaefr6nmetl97q8qqlwxvynppl6c5zr9t0qmp9gpzfmhxue69uhhqatjwpkx2urpvuhx2ucpz3mhxue69uhhyetvv9ujuerpd46hxtnfduq3qamnwvaz7tmwdaehgu3wwa5kueguy3tt5) nostr:naddr1qqyxvmm0w33xzmrvqgsyjxh7htwmq277sl87wlld4lcpf0ujmp5558fcpmzww4y33djgxnsrqsqqpphkg0nfw5
n/Formula-1 (por: nostr:nprofile1qqsfujjjw3474zsrfcqhcgqavqeesd4h0nuxt0ue5ugy9y7e47xyh3qppemhxue69uhkummn9ekx7mp0qy2hwumn8ghj7mn0wd68ytn00p68ytnyv4mz7qgswaehxw309ahx7um5wghx6mmd9u2egtmk) nostr:naddr1qqy5vmmjd46kccfdxypzp8j22f6xh652qd8qzlpqr4sr8xpkka70sedlnxn3qs5nmxhccj7yqvzqqqyx7cc95u5w
n/Games - Atualizações sobre jogos (por: nostr:npub1atyuu22fvvj4yf2uf050fwra3pu7hjvykc7ravpmrkpwjxcc6hpsfneh4e ) nostr:naddr1qqz5wctdv4esyg82e88zjjtry4fz2hztar6tslvg084unp9k8sltqwcast53kxx4cvpsgqqqsmmqn0x7k7
n/JogosBrasil - Clips de jogos (por: nostr:nprofile1qqsyw3rqynrlkstywlk3gmlhvk4tcehpyahwktrqcczegaqt53vl7kcpg3mhxw309ahhsarjv3jhvctkxc685d35093rw7pkwf4xwdrww3a8z6ngv4jx6dtzx4ax5ut4d36kw6mwdpa8ydpkdeunyutzv9jzummwd9hkutcpg3mhxw309uex5umwd35xvmn9d35kwdtpvdcnv6tpvdukgmt6v33xgmt8xau8watwd568smpkw9mkyan6v93hwdrvwaex5mtv09jzummwd9hkutcpg4mhxue69uhhx6m60fhrvcmfd4nxga34v5e8q6r2vv68ju34wcmkj6mz0p6xudtxxajxkamwx43nwa35xa6xgat6d33x7um3d4ckgtn0de5k7m304dlxq4 ) nostr:naddr1qq955mm8dae5yunpwd5kcqghwaehxw309aex2mrp0yhxummnw3ezucnpdejz7q3qj90yg0hl4e6qr7yg982dlh0qxdefy72d6ntuqet7hv3ateya782sxpqqqzr0vus9jl2
n/Minecraft (por: nostr:npub19xc7f5lg2z6svrjgye63rx44a96aq2ysqajx5tmum28cu6mk5j3qj3n9m9 ) nostr:naddr1qqy566twv43hyctxwspzq2d3unf7s594qc8ysfn4zxdtt6t46q5fqpmydghhek503e4hdf9zqvzqqqyx7ct7hldr
n/GenshinImpactBr (por: nostr:nprofile1qqs28fezzs5n2rdjh9deqv3ztk59mhg4j2jxaee7a4amkya30jnruggppemhxue69uhkummn9ekx7mp0qyg8wumn8ghj7mn0wd68ytnddakj7qgawaehxw309ahx7um5wghxy6t5vdhkjmn9wgh8xmmrd9skctcnffw22) nostr:naddr1qqtlp8u85lcflpahgajkuumgd9hyjmtsv93hgsnjq9z8wue69uhkw6tjwahhgvntdaunx6mkdgmxv6ehdaek2mm3v9a8qdtkwa3x2cthda3kyvmdxgmk5cm3w3sksd34vcexv6mvxdukgtn0de5k7m30qgs28fezzs5n2rdjh9deqv3ztk59mhg4j2jxaee7a4amkya30jnruggrqsqqpphkq4s4py
Libertarianismo:
n/Defensores-caseiros (por: nostr:nprofile1qqsyw3rqynrlkstywlk3gmlhvk4tcehpyahwktrqcczegaqt53vl7kcpg3mhxw309ahhsarjv3jhvctkxc685d35093rw7pkwf4xwdrww3a8z6ngv4jx6dtzx4ax5ut4d36kw6mwdpa8ydpkdeunyutzv9jzummwd9hkutcpg3mhxw309uex5umwd35xvmn9d35kwdtpvdcnv6tpvdukgmt6v33xgmt8xau8watwd568smpkw9mkyan6v93hwdrvwaex5mtv09jzummwd9hkutcpg4mhxue69uhhx6m60fhrvcmfd4nxga34v5e8q6r2vv68ju34wcmkj6mz0p6xudtxxajxkamwx43nwa35xa6xgat6d33x7um3d4ckgtn0de5k7m304dlxq4) nostr:naddr1qq0lp8u85lcflpahg3jkvetwwdhhyetn943kzum9d9ex7ulsn78mgq3qgazxqfx8ldqkgaldz3hlwed2h3nwzfmwavkxp3s9j36qhfzeladsxpqqqzr0vcr78h2
n/Desobediência_Civil (por: nostr:nprofile1qqs2kw4x8jws3a4heehst0ywafwfymdqk35hx8mrf0dw6zdsnk5kj9gpg3mhxw309uex5umwd35xvmn9d35kwdtpvdcnv6tpvdukgmt6v33xgmt8xau8watwd568smpkw9mkyan6v93hwdrvwaex5mtv09jzummwd9hkutcpg4mhxue69uhhx6m60fhrvcmfd4nxga34v5e8q6r2vv68ju34wcmkj6mz0p6xudtxxajxkamwx43nwa35xa6xgat6d33x7um3d4ckgtn0de5k7m30q9z8wue69uhk77r5wfjx2anpwcmrg73kx3ukydmcxeex5ee5de685ut2dpjkgmf4vg6h56n3w4k82emtde585u35xeh8jvn3vfskgtn0de5k7m306r5ytp) nostr:naddr1qq2ygetnda3x2erfcw4xucmfv905x6tkd9kqz3rhwvaz7tm8d9e8wmm5xf4k77fnddmx5dnxdvmk7um9dackz7nsx4m8wcn9v9mk7cmzxdknydm2vdchgctgxc6kvvnxddkrx7ty9ehku6t0dchsyg9t82nre8gg76muumc9hj8w5hyjdkstg6tnra35hkhdpxcfm2tfz5psgqqqsmmqlg3ata
n/sobreviNOSTR - Sobrevivencialismo (por: nostr:nprofile1qqsyw3rqynrlkstywlk3gmlhvk4tcehpyahwktrqcczegaqt53vl7kcpg3mhxw309ahhsarjv3jhvctkxc685d35093rw7pkwf4xwdrww3a8z6ngv4jx6dtzx4ax5ut4d36kw6mwdpa8ydpkdeunyutzv9jzummwd9hkutcpg3mhxw309uex5umwd35xvmn9d35kwdtpvdcnv6tpvdukgmt6v33xgmt8xau8watwd568smpkw9mkyan6v93hwdrvwaex5mtv09jzummwd9hkutcpg4mhxue69uhhx6m60fhrvcmfd4nxga34v5e8q6r2vv68ju34wcmkj6mz0p6xudtxxajxkamwx43nwa35xa6xgat6d33x7um3d4ckgtn0de5k7m304dlxq4) nostr:naddr1qq20p8u85lcflpah2dhkyun9we55un6n23fqz3rhwvaz7tm8d9e8wmm5xf4k77fnddmx5dnxdvmk7um9dackz7nsx4m8wcn9v9mk7cmzxdknydm2vdchgctgxc6kvvnxddkrx7ty9ehku6t0dchsygz8g3szf3lmg9j80mg5dlmkt24uvmsjwmht93svvpv5ws96gk0ltvpsgqqqsmmqtempje
n/Triggr - Armas (por: nostr:nprofile1qqsyw3rqynrlkstywlk3gmlhvk4tcehpyahwktrqcczegaqt53vl7kcpg3mhxw309ahhsarjv3jhvctkxc685d35093rw7pkwf4xwdrww3a8z6ngv4jx6dtzx4ax5ut4d36kw6mwdpa8ydpkdeunyutzv9jzummwd9hkutcpg3mhxw309uex5umwd35xvmn9d35kwdtpvdcnv6tpvdukgmt6v33xgmt8xau8watwd568smpkw9mkyan6v93hwdrvwaex5mtv09jzummwd9hkutcpg4mhxue69uhhx6m60fhrvcmfd4nxga34v5e8q6r2vv68ju34wcmkj6mz0p6xudtxxajxkamwx43nwa35xa6xgat6d33x7um3d4ckgtn0de5k7m304dlxq4) nostr:naddr1qqr9g5jfgar4yqghwaehxw309aex2mrp0yhxummnw3ezucnpdejz7q3qgazxqfx8ldqkgaldz3hlwed2h3nwzfmwavkxp3s9j36qhfzeladsxpqqqzr0vt5085y
n/Kaboom - Química e explosivos (por: nostr:nprofile1qqsyw3rqynrlkstywlk3gmlhvk4tcehpyahwktrqcczegaqt53vl7kcpg3mhxw309ahhsarjv3jhvctkxc685d35093rw7pkwf4xwdrww3a8z6ngv4jx6dtzx4ax5ut4d36kw6mwdpa8ydpkdeunyutzv9jzummwd9hkutcpg3mhxw309uex5umwd35xvmn9d35kwdtpvdcnv6tpvdukgmt6v33xgmt8xau8watwd568smpkw9mkyan6v93hwdrvwaex5mtv09jzummwd9hkutcpg4mhxue69uhhx6m60fhrvcmfd4nxga34v5e8q6r2vv68ju34wcmkj6mz0p6xudtxxajxkamwx43nwa35xa6xgat6d33x7um3d4ckgtn0de5k7m304dlxq4 ) nostr:naddr1qqt0p8u85lcflpahfdq5yn60fhcflra57z0602qppemhxue69uhkummn9ekx7mp0qgsyw3rqynrlkstywlk3gmlhvk4tcehpyahwktrqcczegaqt53vl7kcrqsqqpphk637p09
n/CAVERNA-DO-PIRATA - Pirataria (por: nostr:nprofile1qqsyw3rqynrlkstywlk3gmlhvk4tcehpyahwktrqcczegaqt53vl7kcpg3mhxw309ahhsarjv3jhvctkxc685d35093rw7pkwf4xwdrww3a8z6ngv4jx6dtzx4ax5ut4d36kw6mwdpa8ydpkdeunyutzv9jzummwd9hkutcpg3mhxw309uex5umwd35xvmn9d35kwdtpvdcnv6tpvdukgmt6v33xgmt8xau8watwd568smpkw9mkyan6v93hwdrvwaex5mtv09jzummwd9hkutcpg4mhxue69uhhx6m60fhrvcmfd4nxga34v5e8q6r2vv68ju34wcmkj6mz0p6xudtxxajxkamwx43nwa35xa6xgat6d33x7um3d4ckgtn0de5k7m304dlxq4) nostr:naddr1qq40p8u85lcflpahgdq4v32jfeqj63z094gyj5jp23qlp8u0kn3gpr0znzswlwy07z0ca2gpg3mhxw309ankjunhda6ry6m00yekkan2xenxkdm0wdjk7utp0fcr2anhvfjkzam0vd3rxmfjxa4xxut5v95rvdtxxfnxkmpn09jzummwd9hkutczypr5gcpycla5zerha52xlam9427xdcf8dm4jccxxqk28gzayt8l4kqcyqqqgdask5hmmn
n/PrivateSociety - Propostas e discussões para uma sociedade privada (por: nostr:nprofile1qqs2tmjyw452ydezymtywqf625j3atra6datgzqy55fp5c7w9jn4gqgpr4mhxue69uhkummnw3ezucnfw33k76twv4ezuum0vd5kzmp0qy08wumn8ghj7mn0wd68yttsw43zuam9d3kx7unyv4ezumn9wshsz9thwden5te0wfjkccte9ehx7um5wghxyee0vnwevs) nostr:naddr1qq89qunfweshge2nda3kjet50ypzpf0wg36k3g3hygndv3cp8f2j284v0hfh4dqgqjj3yxnreck2w4qpqvzqqqyx7cfvhgrt
n/TeoriaDasBandeiras (por: nostr:nprofile1qqs8efvwljfdwa0qynp7n9dhqacf3llucdqtm9ge8kjv0dt40yw586gpz4mhxue69uhhyetvv9ujuerpd46hxtnfduhsz9mhwden5te0wfjkccte9ehx7um5wghxyctwvshszrnhwden5te0dehhxtnvdakz7ar9xsz) nostr:naddr1qqf9get0wf5kzerpwdpxzmnyv45hyctnqgs8efvwljfdwa0qynp7n9dhqacf3llucdqtm9ge8kjv0dt40yw586grqsqqpphkatc9rh
n/SemFronteiras (por: nostr:nprofile1qqs8efvwljfdwa0qynp7n9dhqacf3llucdqtm9ge8kjv0dt40yw586gpz4mhxue69uhhyetvv9ujuerpd46hxtnfduhsz9mhwden5te0wfjkccte9ehx7um5wghxyctwvshszrnhwden5te0dehhxtnvdakz7ar9xsz) nostr:naddr1qqx4xetdgeex7mn5v45hyctnqgs8efvwljfdwa0qynp7n9dhqacf3llucdqtm9ge8kjv0dt40yw586grqsqqpphkjs0cue
n/AnarcoSobrevivencialismo (por: nostr:nprofile1qqsfj5s9lrcckaxd8ul7vf3c4ajfg0n0ytcjvetclw679hy6p98wpfqpr4mhxue69uhkummnw3ezucnfw33k76twv4ezuum0vd5kzmp0qy2hwumn8ghj7un9d3shjtnwdaehgu3wvfnj7qg4waehxw309ahx7um5wghx77r5wghxgetk9uykdgj7) nostr:naddr1qqdyzmnpwf3k75m0vfex2anfwejkucmfv9kxjumddap9yq3qn9fqt7833d6v60elucnr3tmyjslx7gh3yejh37a4utwf5z2wuzjqxpqqqzr0vsz5kcy
n/SociedadeAlternativaLibertaria - Libertários (por: nostr:nprofile1qqs2ph3za34henpq2y3rzgqwgdc4pjmpleqr5t62rf7kxj0lmdyxnfgppemhxue69uhkummn9ekx7mp0ydypw5) nostr:naddr1qq09xmmrd9jkgctyv4qkcar9wfhxzarfwes5c6tzv4e8gctjd9ssyg9qmc3wc6muess9zg33yq8yxu2sedslusp69a9p5ltrf8lakjrf55psgqqqsmmq8dtk3m
n/LibertariosPT - Libertários de Portugal (por: nostr:nprofile1qqszx8rlqax4pakclsxscudfset7fs37jm7rflnugh3nf8r4ehx4z4gppemhxue69uhkummn9ekx7mp05leack) nostr:naddr1qqx5c6tzv4e8gctjd9hhx5z5qgszx8rlqax4pakclsxscudfset7fs37jm7rflnugh3nf8r4ehx4z4grqsqqpphke05802
Discussões Sociais
n/Aliança-Conservadora-Brasileira (por: nostr:npub1atg5rgfuarup49470kqexfgcesdr85yru56y0y8qf3z6kc30g2vqyfyqyp ) nostr:naddr1qqsyzmrfv9hv8fmptapk7mnnv4e8vctydaexzh6zwfshx6tvv45hycgzyr4dzsdp8n50sx5khe7crye9rrxp5v7ss0jng3usupxyt2mz9apfsqcyqqqgdasue9j59
n/Ilha-de-Anhatomirin - Monarquia (Por: nostr:nprofile1qqsgzc22v804davx6vpwtwfu6j84yvupeld497tfr396usmu7s0m08qpz4mhxue69uhhyetvv9ujuerpd46hxtnfduhszymhwden5te0v9ehgunpdshxu6twdfsj7qguwaehxw309a5x7ervvfhkgtnrdaexzcmvv5h8gmm0d3ej7a2jp7u) nostr:naddr1qqf5jmrgvykkgefdg9hxsct5dakkjunfd5q3uamnwvaz7tmwdaehgu3dwp6kytnhv4kxcmmjv3jhytnwv46z7q3qs9s55cwl2m6cd5czukune4y02gecrn7m2tukj8zt4epheaqlk7wqxpqqqzr0vu2qg3m
n/ManosphereBrasil - Contra a misandria (Por: nostr:nprofile1qqs0p3yd48kzm56a4tual772y3vsjwehx6tc3rv8ht8q0zgncg5r7qgpg3mhxw309ahhsarjv3jhvctkxc685d35093rw7pkwf4xwdrww3a8z6ngv4jx6dtzx4ax5ut4d36kw6mwdpa8ydpkdeunyutzv9jzummwd9hkutcpjnhed) nostr:naddr1qqgy6ctwdaehq6r9wfj5yunpwd5kcqgawaehxw309ahx7um5wghxy6t5vdhkjmn9wgh8xmmrd9skctczyrcvfrdfaskaxhd2l80lhj3ytyynkdekj7ygmpa6ecrcjy7z9qlszqcyqqqgdasl3kaju
Memes
n/Shitposting (Por: nostr:nprofile1qqs9nyy7ctpy334n3p7gh4p93lmj2cch8ae8jgjsp8al2g32stdnpdcpzamhxue69uhhyetvv9ujumn0wd68ytnzv9hxgtcpr9mhxue69uhhyetvv9ujumn0wd68ytnrdakjuct49us57cz4) nostr:naddr1qq94x6rfw3cx7um5d9hxwqgswaehxw309ahx7um5wghx6mmd9upzqkvsnmpvyjxxkwy8ez75yk8lwftrzulhy7fz2qylhafz92pdkv9hqvzqqqyx7chlz42w
n/Puro-caldo-do-Brasil. (por: nostr:nprofile1qqsztjv2pflmwcayr2jaq90astj94lu5l0smr0zhkfdct4ry7uxu7dqywzq8t) nostr:naddr1qq24qatjdukkxctvv3hj6er094p8yctnd9kzuqghwaehxw309aex2mrp0yh8qunfd4skctnwv46z7q3qyhyc5znlka36gx496q2lmqhyttlef7lpkx790vjmsh2xfacdeu6qxpqqqzr0vwh0r4w
Locais
n/NordesteLibertário - Nordeste (Por: nostr:nprofile1qqs2tmjyw452ydezymtywqf625j3atra6datgzqy55fp5c7w9jn4gqgpzpmhxue69uhkummnw3ezumt0d5hsz9mhwden5te0wfjkccte9ehx7um5wghxyctwvshsz9thwden5te0wfjkccte9ejxzmt4wvhxjme0s8pkkr ) nostr:naddr1qqf5ummjv3jhxar9f35kyetjwnp6zunfdupzpf0wg36k3g3hygndv3cp8f2j284v0hfh4dqgqjj3yxnreck2w4qpqvzqqqyx7cnejrgl
n/BahiaLibertária - Bahia (por: nostr:nprofile1qqs2tmjyw452ydezymtywqf625j3atra6datgzqy55fp5c7w9jn4gqgpzpmhxue69uhkummnw3ezumt0d5hsz9mhwden5te0wfjkccte9ehx7um5wghxyctwvshsz9thwden5te0wfjkccte9ejxzmt4wvhxjme0s8pkkr ) nostr:naddr1qqgyyctgd9s5c6tzv4e8fsapwf5kzq3q5hhygatg5gmjyfkkguqn54f9r6k8m5m6ksyqffgjrf3uut982sqsxpqqqzr0vc4949j
n/LiberdadeMinas - Minas Gerais (Por: nostr:nprofile1qqsf0kszkmrmy9l3c7mxr3uhh3fmyjpq2z4hjvv7wdq84k5npd7gw3cpz4mhxue69uhhyetvv9ujuerpd46hxtnfduhszxthwden5te0wfjkccte9eekummjwsh8xmmrd9skctcprpmhxue69uhhyetvv9ujuurvv438xarj9e3k7mf0mx68nx) nostr:naddr1qq8yc6tzv4exgctyv4xkjmnpwvqsqq3qjldq9dk8kgtlr3akv8re00znkfyzq59t0yceuu6q0tdfxzmusarsxpqqqzr0vag4knt
n/CyberpunkManaus - Manaus (Por: nostr:nprofile1qqsz8v8zlrg0jclhasdksctsr2jw28lrqwn3zrsclnkpmytvmzhhdlqpz3mhxw309ucnqt3jx5cjuvpwxgarsvpcxqq3wamn8ghj7vfexghrzd3c9ccjuv3s8gurqwps9uq5gamn8ghj7entv43kjd3nvfcx5en6093h2up5w3ekgmn4xsekvatwx438xamywp6ksemcwp6xummzdgekzdmz0pmhzd3j0g6xzepwdahxjmmw9u2upp88) nostr:naddr1qqgyx7tzv4e8qatwdvk56ctwv96hxqgqqgsz8v8zlrg0jclhasdksctsr2jw28lrqwn3zrsclnkpmytvmzhhdlqrqsqqpphkgjh4rf
n/BelémLibertario (por: nostr:npub167s6q8sfzkhel4227kacu98zcg6e37v5sqwkv8mxaazrryz9huzqlhcu2t) nostr:nevent1qqsqnqgx3u2whdqdqmlstqcmgav6xfe4upz2qxfvj03tlk699dzlk7qzyrt6rgq7py26l874ft6mhrs5utprtx8ejjqp6eslvmh5gvvsgklsgqcyqqqqq2qqsdz6l
n/SãoPauloLivre - São Paulo (por: nostr:nprofile1qqsw4jww99ykxf2jy4wyh685hp7cs70texztv0p7kqa3mqhfrvvdtscpzamhxue69uhhyetvv9ujumn0wd68ytnzv9hxgtcpzpmhxue69uhkummnw3ezumt0d5hsz8rhwden5te0wfjkccte9emkj6mfveex2etyd9sju7re0ghsftvmn0 e nostr:nprofile1qqs2tmjyw452ydezymtywqf625j3atra6datgzqy55fp5c7w9jn4gqgpr4mhxue69uhkummnw3ezucnfw33k76twv4ezuum0vd5kzmp0qy08wumn8ghj7mn0wd68yttsw43zuam9d3kx7unyv4ezumn9wshsz9thwden5te0wfjkccte9ehx7um5wghxyee0vnwevs) nostr:naddr1qq898sardagxzatvdaxxjanjv5pzp6kfec55jce92gj4cjlg7ju8mzrea0ycfd3u86crk8vzayd334wrqvzqqqyx7cmls060
n/AcreLibertário - Acre (por: nostr:nprofile1qqsw4jww99ykxf2jy4wyh685hp7cs70texztv0p7kqa3mqhfrvvdtscpzamhxue69uhhyetvv9ujumn0wd68ytnzv9hxgtcpzpmhxue69uhkummnw3ezumt0d5hsz8rhwden5te0wfjkccte9emkj6mfveex2etyd9sju7re0ghsftvmn0 e nostr:nprofile1qqs2tmjyw452ydezymtywqf625j3atra6datgzqy55fp5c7w9jn4gqgpr4mhxue69uhkummnw3ezucnfw33k76twv4ezuum0vd5kzmp0qy08wumn8ghj7mn0wd68yttsw43zuam9d3kx7unyv4ezumn9wshsz9thwden5te0wfjkccte9ehx7um5wghxyee0vnwevs) nostr:naddr1qq85zcmjv4xxjcn9wf6v8gtjd9hsyg82e88zjjtry4fz2hztar6tslvg084unp9k8sltqwcast53kxx4cvpsgqqqsmmqftljpt
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@ c631e267:c2b78d3e
2025-04-20 19:54:32Es ist völlig unbestritten, dass der Angriff der russischen Armee auf die Ukraine im Februar 2022 strikt zu verurteilen ist. Ebenso unbestritten ist Russland unter Wladimir Putin keine brillante Demokratie. Aus diesen Tatsachen lässt sich jedoch nicht das finstere Bild des russischen Präsidenten – und erst recht nicht des Landes – begründen, das uns durchweg vorgesetzt wird und den Kern des aktuellen europäischen Bedrohungs-Szenarios darstellt. Da müssen wir schon etwas genauer hinschauen.
Der vorliegende Artikel versucht derweil nicht, den Einsatz von Gewalt oder die Verletzung von Menschenrechten zu rechtfertigen oder zu entschuldigen – ganz im Gegenteil. Dass jedoch der Verdacht des «Putinverstehers» sofort latent im Raume steht, verdeutlicht, was beim Thema «Russland» passiert: Meinungsmache und Manipulation.
Angesichts der mentalen Mobilmachung seitens Politik und Medien sowie des Bestrebens, einen bevorstehenden Krieg mit Russland geradezu herbeizureden, ist es notwendig, dieser fatalen Entwicklung entgegenzutreten. Wenn wir uns nur ein wenig von der herrschenden Schwarz-Weiß-Malerei freimachen, tauchen automatisch Fragen auf, die Risse im offiziellen Narrativ enthüllen. Grund genug, nachzuhaken.
Wer sich schon länger auch abseits der Staats- und sogenannten Leitmedien informiert, der wird in diesem Artikel vermutlich nicht viel Neues erfahren. Andere könnten hier ein paar unbekannte oder vergessene Aspekte entdecken. Möglicherweise klärt sich in diesem Kontext die Wahrnehmung der aktuellen (unserer eigenen!) Situation ein wenig.
Manipulation erkennen
Corona-«Pandemie», menschengemachter Klimawandel oder auch Ukraine-Krieg: Jede Menge Krisen, und für alle gibt es ein offizielles Narrativ, dessen Hinterfragung unerwünscht ist. Nun ist aber ein Narrativ einfach eine Erzählung, eine Geschichte (Latein: «narratio») und kein Tatsachenbericht. Und so wie ein Märchen soll auch das Narrativ eine Botschaft vermitteln.
Über die Methoden der Manipulation ist viel geschrieben worden, sowohl in Bezug auf das Individuum als auch auf die Massen. Sehr wertvolle Tipps dazu, wie man Manipulationen durchschauen kann, gibt ein Büchlein [1] von Albrecht Müller, dem Herausgeber der NachDenkSeiten.
Die Sprache selber eignet sich perfekt für die Manipulation. Beispielsweise kann die Wortwahl Bewertungen mitschwingen lassen, regelmäßiges Wiederholen (gerne auch von verschiedenen Seiten) lässt Dinge irgendwann «wahr» erscheinen, Übertreibungen fallen auf und hinterlassen wenigstens eine Spur im Gedächtnis, genauso wie Andeutungen. Belege spielen dabei keine Rolle.
Es gibt auffällig viele Sprachregelungen, die offenbar irgendwo getroffen und irgendwie koordiniert werden. Oder alle Redenschreiber und alle Medien kopieren sich neuerdings permanent gegenseitig. Welchen Zweck hat es wohl, wenn der Krieg in der Ukraine durchgängig und quasi wörtlich als «russischer Angriffskrieg auf die Ukraine» bezeichnet wird? Obwohl das in der Sache richtig ist, deutet die Art der Verwendung auf gezielte Beeinflussung hin und soll vor allem das Feindbild zementieren.
Sprachregelungen dienen oft der Absicherung einer einseitigen Darstellung. Das Gleiche gilt für das Verkürzen von Informationen bis hin zum hartnäckigen Verschweigen ganzer Themenbereiche. Auch hierfür gibt es rund um den Ukraine-Konflikt viele gute Beispiele.
Das gewünschte Ergebnis solcher Methoden ist eine Schwarz-Weiß-Malerei, bei der einer eindeutig als «der Böse» markiert ist und die anderen automatisch «die Guten» sind. Das ist praktisch und demonstriert gleichzeitig ein weiteres Manipulationswerkzeug: die Verwendung von Doppelstandards. Wenn man es schafft, bei wichtigen Themen regelmäßig mit zweierlei Maß zu messen, ohne dass das Publikum protestiert, dann hat man freie Bahn.
Experten zu bemühen, um bestimmte Sachverhalte zu erläutern, ist sicher sinnvoll, kann aber ebenso missbraucht werden, schon allein durch die Auswahl der jeweiligen Spezialisten. Seit «Corona» werden viele erfahrene und ehemals hoch angesehene Fachleute wegen der «falschen Meinung» diffamiert und gecancelt. [2] Das ist nicht nur ein brutaler Umgang mit Menschen, sondern auch eine extreme Form, die öffentliche Meinung zu steuern.
Wann immer wir also erkennen (weil wir aufmerksam waren), dass wir bei einem bestimmten Thema manipuliert werden, dann sind zwei logische und notwendige Fragen: Warum? Und was ist denn richtig? In unserem Russland-Kontext haben die Antworten darauf viel mit Geopolitik und Geschichte zu tun.
Ist Russland aggressiv und expansiv?
Angeblich plant Russland, europäische NATO-Staaten anzugreifen, nach dem Motto: «Zuerst die Ukraine, dann den Rest». In Deutschland weiß man dafür sogar das Datum: «Wir müssen bis 2029 kriegstüchtig sein», versichert Verteidigungsminister Pistorius.
Historisch gesehen ist es allerdings eher umgekehrt: Russland, bzw. die Sowjetunion, ist bereits dreimal von Westeuropa aus militärisch angegriffen worden. Die Feldzüge Napoleons, des deutschen Kaiserreichs und Nazi-Deutschlands haben Millionen Menschen das Leben gekostet. Bei dem ausdrücklichen Vernichtungskrieg ab 1941 kam es außerdem zu Brutalitäten wie der zweieinhalbjährigen Belagerung Leningrads (heute St. Petersburg) durch Hitlers Wehrmacht. Deren Ziel, die Bevölkerung auszuhungern, wurde erreicht: über eine Million tote Zivilisten.
Trotz dieser Erfahrungen stimmte Michail Gorbatschow 1990 der deutschen Wiedervereinigung zu und die Sowjetunion zog ihre Truppen aus Osteuropa zurück (vgl. Abb. 1). Der Warschauer Pakt wurde aufgelöst, der Kalte Krieg formell beendet. Die Sowjets erhielten damals von führenden westlichen Politikern die Zusicherung, dass sich die NATO «keinen Zentimeter ostwärts» ausdehnen würde, das ist dokumentiert. [3]
Expandiert ist die NATO trotzdem, und zwar bis an Russlands Grenzen (vgl. Abb. 2). Laut dem Politikberater Jeffrey Sachs handelt es sich dabei um ein langfristiges US-Projekt, das von Anfang an die Ukraine und Georgien mit einschloss. Offiziell wurde der Beitritt beiden Staaten 2008 angeboten. In jedem Fall könnte die massive Ost-Erweiterung seit 1999 aus russischer Sicht nicht nur als Vertrauensbruch, sondern durchaus auch als aggressiv betrachtet werden.
Russland hat den europäischen Staaten mehrfach die Hand ausgestreckt [4] für ein friedliches Zusammenleben und den «Aufbau des europäischen Hauses». Präsident Putin sei «in seiner ersten Amtszeit eine Chance für Europa» gewesen, urteilt die Journalistin und langjährige Russland-Korrespondentin der ARD, Gabriele Krone-Schmalz. Er habe damals viele positive Signale Richtung Westen gesendet.
Die Europäer jedoch waren scheinbar an einer Partnerschaft mit dem kontinentalen Nachbarn weniger interessiert als an der mit dem transatlantischen Hegemon. Sie verkennen bis heute, dass eine gedeihliche Zusammenarbeit in Eurasien eine Gefahr für die USA und deren bekundetes Bestreben ist, die «einzige Weltmacht» zu sein – «Full Spectrum Dominance» [5] nannte das Pentagon das. Statt einem neuen Kalten Krieg entgegenzuarbeiten, ließen sich europäische Staaten selber in völkerrechtswidrige «US-dominierte Angriffskriege» [6] verwickeln, wie in Serbien, Afghanistan, dem Irak, Libyen oder Syrien. Diese werden aber selten so benannt.
Speziell den Deutschen stünde außer einer Portion Realismus auch etwas mehr Dankbarkeit gut zu Gesicht. Das Geschichtsbewusstsein der Mehrheit scheint doch recht selektiv und das Selbstbewusstsein einiger etwas desorientiert zu sein. Bekanntermaßen waren es die Soldaten der sowjetischen Roten Armee, die unter hohen Opfern 1945 Deutschland «vom Faschismus befreit» haben. Bei den Gedenkfeiern zu 80 Jahren Kriegsende will jedoch das Auswärtige Amt – noch unter der Diplomatie-Expertin Baerbock, die sich schon länger offiziell im Krieg mit Russland wähnt, – nun keine Russen sehen: Sie sollen notfalls rausgeschmissen werden.
«Die Grundsatzfrage lautet: Geht es Russland um einen angemessenen Platz in einer globalen Sicherheitsarchitektur, oder ist Moskau schon seit langem auf einem imperialistischen Trip, der befürchten lassen muss, dass die Russen in fünf Jahren in Berlin stehen?»
So bringt Gabriele Krone-Schmalz [7] die eigentliche Frage auf den Punkt, die zur Einschätzung der Situation letztlich auch jeder für sich beantworten muss.
Was ist los in der Ukraine?
In der internationalen Politik geht es nie um Demokratie oder Menschenrechte, sondern immer um Interessen von Staaten. Diese These stammt von Egon Bahr, einem der Architekten der deutschen Ostpolitik des «Wandels durch Annäherung» aus den 1960er und 70er Jahren. Sie trifft auch auf den Ukraine-Konflikt zu, den handfeste geostrategische und wirtschaftliche Interessen beherrschen, obwohl dort angeblich «unsere Demokratie» verteidigt wird.
Es ist ein wesentliches Element des Ukraine-Narrativs und Teil der Manipulation, die Vorgeschichte des Krieges wegzulassen – mindestens die vor der russischen «Annexion» der Halbinsel Krim im März 2014, aber oft sogar komplett diejenige vor der Invasion Ende Februar 2022. Das Thema ist komplex, aber einige Aspekte, die für eine Beurteilung nicht unwichtig sind, will ich wenigstens kurz skizzieren. [8]
Das Gebiet der heutigen Ukraine und Russlands – die übrigens in der «Kiewer Rus» gemeinsame Wurzeln haben – hat der britische Geostratege Halford Mackinder bereits 1904 als eurasisches «Heartland» bezeichnet, dessen Kontrolle er eine große Bedeutung für die imperiale Strategie Großbritanniens zumaß. Für den ehemaligen Sicherheits- und außenpolitischen Berater mehrerer US-amerikanischer Präsidenten und Mitgründer der Trilateralen Kommission, Zbigniew Brzezinski, war die Ukraine nach der Auflösung der Sowjetunion ein wichtiger Spielstein auf dem «eurasischen Schachbrett», wegen seiner Nähe zu Russland, seiner Bodenschätze und seines Zugangs zum Schwarzen Meer.
Die Ukraine ist seit langem ein gespaltenes Land. Historisch zerrissen als Spielball externer Interessen und geprägt von ethnischen, kulturellen, religiösen und geografischen Unterschieden existiert bis heute, grob gesagt, eine Ost-West-Spaltung, welche die Suche nach einer nationalen Identität stark erschwert.
Insbesondere im Zuge der beiden Weltkriege sowie der Russischen Revolution entstanden tiefe Risse in der Bevölkerung. Ukrainer kämpften gegen Ukrainer, zum Beispiel die einen auf der Seite von Hitlers faschistischer Nazi-Armee und die anderen auf der von Stalins kommunistischer Roter Armee. Die Verbrechen auf beiden Seiten sind nicht vergessen. Dass nach der Unabhängigkeit 1991 versucht wurde, Figuren wie den radikalen Nationalisten Symon Petljura oder den Faschisten und Nazi-Kollaborateur Stepan Bandera als «Nationalhelden» zu installieren, verbessert die Sache nicht.
Während die USA und EU-Staaten zunehmend «ausländische Einmischung» (speziell russische) in «ihre Demokratien» wittern, betreiben sie genau dies seit Jahrzehnten in vielen Ländern der Welt. Die seit den 2000er Jahren bekannten «Farbrevolutionen» in Osteuropa werden oft als Methode des Regierungsumsturzes durch von außen gesteuerte «demokratische» Volksaufstände beschrieben. Diese Strategie geht auf Analysen zum «Schwarmverhalten» [9] seit den 1960er Jahren zurück (Studentenproteste), wo es um die potenzielle Wirksamkeit einer «rebellischen Hysterie» von Jugendlichen bei postmodernen Staatsstreichen geht. Heute nennt sich dieses gezielte Kanalisieren der Massen zur Beseitigung unkooperativer Regierungen «Soft-Power».
In der Ukraine gab es mit der «Orangen Revolution» 2004 und dem «Euromaidan» 2014 gleich zwei solcher «Aufstände». Der erste erzwang wegen angeblicher Unregelmäßigkeiten eine Wiederholung der Wahlen, was mit Wiktor Juschtschenko als neuem Präsidenten endete. Dieser war ehemaliger Direktor der Nationalbank und Befürworter einer Annäherung an EU und NATO. Seine Frau, die First Lady, ist US-amerikanische «Philanthropin» und war Beamtin im Weißen Haus in der Reagan- und der Bush-Administration.
Im Gegensatz zu diesem ersten Event endete der sogenannte Euromaidan unfriedlich und blutig. Die mehrwöchigen Proteste gegen Präsident Wiktor Janukowitsch, in Teilen wegen des nicht unterzeichneten Assoziierungsabkommens mit der EU, wurden zunehmend gewalttätiger und von Nationalisten und Faschisten des «Rechten Sektors» dominiert. Sie mündeten Ende Februar 2014 auf dem Kiewer Unabhängigkeitsplatz (Maidan) in einem Massaker durch Scharfschützen. Dass deren Herkunft und die genauen Umstände nicht geklärt wurden, störte die Medien nur wenig. [10]
Janukowitsch musste fliehen, er trat nicht zurück. Vielmehr handelte es sich um einen gewaltsamen, allem Anschein nach vom Westen inszenierten Putsch. Laut Jeffrey Sachs war das kein Geheimnis, außer vielleicht für die Bürger. Die USA unterstützten die Post-Maidan-Regierung nicht nur, sie beeinflussten auch ihre Bildung. Das geht unter anderem aus dem berühmten «Fuck the EU»-Telefonat der US-Chefdiplomatin für die Ukraine, Victoria Nuland, mit Botschafter Geoffrey Pyatt hervor.
Dieser Bruch der demokratischen Verfassung war letztlich der Auslöser für die anschließenden Krisen auf der Krim und im Donbass (Ostukraine). Angesichts der ukrainischen Geschichte mussten die nationalistischen Tendenzen und die Beteiligung der rechten Gruppen an dem Umsturz bei der russigsprachigen Bevölkerung im Osten ungute Gefühle auslösen. Es gab Kritik an der Übergangsregierung, Befürworter einer Abspaltung und auch für einen Anschluss an Russland.
Ebenso konnte Wladimir Putin in dieser Situation durchaus Bedenken wegen des Status der russischen Militärbasis für seine Schwarzmeerflotte in Sewastopol auf der Krim haben, für die es einen langfristigen Pachtvertrag mit der Ukraine gab. Was im März 2014 auf der Krim stattfand, sei keine Annexion, sondern eine Abspaltung (Sezession) nach einem Referendum gewesen, also keine gewaltsame Aneignung, urteilte der Rechtswissenschaftler Reinhard Merkel in der FAZ sehr detailliert begründet. Übrigens hatte die Krim bereits zu Zeiten der Sowjetunion den Status einer autonomen Republik innerhalb der Ukrainischen SSR.
Anfang April 2014 wurden in der Ostukraine die «Volksrepubliken» Donezk und Lugansk ausgerufen. Die Kiewer Übergangsregierung ging unter der Bezeichnung «Anti-Terror-Operation» (ATO) militärisch gegen diesen, auch von Russland instrumentalisierten Widerstand vor. Zufällig war kurz zuvor CIA-Chef John Brennan in Kiew. Die Maßnahmen gingen unter dem seit Mai neuen ukrainischen Präsidenten, dem Milliardär Petro Poroschenko, weiter. Auch Wolodymyr Selenskyj beendete den Bürgerkrieg nicht, als er 2019 vom Präsidenten-Schauspieler, der Oligarchen entmachtet, zum Präsidenten wurde. Er fuhr fort, die eigene Bevölkerung zu bombardieren.
Mit dem Einmarsch russischer Truppen in die Ostukraine am 24. Februar 2022 begann die zweite Phase des Krieges. Die Wochen und Monate davor waren intensiv. Im November hatte die Ukraine mit den USA ein Abkommen über eine «strategische Partnerschaft» unterzeichnet. Darin sagten die Amerikaner ihre Unterstützung der EU- und NATO-Perspektive der Ukraine sowie quasi für die Rückeroberung der Krim zu. Dagegen ließ Putin der NATO und den USA im Dezember 2021 einen Vertragsentwurf über beiderseitige verbindliche Sicherheitsgarantien zukommen, den die NATO im Januar ablehnte. Im Februar eskalierte laut OSZE die Gewalt im Donbass.
Bereits wenige Wochen nach der Invasion, Ende März 2022, kam es in Istanbul zu Friedensverhandlungen, die fast zu einer Lösung geführt hätten. Dass der Krieg nicht damals bereits beendet wurde, lag daran, dass der Westen dies nicht wollte. Man war der Meinung, Russland durch die Ukraine in diesem Stellvertreterkrieg auf Dauer militärisch schwächen zu können. Angesichts von Hunderttausenden Toten, Verletzten und Traumatisierten, die als Folge seitdem zu beklagen sind, sowie dem Ausmaß der Zerstörung, fehlen einem die Worte.
Hasst der Westen die Russen?
Diese Frage drängt sich auf, wenn man das oft unerträglich feindselige Gebaren beobachtet, das beileibe nicht neu ist und vor Doppelmoral trieft. Russland und speziell die Person Wladimir Putins werden regelrecht dämonisiert, was gleichzeitig scheinbar jede Form von Diplomatie ausschließt.
Russlands militärische Stärke, seine geografische Lage, sein Rohstoffreichtum oder seine unabhängige diplomatische Tradition sind sicher Störfaktoren für das US-amerikanische Bestreben, der Boss in einer unipolaren Welt zu sein. Ein womöglich funktionierender eurasischer Kontinent, insbesondere gute Beziehungen zwischen Russland und Deutschland, war indes schon vor dem Ersten Weltkrieg eine Sorge des britischen Imperiums.
Ein «Vergehen» von Präsident Putin könnte gewesen sein, dass er die neoliberale Schocktherapie à la IWF und den Ausverkauf des Landes (auch an US-Konzerne) beendete, der unter seinem Vorgänger herrschte. Dabei zeigte er sich als Führungspersönlichkeit und als nicht so formbar wie Jelzin. Diese Aspekte allein sind aber heute vermutlich keine ausreichende Erklärung für ein derart gepflegtes Feindbild.
Der Historiker und Philosoph Hauke Ritz erweitert den Fokus der Fragestellung zu: «Warum hasst der Westen die Russen so sehr?», was er zum Beispiel mit dem Medienforscher Michael Meyen und mit der Politikwissenschaftlerin Ulrike Guérot bespricht. Ritz stellt die interessante These [11] auf, dass Russland eine Provokation für den Westen sei, welcher vor allem dessen kulturelles und intellektuelles Potenzial fürchte.
Die Russen sind Europäer aber anders, sagt Ritz. Diese «Fremdheit in der Ähnlichkeit» erzeuge vielleicht tiefe Ablehnungsgefühle. Obwohl Russlands Identität in der europäischen Kultur verwurzelt ist, verbinde es sich immer mit der Opposition in Europa. Als Beispiele nennt er die Kritik an der katholischen Kirche oder die Verbindung mit der Arbeiterbewegung. Christen, aber orthodox; Sozialismus statt Liberalismus. Das mache das Land zum Antagonisten des Westens und zu einer Bedrohung der Machtstrukturen in Europa.
Fazit
Selbstverständlich kann man Geschichte, Ereignisse und Entwicklungen immer auf verschiedene Arten lesen. Dieser Artikel, obwohl viel zu lang, konnte nur einige Aspekte der Ukraine-Tragödie anreißen, die in den offiziellen Darstellungen in der Regel nicht vorkommen. Mindestens dürfte damit jedoch klar geworden sein, dass die Russische Föderation bzw. Wladimir Putin nicht der alleinige Aggressor in diesem Konflikt ist. Das ist ein Stellvertreterkrieg zwischen USA/NATO (gut) und Russland (böse); die Ukraine (edel) wird dabei schlicht verheizt.
Das ist insofern von Bedeutung, als die gesamte europäische Kriegshysterie auf sorgsam kultivierten Freund-Feind-Bildern beruht. Nur so kann Konfrontation und Eskalation betrieben werden, denn damit werden die wahren Hintergründe und Motive verschleiert. Angst und Propaganda sind notwendig, damit die Menschen den Wahnsinn mitmachen. Sie werden belogen, um sie zuerst zu schröpfen und anschließend auf die Schlachtbank zu schicken. Das kann niemand wollen, außer den stets gleichen Profiteuren: die Rüstungs-Lobby und die großen Investoren, die schon immer an Zerstörung und Wiederaufbau verdient haben.
Apropos Investoren: Zu den Top-Verdienern und somit Hauptinteressenten an einer Fortführung des Krieges zählt BlackRock, einer der weltgrößten Vermögensverwalter. Der deutsche Bundeskanzler in spe, Friedrich Merz, der gerne «Taurus»-Marschflugkörper an die Ukraine liefern und die Krim-Brücke zerstören möchte, war von 2016 bis 2020 Aufsichtsratsvorsitzender von BlackRock in Deutschland. Aber das hat natürlich nichts zu sagen, der Mann macht nur seinen Job.
Es ist ein Spiel der Kräfte, es geht um Macht und strategische Kontrolle, um Geheimdienste und die Kontrolle der öffentlichen Meinung, um Bodenschätze, Rohstoffe, Pipelines und Märkte. Das klingt aber nicht sexy, «Demokratie und Menschenrechte» hört sich besser und einfacher an. Dabei wäre eine für alle Seiten förderliche Politik auch nicht so kompliziert; das Handwerkszeug dazu nennt sich Diplomatie. Noch einmal Gabriele Krone-Schmalz:
«Friedliche Politik ist nichts anderes als funktionierender Interessenausgleich. Da geht’s nicht um Moral.»
Die Situation in der Ukraine ist sicher komplex, vor allem wegen der inneren Zerrissenheit. Es dürfte nicht leicht sein, eine friedliche Lösung für das Zusammenleben zu finden, aber die Beteiligten müssen es vor allem wollen. Unter den gegebenen Umständen könnte eine sinnvolle Perspektive mit Neutralität und föderalen Strukturen zu tun haben.
Allen, die sich bis hierher durch die Lektüre gearbeitet (oder auch einfach nur runtergescrollt) haben, wünsche ich frohe Oster-Friedenstage!
[Titelbild: Pixabay; Abb. 1 und 2: nach Ganser/SIPER; Abb. 3: SIPER]
--- Quellen: ---
[1] Albrecht Müller, «Glaube wenig. Hinterfrage alles. Denke selbst.», Westend 2019
[2] Zwei nette Beispiele:
- ARD-faktenfinder (sic), «Viel Aufmerksamkeit für fragwürdige Experten», 03/2023
- Neue Zürcher Zeitung, «Aufstieg und Fall einer Russlandversteherin – die ehemalige ARD-Korrespondentin Gabriele Krone-Schmalz rechtfertigt seit Jahren Putins Politik», 12/2022
[3] George Washington University, «NATO Expansion: What Gorbachev Heard – Declassified documents show security assurances against NATO expansion to Soviet leaders from Baker, Bush, Genscher, Kohl, Gates, Mitterrand, Thatcher, Hurd, Major, and Woerner», 12/2017
[4] Beispielsweise Wladimir Putin bei seiner Rede im Deutschen Bundestag, 25/09/2001
[5] William Engdahl, «Full Spectrum Dominance, Totalitarian Democracy In The New World Order», edition.engdahl 2009
[6] Daniele Ganser, «Illegale Kriege – Wie die NATO-Länder die UNO sabotieren. Eine Chronik von Kuba bis Syrien», Orell Füssli 2016
[7] Gabriele Krone-Schmalz, «Mit Friedensjournalismus gegen ‘Kriegstüchtigkeit’», Vortrag und Diskussion an der Universität Hamburg, veranstaltet von engagierten Studenten, 16/01/2025\ → Hier ist ein ähnlicher Vortrag von ihr (Video), den ich mit spanischer Übersetzung gefunden habe.
[8] Für mehr Hintergrund und Details empfehlen sich z.B. folgende Bücher:
- Mathias Bröckers, Paul Schreyer, «Wir sind immer die Guten», Westend 2019
- Gabriele Krone-Schmalz, «Russland verstehen? Der Kampf um die Ukraine und die Arroganz des Westens», Westend 2023
- Patrik Baab, «Auf beiden Seiten der Front – Meine Reisen in die Ukraine», Fiftyfifty 2023
[9] vgl. Jonathan Mowat, «Washington's New World Order "Democratization" Template», 02/2005 und RAND Corporation, «Swarming and the Future of Conflict», 2000
[10] Bemerkenswert einige Beiträge, von denen man später nichts mehr wissen wollte:
- ARD Monitor, «Todesschüsse in Kiew: Wer ist für das Blutbad vom Maidan verantwortlich», 10/04/2014, Transkript hier
- Telepolis, «Blutbad am Maidan: Wer waren die Todesschützen?», 12/04/2014
- Telepolis, «Scharfschützenmorde in Kiew», 14/12/2014
- Deutschlandfunk, «Gefahr einer Spirale nach unten», Interview mit Günter Verheugen, 18/03/2014
- NDR Panorama, «Putsch in Kiew: Welche Rolle spielen die Faschisten?», 06/03/2014
[11] Hauke Ritz, «Vom Niedergang des Westens zur Neuerfindung Europas», 2024
Dieser Beitrag wurde mit dem Pareto-Client geschrieben.
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@ c631e267:c2b78d3e
2025-04-18 15:53:07Verstand ohne Gefühl ist unmenschlich; \ Gefühl ohne Verstand ist Dummheit. \ Egon Bahr
Seit Jahren werden wir darauf getrimmt, dass Fakten eigentlich gefühlt seien. Aber nicht alles ist relativ und nicht alles ist nach Belieben interpretierbar. Diese Schokoladenhasen beispielsweise, die an Ostern in unseren Gefilden typisch sind, «ostern» zwar nicht, sondern sie sitzen in der Regel, trotzdem verwandelt sie das nicht in «Sitzhasen».
Nichts soll mehr gelten, außer den immer invasiveren Gesetzen. Die eigenen Traditionen und Wurzeln sind potenziell «pfui», um andere Menschen nicht auszuschließen, aber wir mögen uns toleranterweise an die fremden Symbole und Rituale gewöhnen. Dabei ist es mir prinzipiell völlig egal, ob und wann jemand ein Fastenbrechen feiert, am Karsamstag oder jedem anderen Tag oder nie – aber bitte freiwillig.
Und vor allem: Lasst die Finger von den Kindern! In Bern setzten kürzlich Demonstranten ein Zeichen gegen die zunehmende Verbreitung woker Ideologie im Bildungssystem und forderten ein Ende der sexuellen Indoktrination von Schulkindern.
Wenn es nicht wegen des heiklen Themas Migration oder wegen des Regenbogens ist, dann wegen des Klimas. Im Rahmen der «Netto Null»-Agenda zum Kampf gegen das angeblich teuflische CO2 sollen die Menschen ihre Ernährungsgewohnheiten komplett ändern. Nach dem Willen von Produzenten synthetischer Lebensmittel, wie Bill Gates, sollen wir baldmöglichst praktisch auf Fleisch und alle Milchprodukte wie Milch und Käse verzichten. Ein lukratives Geschäftsmodell, das neben der EU aktuell auch von einem britischen Lobby-Konsortium unterstützt wird.
Sollten alle ideologischen Stricke zu reißen drohen, ist da immer noch «der Putin». Die Unions-Europäer offenbaren sich dabei ständig mehr als Vertreter der Rüstungsindustrie. Allen voran zündelt Deutschland an der Kriegslunte, angeführt von einem scheinbar todesmutigen Kanzlerkandidaten Friedrich Merz. Nach dessen erneuter Aussage, «Taurus»-Marschflugkörper an Kiew liefern zu wollen, hat Russland eindeutig klargestellt, dass man dies als direkte Kriegsbeteiligung werten würde – «mit allen sich daraus ergebenden Konsequenzen für Deutschland».
Wohltuend sind Nachrichten über Aktivitäten, die sich der allgemeinen Kriegstreiberei entgegenstellen oder diese öffentlich hinterfragen. Dazu zählt auch ein Kongress kritischer Psychologen und Psychotherapeuten, der letzte Woche in Berlin stattfand. Die vielen Vorträge im Kontext von «Krieg und Frieden» deckten ein breites Themenspektrum ab, darunter Friedensarbeit oder die Notwendigkeit einer «Pädagogik der Kriegsuntüchtigkeit».
Der heutige «stille Freitag», an dem Christen des Leidens und Sterbens von Jesus gedenken, ist vielleicht unabhängig von jeder religiösen oder spirituellen Prägung eine passende Einladung zur Reflexion. In der Ruhe liegt die Kraft. In diesem Sinne wünsche ich Ihnen frohe Ostertage!
[Titelbild: Pixabay]
Dieser Beitrag wurde mit dem Pareto-Client geschrieben und ist zuerst auf Transition News erschienen.
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@ c631e267:c2b78d3e
2025-04-04 18:47:27Zwei mal drei macht vier, \ widewidewitt und drei macht neune, \ ich mach mir die Welt, \ widewide wie sie mir gefällt. \ Pippi Langstrumpf
Egal, ob Koalitionsverhandlungen oder politischer Alltag: Die Kontroversen zwischen theoretisch verschiedenen Parteien verschwinden, wenn es um den Kampf gegen politische Gegner mit Rückenwind geht. Wer den Alteingesessenen die Pfründe ernsthaft streitig machen könnte, gegen den werden nicht nur «Brandmauern» errichtet, sondern der wird notfalls auch strafrechtlich verfolgt. Doppelstandards sind dabei selbstverständlich inklusive.
In Frankreich ist diese Woche Marine Le Pen wegen der Veruntreuung von EU-Geldern von einem Gericht verurteilt worden. Als Teil der Strafe wurde sie für fünf Jahre vom passiven Wahlrecht ausgeschlossen. Obwohl das Urteil nicht rechtskräftig ist – Le Pen kann in Berufung gehen –, haben die Richter das Verbot, bei Wahlen anzutreten, mit sofortiger Wirkung verhängt. Die Vorsitzende des rechtsnationalen Rassemblement National (RN) galt als aussichtsreiche Kandidatin für die Präsidentschaftswahl 2027.
Das ist in diesem Jahr bereits der zweite gravierende Fall von Wahlbeeinflussung durch die Justiz in einem EU-Staat. In Rumänien hatte Călin Georgescu im November die erste Runde der Präsidentenwahl überraschend gewonnen. Das Ergebnis wurde später annulliert, die behauptete «russische Wahlmanipulation» konnte jedoch nicht bewiesen werden. Die Kandidatur für die Wahlwiederholung im Mai wurde Georgescu kürzlich durch das Verfassungsgericht untersagt.
Die Veruntreuung öffentlicher Gelder muss untersucht und geahndet werden, das steht außer Frage. Diese Anforderung darf nicht selektiv angewendet werden. Hingegen mussten wir in der Vergangenheit bei ungleich schwerwiegenderen Fällen von (mutmaßlichem) Missbrauch ganz andere Vorgehensweisen erleben, etwa im Fall der heutigen EZB-Chefin Christine Lagarde oder im «Pfizergate»-Skandal um die Präsidentin der EU-Kommission Ursula von der Leyen.
Wenngleich derartige Angelegenheiten formal auf einer rechtsstaatlichen Grundlage beruhen mögen, so bleibt ein bitterer Beigeschmack. Es stellt sich die Frage, ob und inwieweit die Justiz politisch instrumentalisiert wird. Dies ist umso interessanter, als die Gewaltenteilung einen essenziellen Teil jeder demokratischen Ordnung darstellt, während die Bekämpfung des politischen Gegners mit juristischen Mitteln gerade bei den am lautesten rufenden Verteidigern «unserer Demokratie» populär zu sein scheint.
Die Delegationen von CDU/CSU und SPD haben bei ihren Verhandlungen über eine Regierungskoalition genau solche Maßnahmen diskutiert. «Im Namen der Wahrheit und der Demokratie» möchte man noch härter gegen «Desinformation» vorgehen und dafür zum Beispiel den Digital Services Act der EU erweitern. Auch soll der Tatbestand der Volksverhetzung verschärft werden – und im Entzug des passiven Wahlrechts münden können. Auf europäischer Ebene würde Friedrich Merz wohl gerne Ungarn das Stimmrecht entziehen.
Der Pegel an Unzufriedenheit und Frustration wächst in großen Teilen der Bevölkerung kontinuierlich. Arroganz, Machtmissbrauch und immer abstrusere Ausreden für offensichtlich willkürliche Maßnahmen werden kaum verhindern, dass den etablierten Parteien die Unterstützung entschwindet. In Deutschland sind die Umfrageergebnisse der AfD ein guter Gradmesser dafür.
[Vorlage Titelbild: Pixabay]
Dieser Beitrag wurde mit dem Pareto-Client geschrieben und ist zuerst auf Transition News erschienen.
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@ 266815e0:6cd408a5
2025-05-02 22:24:59Its been six long months of refactoring code and building out to the applesauce packages but the app is stable enough for another release.
This update is pretty much a full rewrite of the non-visible parts of the app. all the background services were either moved out to the applesauce packages or rewritten, the result is that noStrudel is a little faster and much more consistent with connections and publishing.
New layout
The app has a new layout now, it takes advantage of the full desktop screen and looks a little better than it did before.
Removed NIP-72 communities
The NIP-72 communities are no longer part of the app, if you want to continue using them there are still a few apps that support them ( like satellite.earth ) but noStrudel won't support them going forward.
The communities where interesting but ultimately proved too have some fundamental flaws, most notably that all posts had to be approved by a moderator. There were some good ideas on how to improve it but they would have only been patches and wouldn't have fixed the underlying issues.
I wont promise to build it into noStrudel, but NIP-29 (relay based groups) look a lot more promising and already have better moderation abilities then NIP-72 communities could ever have.
Settings view
There is now a dedicated settings view, so no more hunting around for where the relays are set or trying to find how to add another account. its all in one place now
Cleaned up lists
The list views are a little cleaner now, and they have a simple edit modal
New emoji picker
Just another small improvement that makes the app feel more complete.
Experimental Wallet
There is a new "wallet" view in the app that lets you manage your NIP-60 cashu wallet. its very experimental and probably won't work for you, but its there and I hope to finish it up so the app can support NIP-61 nutzaps.
WARNING: Don't feed the wallet your hard earned sats, it will eat them!
Smaller improvements
- Added NSFW flag for replies
- Updated NIP-48 bunker login to work with new spec
- Linkfy BIPs
- Added 404 page
- Add NIP-22 comments under badges, files, and articles
- Add max height to timeline notes
- Fix articles view freezing on load
- Add option to mirror blobs when sharing notes
- Remove "open in drawer" for notes
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@ c631e267:c2b78d3e
2025-04-03 07:42:25Spanien bleibt einer der Vorreiter im europäischen Prozess der totalen Überwachung per Digitalisierung. Seit Mittwoch ist dort der digitale Personalausweis verfügbar. Dabei handelt es sich um eine Regierungs-App, die auf dem Smartphone installiert werden muss und in den Stores von Google und Apple zu finden ist. Per Dekret von Regierungschef Pedro Sánchez und Zustimmung des Ministerrats ist diese Maßnahme jetzt in Kraft getreten.
Mit den üblichen Argumenten der Vereinfachung, des Komforts, der Effizienz und der Sicherheit preist das Innenministerium die «Innovation» an. Auch die Beteuerung, dass die digitale Variante parallel zum physischen Ausweis existieren wird und diesen nicht ersetzen soll, fehlt nicht. Während der ersten zwölf Monate wird «der Neue» noch nicht für alle Anwendungsfälle gültig sein, ab 2026 aber schon.
Dass die ganze Sache auch «Risiken und Nebenwirkungen» haben könnte, wird in den Mainstream-Medien eher selten thematisiert. Bestenfalls wird der Aspekt der Datensicherheit angesprochen, allerdings in der Regel direkt mit dem Regierungsvokabular von den «maximalen Sicherheitsgarantien» abgehandelt. Dennoch gibt es einige weitere Aspekte, die Bürger mit etwas Sinn für Privatsphäre bedenken sollten.
Um sich die digitale Version des nationalen Ausweises besorgen zu können (eine App mit dem Namen MiDNI), muss man sich vorab online registrieren. Dabei wird die Identität des Bürgers mit seiner mobilen Telefonnummer verknüpft. Diese obligatorische fixe Verdrahtung kennen wir von diversen anderen Apps und Diensten. Gleichzeitig ist das die Basis für eine perfekte Lokalisierbarkeit der Person.
Für jeden Vorgang der Identifikation in der Praxis wird später «eine Verbindung zu den Servern der Bundespolizei aufgebaut». Die Daten des Individuums werden «in Echtzeit» verifiziert und im Erfolgsfall von der Polizei signiert zurückgegeben. Das Ergebnis ist ein QR-Code mit zeitlich begrenzter Gültigkeit, der an Dritte weitergegeben werden kann.
Bei derartigen Szenarien sträuben sich einem halbwegs kritischen Staatsbürger die Nackenhaare. Allein diese minimale Funktionsbeschreibung lässt die totale Überwachung erkennen, die damit ermöglicht wird. Jede Benutzung des Ausweises wird künftig registriert, hinterlässt also Spuren. Und was ist, wenn die Server der Polizei einmal kein grünes Licht geben? Das wäre spätestens dann ein Problem, wenn der digitale doch irgendwann der einzig gültige Ausweis ist: Dann haben wir den abschaltbaren Bürger.
Dieser neue Vorstoß der Regierung von Pedro Sánchez ist ein weiterer Schritt in Richtung der «totalen Digitalisierung» des Landes, wie diese Politik in manchen Medien – nicht einmal kritisch, sondern sehr naiv – genannt wird. Ebenso verharmlosend wird auch erwähnt, dass sich das spanische Projekt des digitalen Ausweises nahtlos in die Initiativen der EU zu einer digitalen Identität für alle Bürger sowie des digitalen Euro einreiht.
In Zukunft könnte der neue Ausweis «auch in andere staatliche und private digitale Plattformen integriert werden», wie das Medienportal Cope ganz richtig bemerkt. Das ist die Perspektive.
[Titelbild: Pixabay]
Dazu passend:
Nur Abschied vom Alleinfahren? Monströse spanische Überwachungsprojekte gemäß EU-Norm
Dieser Beitrag wurde mit dem Pareto-Client geschrieben und ist zuerst auf Transition News erschienen.
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@ aa8de34f:a6ffe696
2025-03-31 21:48:50In seinem Beitrag vom 30. März 2025 fragt Henning Rosenbusch auf Telegram angesichts zunehmender digitaler Kontrolle und staatlicher Allmacht:
„Wie soll sich gegen eine solche Tyrannei noch ein Widerstand formieren können, selbst im Untergrund? Sehe ich nicht.“\ (Quelle: t.me/rosenbusch/25228)
Er beschreibt damit ein Gefühl der Ohnmacht, das viele teilen: Eine Welt, in der Totalitarismus nicht mehr mit Panzern, sondern mit Algorithmen kommt. Wo Zugriff auf Geld, Meinungsfreiheit und Teilhabe vom Wohlverhalten abhängt. Der Bürger als kontrollierbare Variable im Code des Staates.\ Die Frage ist berechtigt. Doch die Antwort darauf liegt nicht in alten Widerstandsbildern – sondern in einer neuen Realität.
-- Denn es braucht keinen Untergrund mehr. --
Der Widerstand der Zukunft trägt keinen Tarnanzug. Er ist nicht konspirativ, sondern transparent. Nicht bewaffnet, sondern mathematisch beweisbar. Bitcoin steht nicht am Rand dieser Entwicklung – es ist ihr Fundament. Eine Bastion aus physikalischer Realität, spieltheoretischem Schutz und ökonomischer Wahrheit. Es ist nicht unfehlbar, aber unbestechlich. Nicht perfekt, aber immun gegen zentrale Willkür.
Hier entsteht kein „digitales Gegenreich“, sondern eine dezentrale Renaissance. Keine Revolte aus Wut, sondern eine stille Abkehr: von Zwang zu Freiwilligkeit, von Abhängigkeit zu Selbstverantwortung. Diese Revolution führt keine Kriege. Sie braucht keine Führer. Sie ist ein Netzwerk. Jeder Knoten ein Individuum. Jede Entscheidung ein Akt der Selbstermächtigung.
Weltweit wachsen Freiheits-Zitadellen aus dieser Idee: wirtschaftlich autark, digital souverän, lokal verankert und global vernetzt. Sie sind keine Utopien im luftleeren Raum, sondern konkrete Realitäten – angetrieben von Energie, Code und dem menschlichen Wunsch nach Würde.
Der Globalismus alter Prägung – zentralistisch, monopolistisch, bevormundend – wird an seiner eigenen Hybris zerbrechen. Seine Werkzeuge der Kontrolle werden ihn nicht retten. Im Gegenteil: Seine Geister werden ihn verfolgen und erlegen.
Und während die alten Mächte um Erhalt kämpfen, wächst eine neue Welt – nicht im Schatten, sondern im Offenen. Nicht auf Gewalt gebaut, sondern auf Mathematik, Physik und Freiheit.
Die Tyrannei sieht keinen Widerstand.\ Weil sie nicht erkennt, dass er längst begonnen hat.\ Unwiderruflich. Leise. Überall.
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@ 4ba8e86d:89d32de4
2025-05-02 13:51:37Tutorial OpenKeychain
- Baixar no F-droid https://f-droid.org/app/org.sufficientlysecure.keychain
Ao abrir o OpenKeychain pela primeira vez, você verá uma tela inicial indicando que ainda não há chaves configuradas. Nesse ponto, você terá três opções:
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Criar uma nova chave PGP diretamente no OpenKeychain: Ideal para quem está começando e precisa de uma solução simples para criptografia em comunicações diárias.
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Usar um token de segurança (como Fidesmo, Yubikey, NEO, ou Sigilance) Se você busca uma segurança ainda maior, pode optar por armazenar sua chave privada em um token de segurança. Com essa configuração, a chave privada nunca é salva no dispositivo móvel. O celular atua apenas como uma interface de comunicação, enquanto a chave permanece protegida no token, fora do alcance de possíveis invasores remotos. Isso garante que somente quem possui o token fisicamente possa usar a chave, elevando significativamente o nível de segurança e controle sobre seus dados.
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Importar uma chave PGP existente: Você pode importar uma chave PGP que já tenha sido gerada anteriormente, seja por meio de um arquivo no dispositivo ou por outro meio ler na área de transferência. https://image.nostr.build/51fdd924df4843ab73faa02a505c8fb17794f1789396ed89b154348ebb337f07.jpg
1. CRIANDO UMA NOVA CHAVE PGP.
Para iniciantes, recomendamos criar uma nova chave diretamente no aplicativo. abordaremos o uso do OpenKeychain em modo online, que é mais comum para comunicações diárias.
Passo 1: Clique em “Criar minha chave”. https://image.nostr.build/235f5cfdf4c3006ca3b00342741003f79a5055355c2a8ee425fc33c875f51e49.jpg
Passo 2: Criando sua chave PGP.
Para criar sua chave, você precisará fornecer algumas informações Os campos 'Nome' e 'Endereço de e-mail' são apenas formas convenientes para identificar a sua chave PGP.
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Nome: Escolha um nome ou um pseudônimo. https://image.nostr.build/de3fe3ddbde0c7bf084be6e4b8150fdb8612365550622559b0ee72f50f56a159.jpg
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E-mail: Associe um endereço de e-mail à chave, seja ele pessoal ou um e-mail relacionado ao pseudônimo. https://image.nostr.build/aff62baaeafe2c9a429ef10435a6f99dea36d6cfd7494e2bb882421dc8ed0f4e.jpg
2. REVISANDO E PERSONALIZANDO A CRIAÇÃO DA CHAVE.
Passo 3: Antes de criar sua chave PGP, verifique se os dados inseridos estão corretos. https://image.nostr.build/a8ec09ef3d9b4f557b0c4e380e7ca45d0fdbfa33fe80becea03ed0e5f5eedd24.jpg
Você também pode personalizar as configurações de segurança clicando nos três pontos no canto superior direito. https://image.nostr.build/1ce615555cea9a979ea951472052a219e77f4e1ebaaf5fcbbe9e91ea4f852bce.jpg
Ao cliclar em ' nova subchave ' pode alterar a data de expiração e pode mudar a criptografia usado na chave cliclando opção ed2255/cv255. https://image.nostr.build/b3224ff3dbe48ff78c4a2df8b001926b6d3eef1e33ef677a73b0d281791073da.jpg https://image.nostr.build/7763c7847e062cdcf71aafedbc2ef4c38056fd66aeb162ef3a1c30c028a14376.jpg https://image.nostr.build/5d3e20ade460dd5e89cc001ebdc062a36aff2c0e1573584ca3c0d1cb34bddcce.jpg
Neste tutorial, utilizaremos as configurações padrão do aplicativo.
Passo 4: Clique em "Criar chave" para concluir o processo. https://image.nostr.build/a8ec09ef3d9b4f557b0c4e380e7ca45d0fdbfa33fe80becea03ed0e5f5eedd24.jpg
3. Como Compartilhar sua Chave PGP Pública
Após criar sua chave PGP, você pode compartilhá-la para que outras pessoas possam enviar mensagens criptografadas para você. Veja o passo a passo de como exibir e compartilhar sua chave pública:
Passo 1: Acesse sua chave pública
Abra o OpenKeychain e selecione a chave que deseja compartilhar. Clique na chave para visualizar os detalhes. https://image.nostr.build/689c5237075317e89e183d2664630de973b09b68aaf8f3e3033654e987b781be.jpg https://image.nostr.build/4001610109579f27535628932258087b3b06c1f86b05f4f85537b6585c12a10b.jpg
Passo 2: Copiar sua chave pública
Nos detalhes da chave, você verá a opção "Copiar para a Área de Transferência". Clique nessa opção para copiar o código da sua chave pública. https://image.nostr.build/01ab3efa5e997e1910a2f8f7a888e6ad60350574cca4ca0214eee5581797f704.jpg
A chave PGP copiada terá o seguinte formato:
-----BEGIN PGP PUBLIC KEY BLOCK-----
mDMEZwsLHRYJKwYBBAHaRw8BAQdA6NRLlJIWnTBJtYwZHlrMbTKRbYuXmjsMn8MB 7etV3HK0JERhbmllbCBGcmFnYSAgPGRhbmllbGZyYWdhQG1haWwuaTJwPohyBBMW CAAaBAsJCAcCFQgCFgECGQEFgmcLCx0CngECmwMACgkQFZf+kMeJWpR4cwEA8Jt1 TZ/+YlHg3EYphW8KsZOboHLi+L88whrWbka+0s8A/iuaNFAK/oQAlM2YI2e0rAjA VuUCo66mERQNLl2/qN0LuDgEZwsLHRIKKwYBBAGXVQEFAQEHQEj/ZfJolkCjldXP 0KQimE/3PfO9BdJeRtzZA+SsJDh+AwEIB4hhBBgWCAAJBYJnCwsdApsMAAoJEBWX /pDHiVqUo/oA/266xy7kIZvd0PF1QU9mv1m2oOdo7QSoqvgFiq6AmelbAP9lExY5 edctTa/zl87lCddYsZZhxG9g2Cg7xX/XsfrnAA== =TniY -----END PGP PUBLIC KEY BLOCK-----
Dica: Se ocorrer algum erro ao compartilhar sua chave pública com um amigo, peça para que ele a criptografe para ele mesmo. Isso permitirá que ele adicione a chave corretamente. Caso a chave pública ainda não esteja no dispositivo, ao clicar em "Backup de chave", aparecerá a opção para importá-la. Se a chave já estiver no dispositivo, essa ação irá recarregá-la. https://image.nostr.build/cd12abf07c93473db95483fe23112325f89d3eb02977e42756708bbd043f8bcf.jpg https://image.nostr.build/537aeae38d229ee2cc78e18f412237b659c059e1c74fd7f0deecfe37f15713c9.jpg https://image.nostr.build/16c8a3db5966c7c06904ee236655f47a6464ae0c1b5af6af27b28c61611d2bbe.jpg
Passo 3: Compartilhar sua chave PGP
Você pode colar a chave pública em e-mails, assinaturas, perfis de redes sociais ou outros meios para compartilhá-la facilmente. Para facilitar a visualização, você também pode exibi-la em seu perfil de redes sociais.
Para acessar mais opções de compartilhamento, clique nos três pontos no canto superior direito e selecione a opção "Avançado". https://image.nostr.build/0d4a13b7bd9a4794017247d1a56fac082db0f993a2011a4dd40e388b22ec88f5.jpg https://image.nostr.build/4ac2a7bc9fa726531a945221cf7d10e0e387deba68100ccf52fdedfcd17cbd59.jpg
Na seção "Compartilhar", você verá sua Key ID e terá a opção de publicar sua chave PGP em um servidor de chaves. https://image.nostr.build/1e972cc211a6d8060cdbd4a8aa642dd1a292810c532f178d3ddb133d1b9bca76.jpg
Passo 4: Como compartilhar sua chave pública PGP no formato .asc. no OpenKeychain
1 . Acesse sua chave
Abra o OpenKeychain e toque na chave que você deseja compartilhar. Isso abrirá a tela com os detalhes da chave. https://image.nostr.build/c080f03d2eb7a9f7833fec0ff1942a5b70b97e4f7da7c6bc79ca300ef9ace55d.jpg
2 . Compartilhe o arquivo .asc
Toque no ícone de compartilhamento, como indicado na imagem abaixo. O aplicativo abrirá a janela para que você escolha por qual app deseja compartilhar sua chave pública no formato .asc. Nesse exemplo, usei o SimpleXChat , mas você pode usar qualquer aplicativo de sua preferência.
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Botão de compartilhar. https://image.nostr.build/8da74bdb04737a45df671a30bba1dd2e7980841fa0c2d751d6649630e7c25470.jpg
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Seleção do aplicativo para compartilhamento. https://image.nostr.build/5444f4e9d3fa5aef6b191bb6f553f94c6e49d30ead874c9ee435bca3218fd6c8.jpg
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Enviando via SimpleXChat. https://image.nostr.build/e5d1ca04cbc69e1e8ac5caf1ab2a4b9b695500861c1ae9c55cea679cce349214.jpg
Sugestão para compartilhar nas redes sociais:
Você pode exibir sua chave de forma simples, por exemplo:
PGP: 1597 FE90 C789 5A94
Importar a chave pública usando a fingerprint
Passo 1:Clique no ícone "+" para começar. https://image.nostr.build/ca6e6e569b4be60165eaf60c7ba1e6e3ec781b525e467c72b4f3605837e6b5ec.jpg
Passo 2: Selecione a opção "Buscar Chave". https://image.nostr.build/87e27d9435e6e3ef78063b9f15799a8120ead4637cd06c89c0220b48327573ae.jpg
Passo 3: Digite a fingerprint da chave em letras minúsculas, sem espaços. A chave correspondente aparecerá para ser adicionada. https://image.nostr.build/33e6819edd4582d7a8513e8814dacb07e1a62994bb3238c1b5b3865a46b5f234.jpg
Além disso, você pode compartilhar sua chave pública em formato QR Code, facilitando a troca de chaves em eventos ou conversas rápidas. Como Assinar Mensagens para Confirmar a Autenticidade da Sua Rede Social
Você pode autenticar sua conta em redes sociais utilizando sua chave PGP. Ao assinar uma mensagem com sua chave, você demonstra que realmente possui essa conta. Siga o passo a passo abaixo para assinar uma mensagem:
Passo 1: Clique na sua chave PGP. https://image.nostr.build/ffacce1bfb293c9a0888cd5efe340a63d96b293f4c010f8626105c7b212d8558.jpg
Passo 2: Clique no ícone indicado pela seta para abrir o campo de texto. https://image.nostr.build/4e992a2553810e2583b9d190280ce00a52fc423600a75eca48cbf541cf47d3c2.jpg
Passo 3: Deixe a opção "Encriptar para:" vazio. Em "Assinar com:", selecione sua chave PGP e digite a mensagem que deseja enviar, como o nome da sua rede social. https://image.nostr.build/a4a2a8d233d186e3d8d9adddccc445bcb3ca3ed88de0db671a77cede12323a75.jpg
Passo 4: Clique no ícone indicado pela seta para copiar o texto assinado. Uma mensagem aparecerá informando: "Assinado/Encriptado com Sucesso". https://image.nostr.build/a076dfc90e30a495af0872005bf70f412df57b7a0e1c2e17cf5aee9e9b3e39aa.jpg
A mensagem copiada terá o seguinte formato:
-----BEGIN PGP SIGNED MESSAGE----- Hash: SHA256
Minha rede social NOSTR é Danielfraga oficial. -----BEGIN PGP SIGNATURE-----
iIQEARYIACwlHERhbmllbCBGcmFnYSAgPGRhbmllbGZyYWdhQG1haWwuaTJwPgUC ZxBBLgAKCRAVl/6Qx4lalGeNAPwP71rpsbhRnZhoWZsTDOFZY8ep/d0e5qYx5iPx HV26dwD/fKyiir1TR8JwZvEbOTYS0+Dn4DFlRAAfR3lKVTC96w4= =37Lj -----END PGP SIGNATURE-----
Com isso, você pode facilmente demonstrar a autenticidade da sua conta nas redes sociais.
4. PROTEGENDO SUA CHAVE COM UMA SENHA.
Passo 5: Após a criação da chave, é fundamental definir uma senha (ou passphrase) para adicionar uma camada extra de segurança. Recomendamos usar senhas longas (com mais de 20 caracteres) e de alta entropia para evitar ataques de força bruta. Ferramentas como KeePassDX ou Bitwarden podem ajudá-lo a gerar e gerenciar essas senhas.
Para definir a senha, clique na sua chave PGP, acesse o menu no canto superior direito e selecione "Alterar senha". https://image.nostr.build/689c5237075317e89e183d2664630de973b09b68aaf8f3e3033654e987b781be.jpg https://image.nostr.build/f28ecaa9890a8827f93cac78846c4b2ef67f86ccfc3501fdadf1d1c4874b0041.jpg https://image.nostr.build/919c277fbec63c397402abdd60f915cb239a674c317855cbda63a38edef80789.jpg
Agora basta adicionar uma senha forte. https://image.nostr.build/eb378219fbb1780f89663a474ce43b8d8ebb13beeb538f2a16279b056e5d9645.jpg https://image.nostr.build/cdfa3f9c6c4045841341da789deabb6318107812d5ba195529418572ab352aaf.jpg
5. CRIPTOGRAFAR E DESCRIPTOGRAFAR MENSAGENS E ARQUIVOS COM SUA CHAVE PGP
Criptografar Mensagens
Você pode criptografar mensagens para garantir que apenas o destinatário, que possui sua chave pública, possa lê-las. Siga os passos abaixo para criptografar um texto:
Passo 1: Abra o menu lateral clicando no ícone no canto superior esquerdo.
https://image.nostr.build/13ac93b38dd1633118ae3142401c13e8a089caabdf4617055284cc521a45b069.jpgPasso 2: Selecione a opção "Encriptar/Descriptar".
https://image.nostr.build/8cd905d616b53968f0551c071d9acc2f47bbe8434c2c7e1a33076a504342de48.jpgPasso 3: Clique na opção "Encriptar Texto".
https://image.nostr.build/405a730a6c774759d7913f92f59059d43146db4afb28451a6f8833f94e99437f.jpgPasso 4: Preencha os seguintes campos: https://image.nostr.build/7dc5eba39ff82a321195dbf46b8113818632e3ef41175991d58e799a8e9d2751.jpg
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Encriptar para: Selecione o destinatário da mensagem, ou seja, a pessoa para quem você está enviando o texto criptografado.
https://image.nostr.build/1e8c8cba6d3c3136d9857512e2794a81ceb7434eccdfb0f7d26cdef008b2e6d2.jpg -
Assinar com: Escolha sua chave PGP para assinar a mensagem.
https://image.nostr.build/d25b228c35b132d396d01c354ef093b43b3565578fbc0d6ff7b9de4e41619855.jpg -
Digitar o texto: No campo de texto, escreva a mensagem que deseja criptografar.
https://image.nostr.build/8537271dfa4445e60cb4c3cdb5d97571dc0ff5ee8acd6ed89a8c81e4bd8736c2.jpg
Passo 5: Depois de preencher os campos, você pode copiar o texto criptografado de duas formas:
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Copiar para a área de transferência: Clique na opção para copiar o texto criptografado e cole-o em um aplicativo de mensagens para enviá-lo.
https://image.nostr.build/a5cb8e2c538a38db3972e7f3ac9aa9f602cda6b62848ff0c4b99928a67dcd486.jpg -
Compartilhar diretamente: Utilize a opção de compartilhamento para enviar o texto criptografado diretamente através de seus aplicativos de mensagens.
https://image.nostr.build/2b79cb564d623788a0de1111a067e0eb496f743389d465d4f4e8f6e65f0d08a7.jpg https://image.nostr.build/ff59e52bc8ab54ff377980a6ba5d1c4743d3298de11e5daa187ab7d45163a7be.jpg
Criptografar arquivos.
Passo 1: Abra o menu lateral clicando no ícone no canto superior esquerdo.
https://image.nostr.build/13ac93b38dd1633118ae3142401c13e8a089caabdf4617055284cc521a45b069.jpgPasso 2: Selecione a opção "Encriptar/Descriptar".
https://image.nostr.build/8cd905d616b53968f0551c071d9acc2f47bbe8434c2c7e1a33076a504342de48.jpgPasso 3 : clique na opção "Encriptar arquivos ". https://image.nostr.build/3fcae48ee38e7f4079ebccfd3eafb9ab0ad3559221d2c3560cdfe60e29f56a15.jpg
Passo 4 : os passos a seguir são os mesmo que você seguiu pra encriptar a mensagem texto. Ítens "Encriptar para:" "Assinar com:" https://image.nostr.build/4d6599b9d3a9fdfae0964daaa9dae513d5ce277a7b61930fa2937d534f72ed40.jpg
Passo 5 : clilcar na opção " Adicionair arquivo(s)" Vai abrir na memória interna do celular selecione o arquivo que deseja encriptar. https://image.nostr.build/09e3b9b54a1406426114926aab19011c36b98886ebae6fcf556cfea83bb2c2f4.jpg https://image.nostr.build/af422e243b36762dd66111ec7c848a1352c100ca3040dc21792c923f80aef74d.jpg https://image.nostr.build/ebebbdb273b4bca58d901852aec1c60e4799aa77e9d12a31f992b0cf8f73e753.jpg
Passo 6: Depois de preencher os campos, você pode compartilhar o arquivo criptografado de duas formas:
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Salvar na memória do celular: A primeira opção salva o arquivo criptografado no armazenamento do seu dispositivo. Você terá a opção de editar o nome do arquivo antes de salvar.
https://image.nostr.build/0a47c1e9f0003541f47091b2c2e8ce6b8d1533d95463e331b218070bae964ac8.jpg https://image.nostr.build/95a7a2b67356eb5ded5b217bab38a19bdeba5af7befd105834e413e0aec45462.jpg https://image.nostr.build/66cb3d22b271f3b73b7015613c72711a3ffbf5e1070d43153f9d1f3fcf35001c.jpg https://image.nostr.build/f9624d86f7592fe7ffad932b7805762dc279d9e8ff410222108155438a2c970f.jpg -
Compartilhar diretamente: Utilize a opção de compartilhamento para enviar o arquivo criptografado diretamente por meio dos seus aplicativos de mensagens.
https://image.nostr.build/85541e466c7755c65bd6ba0208a6d8612beaa5298712b6d92f53865167695a38.jpg https://image.nostr.build/bf1e0f0aeb60cafbdf82af4b3b598288519e85b396bd3f9e00e61f65b89ea9f8.jpg https://image.nostr.build/fb090339898f37cdbb020828689b142ca601ca3ee549f67ddf6b2e094df9ab9f.jpg https://image.nostr.build/50c249ced06efe465ba533fef15207b0dcd1a725e9b2c139e8d85c13fd798276.jpg
Descriptografar Mensagens e Arquivos
Para ler uma mensagem ou arquivo criptografado que você recebeu, utilize sua chave privada. Siga os passos abaixo:
Descriptografar Mensagens
Passo 1: Copie a mensagem criptografada que você recebeu.
https://image.nostr.build/c37754b12a458e0176b9137ae0aa9e8209f853bf9d9292c0867fd8b0606d53c4.jpgPasso 2: Clique na opção "Ler da área de transferência" para descriptografar o texto.
https://image.nostr.build/d83c7dad2ee1cb6267779863bc174ee1a8f3cc3c86b69063345321027bdde7b5.jpg https://image.nostr.build/c0fae86e6ab1fe9dcee86753972c818bed489ea11efdd09b7e7da7422a9c81eb.jpgDescriptografar Arquivos
Passo 1: Clique na opção "Selecionar arquivo de entrada".
https://image.nostr.build/9c276c630311d19a576f2e35b5ba82bac07360476edae3f1a8697ff85df9e3c9.jpgPasso 2: Selecione o arquivo criptografado que deseja descriptografar.
https://image.nostr.build/6b6c2a3284ba96e7168fc7bd0916020c4f1bed7b77dfca48227fc96d6929e15a.jpg https://image.nostr.build/9945aad644af2e2020e07e55f65f11a0958d55e8fc9e13c862e6b9ca88b4f4d9.jpg6. BACKUP E RESTAURAÇÃO DE CHAVE PGP.
Realizar o backup das suas chaves PGP é fundamental para evitar a perda de acesso às suas mensagens e dados criptografados. O OpenKeychain facilita esse processo, permitindo que você faça um backup completo e seguro. Recomendamos que você armazene o backup em um local seguro, como um HD externo ou pendrive conectado via cabo OTG, sempre protegendo-o com senha.
PASSOS PARA REALIZAR O BACKUP:
Passo 1: Abra o menu lateral clicando no ícone no canto superior esquerdo.
https://image.nostr.build/13ac93b38dd1633118ae3142401c13e8a089caabdf4617055284cc521a45b069.jpgPasso 2: Selecione a opção Backup/restaurar.
https://image.nostr.build/6fa8fd14e23b47c6c924bc0d900646663f2124a93d8172ae79fdf43b5c7d4490.jpgPasso 3: Escolha a primeira opção: Backup completo (criptografado).
https://image.nostr.build/4875fb27b6d04c3cb838b4fb9f308ef9194edc35ba1254ba965b7f0db2544170.jpgPasso 4: O backup será protegido por um código de backup gerado automaticamente. Anote esse código em um papel e guarde local seguro, pois sem ele você não conseguirá recuperar suas chaves PGP. Após anotar o código, marque a opção “Anotei o código” e clique em Salvar Backup. Obs: todas as vezes que você for fazer o backup da sua chave PGP vai ser criado um novo código aleatório.
https://image.nostr.build/72a317ef5e59a01c03c36f1d04a91d42c418a478cc82e372acf21bb8302daa00.jpg
Passo 5: Escolha o local onde deseja salvar o backup (HD externo, pendrive, etc.), confirme sua escolha e clique em OK. Você verá uma mensagem de confirmação indicando que o backup foi salvo com sucesso.
https://image.nostr.build/d757e8bdf429371320daa44be8a48a0dbeb2324129f4254327f0f0383e70ede4.jpg https://image.nostr.build/f3ad80ceb8a191b4d1b40722b1d0d4f85bf183d412e7d7d901b25d19b2dfe0e3.jpg
Importação da Chave PGP
Caso você precise restaurar suas chaves PGP a partir de um backup, o OpenKeychain também facilita o processo de importação. Siga os passos abaixo para restaurar sua chave PGP:
Passo 1: Selecione a opção "Selecionar arquivo de entrada"
Abra o OpenKeychain, acesse o menu lateral no canto superior esquerdo e escolha a opção "Selecionar arquivo de entrada" para localizar o arquivo de backup que você deseja importar.
https://image.nostr.build/a06ddc1c1e6c50519097e614aa25b14311e49c0ca4d4607e42ebdcca3a6641c4.jpgPasso 2: Selecione o arquivo de backup
Navegue até o local onde você salvou o arquivo de backup (HD externo, pendrive, etc.) e selecione-o. Em seguida, o OpenKeychain solicitará que você insira o código de recuperação que foi gerado no momento do backup. https://image.nostr.build/9d5649c04a98ec8b0a29355d9068e48313b1c5dc36cd965961f4d33f22d10046.jpgPasso 3: Digite o código de recuperação
Insira o código de recuperação que você anotou anteriormente. É importante digitar o código corretamente para garantir o sucesso da restauração.Passo 4: Depois de inserir o código corretamente, o OpenKeychain irá restaurar suas chaves PGP, e uma mensagem de confirmação será exibida, indicando que a recuperação foi concluída com sucesso.
Agora suas chaves estão restauradas e você pode continuar usando o OpenKeychain para gerenciar suas comunicações criptografadas de maneira segura.
https://www.openkeychain.org/
https://github.com/open-keychain/open-keychain
https://youtu.be/fptlAx_j4OA
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@ c631e267:c2b78d3e
2025-03-31 07:23:05Der Irrsinn ist bei Einzelnen etwas Seltenes – \ aber bei Gruppen, Parteien, Völkern, Zeiten die Regel. \ Friedrich Nietzsche
Erinnern Sie sich an die Horrorkomödie «Scary Movie»? Nicht, dass ich diese Art Filme besonders erinnerungswürdig fände, aber einige Szenen daraus sind doch gewissermaßen Klassiker. Dazu zählt eine, die das Verhalten vieler Protagonisten in Horrorfilmen parodiert, wenn sie in Panik flüchten. Welchen Weg nimmt wohl die Frau in der Situation auf diesem Bild?
Diese Szene kommt mir automatisch in den Sinn, wenn ich aktuelle Entwicklungen in Europa betrachte. Weitreichende Entscheidungen gehen wider jede Logik in die völlig falsche Richtung. Nur ist das hier alles andere als eine Komödie, sondern bitterernst. Dieser Horror ist leider sehr real.
Die Europäische Union hat sich selbst über Jahre konsequent in eine Sackgasse manövriert. Sie hat es versäumt, sich und ihre Politik selbstbewusst und im Einklang mit ihren Wurzeln auf dem eigenen Kontinent zu positionieren. Stattdessen ist sie in blinder Treue den vermeintlichen «transatlantischen Freunden» auf ihrem Konfrontationskurs gen Osten gefolgt.
In den USA haben sich die Vorzeichen allerdings mittlerweile geändert, und die einst hoch gelobten «Freunde und Partner» erscheinen den europäischen «Führern» nicht mehr vertrauenswürdig. Das ist spätestens seit der Münchner Sicherheitskonferenz, der Rede von Vizepräsident J. D. Vance und den empörten Reaktionen offensichtlich. Große Teile Europas wirken seitdem wie ein aufgescheuchter Haufen kopfloser Hühner. Orientierung und Kontrolle sind völlig abhanden gekommen.
Statt jedoch umzukehren oder wenigstens zu bremsen und vielleicht einen Abzweig zu suchen, geben die Crash-Piloten jetzt auf dem Weg durch die Sackgasse erst richtig Gas. Ja sie lösen sogar noch die Sicherheitsgurte und deaktivieren die Airbags. Den vor Angst dauergelähmten Passagieren fällt auch nichts Besseres ein und so schließen sie einfach die Augen. Derweil übertrumpfen sich die Kommentatoren des Events gegenseitig in sensationslüsterner «Berichterstattung».
Wie schon die deutsche Außenministerin mit höchsten UN-Ambitionen, Annalena Baerbock, proklamiert auch die Europäische Kommission einen «Frieden durch Stärke». Zu dem jetzt vorgelegten, selbstzerstörerischen Fahrplan zur Ankurbelung der Rüstungsindustrie, genannt «Weißbuch zur europäischen Verteidigung – Bereitschaft 2030», erklärte die Kommissionspräsidentin, die «Ära der Friedensdividende» sei längst vorbei. Soll das heißen, Frieden bringt nichts ein? Eine umfassende Zusammenarbeit an dauerhaften europäischen Friedenslösungen steht demnach jedenfalls nicht zur Debatte.
Zusätzlich brisant ist, dass aktuell «die ganze EU von Deutschen regiert wird», wie der EU-Parlamentarier und ehemalige UN-Diplomat Michael von der Schulenburg beobachtet hat. Tatsächlich sitzen neben von der Leyen und Strack-Zimmermann noch einige weitere Deutsche in – vor allem auch in Krisenzeiten – wichtigen Spitzenposten der Union. Vor dem Hintergrund der Kriegstreiberei in Deutschland muss eine solche Dominanz mindestens nachdenklich stimmen.
Ihre ursprünglichen Grundwerte wie Demokratie, Freiheit, Frieden und Völkerverständigung hat die EU kontinuierlich in leere Worthülsen verwandelt. Diese werden dafür immer lächerlicher hochgehalten und beschworen.
Es wird dringend Zeit, dass wir, der Souverän, diesem erbärmlichen und gefährlichen Trauerspiel ein Ende setzen und die Fäden selbst in die Hand nehmen. In diesem Sinne fordert uns auch das «European Peace Project» auf, am 9. Mai im Rahmen eines Kunstprojekts den Frieden auszurufen. Seien wir dabei!
[Titelbild: Pixabay]
Dieser Beitrag wurde mit dem Pareto-Client geschrieben und ist zuerst auf Transition News erschienen.
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@ 66675158:1b644430
2025-03-23 11:39:41I don't believe in "vibe coding" – it's just the newest Silicon Valley fad trying to give meaning to their latest favorite technology, LLMs. We've seen this pattern before with blockchain, when suddenly Non Fungible Tokens appeared, followed by Web3 startups promising to revolutionize everything from social media to supply chains. VCs couldn't throw money fast enough at anything with "decentralized" (in name only) in the pitch deck. Andreessen Horowitz launched billion-dollar crypto funds, while Y Combinator batches filled with blockchain startups promising to be "Uber for X, but on the blockchain."
The metaverse mania followed, with Meta betting its future on digital worlds where we'd supposedly hang out as legless avatars. Decentralized (in name only) autonomous organizations emerged as the next big thing – supposedly democratic internet communities that ended up being the next scam for quick money.
Then came the inevitable collapse. The FTX implosion in late 2022 revealed fraud, Luna/Terra's death spiral wiped out billions (including my ten thousand dollars), while Celsius and BlockFi froze customer assets before bankruptcy.
By 2023, crypto winter had fully set in. The SEC started aggressive enforcement actions, while users realized that blockchain technology had delivered almost no practical value despite a decade of promises.
Blockchain's promises tapped into fundamental human desires – decentralization resonated with a generation disillusioned by traditional institutions. Evangelists presented a utopian vision of freedom from centralized control. Perhaps most significantly, crypto offered a sense of meaning in an increasingly abstract world, making the clear signs of scams harder to notice.
The technology itself had failed to solve any real-world problems at scale. By 2024, the once-mighty crypto ecosystem had become a cautionary tale. Venture firms quietly scrubbed blockchain references from their websites while founders pivoted to AI and large language models.
Most reading this are likely fellow bitcoiners and nostr users who understand that Bitcoin is blockchain's only valid use case. But I shared that painful history because I believe the AI-hype cycle will follow the same trajectory.
Just like with blockchain, we're now seeing VCs who once couldn't stop talking about "Web3" falling over themselves to fund anything with "AI" in the pitch deck. The buzzwords have simply changed from "decentralized" to "intelligent."
"Vibe coding" is the perfect example – a trendy name for what is essentially just fuzzy instructions to LLMs. Developers who've spent years honing programming skills are now supposed to believe that "vibing" with an AI is somehow a legitimate methodology.
This might be controversial to some, but obvious to others:
Formal, context-free grammar will always remain essential for building precise systems, regardless of how advanced natural language technology becomes
The mathematical precision of programming languages provides a foundation that human language's ambiguity can never replace. Programming requires precision – languages, compilers, and processors operate on explicit instructions, not vibes. What "vibe coding" advocates miss is that beneath every AI-generated snippet lies the same deterministic rules that have always governed computation.
LLMs don't understand code in any meaningful sense—they've just ingested enormous datasets of human-written code and can predict patterns. When they "work," it's because they've seen similar patterns before, not because they comprehend the underlying logic.
This creates a dangerous dependency. Junior developers "vibing" with LLMs might get working code without understanding the fundamental principles. When something breaks in production, they'll lack the knowledge to fix it.
Even experienced developers can find themselves in treacherous territory when relying too heavily on LLM-generated code. What starts as a productivity boost can transform into a dependency crutch.
The real danger isn't just technical limitations, but the false confidence it instills. Developers begin to believe they understand systems they've merely instructed an AI to generate – fundamentally different from understanding code you've written yourself.
We're already seeing the warning signs: projects cobbled together with LLM-generated code that work initially but become maintenance nightmares when requirements change or edge cases emerge.
The venture capital money is flowing exactly as it did with blockchain. Anthropic raised billions, OpenAI is valued astronomically despite minimal revenue, and countless others are competing to build ever-larger models with vague promises. Every startup now claims to be "AI-powered" regardless of whether it makes sense.
Don't get me wrong—there's genuine innovation happening in AI research. But "vibe coding" isn't it. It's a marketing term designed to make fuzzy prompting sound revolutionary.
Cursor perfectly embodies this AI hype cycle. It's an AI-enhanced code editor built on VS Code that promises to revolutionize programming by letting you "chat with your codebase." Just like blockchain startups promised to "revolutionize" industries, Cursor promises to transform development by adding LLM capabilities.
Yes, Cursor can be genuinely helpful. It can explain unfamiliar code, suggest completions, and help debug simple issues. After trying it for just an hour, I found the autocomplete to be MAGICAL for simple refactoring and basic functionality.
But the marketing goes far beyond reality. The suggestion that you can simply describe what you want and get production-ready code is dangerously misleading. What you get are approximations with:
- Security vulnerabilities the model doesn't understand
- Edge cases it hasn't considered
- Performance implications it can't reason about
- Dependency conflicts it has no way to foresee
The most concerning aspect is how such tools are marketed to beginners as shortcuts around learning fundamentals. "Why spend years learning to code when you can just tell AI what you want?" This is reminiscent of how crypto was sold as a get-rich-quick scheme requiring no actual understanding.
When you "vibe code" with an AI, you're not eliminating complexity—you're outsourcing understanding to a black box. This creates developers who can prompt but not program, who can generate but not comprehend.
The real utility of LLMs in development is in augmenting existing workflows:
- Explaining unfamiliar codebases
- Generating boilerplate for well-understood patterns
- Suggesting implementations that a developer evaluates critically
- Assisting with documentation and testing
These uses involve the model as a subordinate assistant to a knowledgeable developer, not as a replacement for expertise. This is where the technology adds value—as a sophisticated tool in skilled hands.
Cursor is just a better hammer, not a replacement for understanding what you're building. The actual value emerges when used by developers who understand what happens beneath the abstractions. They can recognize when AI suggestions make sense and when they don't because they have the fundamental knowledge to evaluate output critically.
This is precisely where the "vibe coding" narrative falls apart.
-
@ 3ffac3a6:2d656657
2025-05-02 03:50:51Introduction: Don't Despair—This Can Be Fixed (But Don't Reboot Yet)
Running ZFS on a Raspberry Pi offers powerful features for home servers and personal NAS setups. But with power comes complexity, and in recent months, a quiet pitfall has emerged for Pi users who track kernel updates closely: upgrading to an unsupported kernel version breaks ZFS.
⚠️ Important Warning: If you've just upgraded your kernel and you're using ZFS, do not reboot yet. Rebooting without a working ZFS module can leave your system unbootable—even if you don't have critical partitions on ZFS. The system may hang because it tries to load the missing ZFS kernel module during boot and fails, halting the boot process.
If you're already facing a broken setup or can't boot — don't panic. This guide outlines both the worst-case scenario and the ideal recovery strategy. Whether you're locked out or preparing for a smooth upgrade, we've got you covered.
The Problem: A Kernel Update Too Far
As of ZFS version 2.2.3 (used in Debian-based Raspberry Pi OS), the filesystem supports Linux kernels up to 6.7. However, Raspberry Pi OS backports recently began shipping 6.12.x kernels. If you upgrade to 6.12 without precautions:
- ZFS will fail to compile against the new kernel
- DKMS errors will appear during package updates
- Your ZFS module will be missing after reboot
- Your Raspberry Pi may fail to boot, even without ZFS-mounted root or critical paths, simply due to systemd or boot scripts expecting the kernel module to be present
Example ZFS Compilation Error:
During package updates or installs, you'll see something like:
checking whether bdev_open_by_path() exists... configure: error: *** None of the expected "blkdev_get_by_path()" interfaces were detected. *** This may be because your kernel version is newer than what is *** supported, or you are using a patched custom kernel with *** incompatible modifications. *** *** ZFS Version: zfs-2.2.3-1~bpo12+1~rpt1 *** Compatible Kernels: 3.10 - 6.7
This error means ZFS cannot build its kernel module against Linux 6.12.x, making it unusable.
Why This Happens: The Version Trap
The key problem is that ZFS 2.2.3 remains installed even after a kernel upgrade, and it doesn't get upgraded automatically during
apt upgrade
. Since ZFS 2.2.3 only supports up to kernel 6.7, it fails to compile against 6.12.x.However, if you remove and then reinstall ZFS, the package manager installs ZFS 2.3.1, which does support Linux kernel 6.12.x. This version transition is what resolves the issue — but only if you explicitly purge and reinstall ZFS.
Worst Case: The System That Wouldn’t Boot
After upgrading the kernel and rebooting, the system failed to boot properly. It showed errors like:
cannot open access to console, the root account is locked
Although the system did not have critical filesystems on ZFS, the boot process still stalled because system services attempted to load the ZFS kernel module, which was no longer available. This resulted in an unrecoverable boot failure.
The only way forward was to reformat and reinstall Raspberry Pi OS. However, the default Raspberry Pi OS image still comes with a 6.6.x kernel, which is incompatible with ZFS 2.3.1 and newer kernels unless upgraded. Therefore, the recovery process requires one crucial step:
- First, perform a full system upgrade:
sudo apt update && sudo apt full-upgrade
This brings the kernel up to 6.12.x.
- Then, reinstall ZFS:
sudo apt install zfs-dkms zfsutils-linux
Once this is complete, your system will be running kernel 6.12 with ZFS 2.3.1, and you can safely import your pools and resume operations.
Best Case Recovery: Clean Cut, Clean Upgrade
For users who can still log into their system, here's the cleanest and safest sequence to move forward:
- Stop all services using ZFS, including Docker, NFS, Samba, backup tools, etc.
- Export all ZFS pools:
sudo zpool export -a
3. Disable swap if it lives on a ZFS vdev:sudo swapoff /dev/sdXn
4. Purge ZFS packages:sudo apt purge zfsutils-linux zfs-dkms zfs-zed sudo rm -rf /usr/src/zfs* /var/lib/dkms/zfs
5. Update the kernel to the desired version:sudo apt update && sudo apt full-upgrade
6. Reboot into the new kernel:sudo reboot
7. Reinstall ZFS:sudo apt install zfs-dkms zfsutils-linux
8. Import your pool(s):sudo zpool import poolname
9. Restart services that depend on ZFS.
Final Notes: Prevention Is Better Than Recovery
To avoid this issue in the future:
- Hold your current working kernel version:
sudo apt-mark hold linux-image-rpi-v8 linux-headers-rpi-v8
* Or track ZFS GitHub for kernel compatibility before upgrading * Or test upgrades on a second Pi or cloned SD card before rolling them out to production
Conclusion: A Solvable Trap
ZFS on the Raspberry Pi remains a powerful option, but it demands careful version tracking. If you upgrade responsibly, or recover cleanly as described above, you can continue benefiting from advanced features like snapshots, send/receive, and compression even on this tiny powerhouse.
Don’t let a kernel update ruin your storage plans—with preparation, the Pi + ZFS combo can remain stable and strong.
-
@ 21335073:a244b1ad
2025-05-01 01:51:10Please respect Virginia Giuffre’s memory by refraining from asking about the circumstances or theories surrounding her passing.
Since Virginia Giuffre’s death, I’ve reflected on what she would want me to say or do. This piece is my attempt to honor her legacy.
When I first spoke with Virginia, I was struck by her unshakable hope. I had grown cynical after years in the anti-human trafficking movement, worn down by a broken system and a government that often seemed complicit. But Virginia’s passion, creativity, and belief that survivors could be heard reignited something in me. She reminded me of my younger, more hopeful self. Instead of warning her about the challenges ahead, I let her dream big, unburdened by my own disillusionment. That conversation changed me for the better, and following her lead led to meaningful progress.
Virginia was one of the bravest people I’ve ever known. As a survivor of Epstein, Maxwell, and their co-conspirators, she risked everything to speak out, taking on some of the world’s most powerful figures.
She loved when I said, “Epstein isn’t the only Epstein.” This wasn’t just about one man—it was a call to hold all abusers accountable and to ensure survivors find hope and healing.
The Epstein case often gets reduced to sensational details about the elite, but that misses the bigger picture. Yes, we should be holding all of the co-conspirators accountable, we must listen to the survivors’ stories. Their experiences reveal how predators exploit vulnerabilities, offering lessons to prevent future victims.
You’re not powerless in this fight. Educate yourself about trafficking and abuse—online and offline—and take steps to protect those around you. Supporting survivors starts with small, meaningful actions. Free online resources can guide you in being a safe, supportive presence.
When high-profile accusations arise, resist snap judgments. Instead of dismissing survivors as “crazy,” pause to consider the trauma they may be navigating. Speaking out or coping with abuse is never easy. You don’t have to believe every claim, but you can refrain from attacking accusers online.
Society also fails at providing aftercare for survivors. The government, often part of the problem, won’t solve this. It’s up to us. Prevention is critical, but when abuse occurs, step up for your loved ones and community. Protect the vulnerable. it’s a challenging but a rewarding journey.
If you’re contributing to Nostr, you’re helping build a censorship resistant platform where survivors can share their stories freely, no matter how powerful their abusers are. Their voices can endure here, offering strength and hope to others. This gives me great hope for the future.
Virginia Giuffre’s courage was a gift to the world. It was an honor to know and serve her. She will be deeply missed. My hope is that her story inspires others to take on the powerful.
-
@ c631e267:c2b78d3e
2025-03-21 19:41:50Wir werden nicht zulassen, dass technisch manches möglich ist, \ aber der Staat es nicht nutzt. \ Angela Merkel
Die Modalverben zu erklären, ist im Deutschunterricht manchmal nicht ganz einfach. Nicht alle Fremdsprachen unterscheiden zum Beispiel bei der Frage nach einer Möglichkeit gleichermaßen zwischen «können» im Sinne von «die Gelegenheit, Kenntnis oder Fähigkeit haben» und «dürfen» als «die Erlaubnis oder Berechtigung haben». Das spanische Wort «poder» etwa steht für beides.
Ebenso ist vielen Schülern auf den ersten Blick nicht recht klar, dass das logische Gegenteil von «müssen» nicht unbedingt «nicht müssen» ist, sondern vielmehr «nicht dürfen». An den Verkehrsschildern lässt sich so etwas meistens recht gut erklären: Manchmal muss man abbiegen, aber manchmal darf man eben nicht.
Dieses Beispiel soll ein wenig die Verwirrungstaktik veranschaulichen, die in der Politik gerne verwendet wird, um unpopuläre oder restriktive Maßnahmen Stück für Stück einzuführen. Zuerst ist etwas einfach innovativ und bringt viele Vorteile. Vor allem ist es freiwillig, jeder kann selber entscheiden, niemand muss mitmachen. Später kann man zunehmend weniger Alternativen wählen, weil sie verschwinden, und irgendwann verwandelt sich alles andere in «nicht dürfen» – die Maßnahme ist obligatorisch.
Um die Durchsetzung derartiger Initiativen strategisch zu unterstützen und nett zu verpacken, gibt es Lobbyisten, gerne auch NGOs genannt. Dass das «NG» am Anfang dieser Abkürzung übersetzt «Nicht-Regierungs-» bedeutet, ist ein Anachronismus. Das war vielleicht früher einmal so, heute ist eher das Gegenteil gemeint.
In unserer modernen Zeit wird enorm viel Lobbyarbeit für die Digitalisierung praktisch sämtlicher Lebensbereiche aufgewendet. Was das auf dem Sektor der Mobilität bedeuten kann, haben wir diese Woche anhand aktueller Entwicklungen in Spanien beleuchtet. Begründet teilweise mit Vorgaben der Europäischen Union arbeitet man dort fleißig an einer «neuen Mobilität», basierend auf «intelligenter» technologischer Infrastruktur. Derartige Anwandlungen wurden auch schon als «Technofeudalismus» angeprangert.
Nationale Zugangspunkte für Mobilitätsdaten im Sinne der EU gibt es nicht nur in allen Mitgliedsländern, sondern auch in der Schweiz und in Großbritannien. Das Vereinigte Königreich beteiligt sich darüber hinaus an anderen EU-Projekten für digitale Überwachungs- und Kontrollmaßnahmen, wie dem biometrischen Identifizierungssystem für «nachhaltigen Verkehr und Tourismus».
Natürlich marschiert auch Deutschland stracks und euphorisch in Richtung digitaler Zukunft. Ohne vernetzte Mobilität und einen «verlässlichen Zugang zu Daten, einschließlich Echtzeitdaten» komme man in der Verkehrsplanung und -steuerung nicht aus, erklärt die Regierung. Der Interessenverband der IT-Dienstleister Bitkom will «die digitale Transformation der deutschen Wirtschaft und Verwaltung vorantreiben». Dazu bewirbt er unter anderem die Konzepte Smart City, Smart Region und Smart Country und behauptet, deutsche Großstädte «setzen bei Mobilität voll auf Digitalisierung».
Es steht zu befürchten, dass das umfassende Sammeln, Verarbeiten und Vernetzen von Daten, das angeblich die Menschen unterstützen soll (und theoretisch ja auch könnte), eher dazu benutzt wird, sie zu kontrollieren und zu manipulieren. Je elektrischer und digitaler unsere Umgebung wird, desto größer sind diese Möglichkeiten. Im Ergebnis könnten solche Prozesse den Bürger nicht nur einschränken oder überflüssig machen, sondern in mancherlei Hinsicht regelrecht abschalten. Eine gesunde Skepsis ist also geboten.
[Titelbild: Pixabay]
Dieser Beitrag wurde mit dem Pareto-Client geschrieben. Er ist zuerst auf Transition News erschienen.
-
@ 266815e0:6cd408a5
2025-04-29 17:47:57I'm excited to announce the release of Applesauce v1.0.0! There are a few breaking changes and a lot of improvements and new features across all packages. Each package has been updated to 1.0.0, marking a stable API for developers to build upon.
Applesauce core changes
There was a change in the
applesauce-core
package in theQueryStore
.The
Query
interface has been converted to a method instead of an object withkey
andrun
fields.A bunch of new helper methods and queries were added, checkout the changelog for a full list.
Applesauce Relay
There is a new
applesauce-relay
package that provides a simple RxJS based api for connecting to relays and publishing events.Documentation: applesauce-relay
Features:
- A simple API for subscribing or publishing to a single relay or a group of relays
- No
connect
orclose
methods, connections are managed automatically by rxjs - NIP-11
auth_required
support - Support for NIP-42 authentication
- Prebuilt or custom re-connection back-off
- Keep-alive timeout (default 30s)
- Client-side Negentropy sync support
Example Usage: Single relay
```typescript import { Relay } from "applesauce-relay";
// Connect to a relay const relay = new Relay("wss://relay.example.com");
// Create a REQ and subscribe to it relay .req({ kinds: [1], limit: 10, }) .subscribe((response) => { if (response === "EOSE") { console.log("End of stored events"); } else { console.log("Received event:", response); } }); ```
Example Usage: Relay pool
```typescript import { Relay, RelayPool } from "applesauce-relay";
// Create a pool with a custom relay const pool = new RelayPool();
// Create a REQ and subscribe to it pool .req(["wss://relay.damus.io", "wss://relay.snort.social"], { kinds: [1], limit: 10, }) .subscribe((response) => { if (response === "EOSE") { console.log("End of stored events on all relays"); } else { console.log("Received event:", response); } }); ```
Applesauce actions
Another new package is the
applesauce-actions
package. This package provides a set of async operations for common Nostr actions.Actions are run against the events in the
EventStore
and use theEventFactory
to create new events to publish.Documentation: applesauce-actions
Example Usage:
```typescript import { ActionHub } from "applesauce-actions";
// An EventStore and EventFactory are required to use the ActionHub import { eventStore } from "./stores.ts"; import { eventFactory } from "./factories.ts";
// Custom publish logic const publish = async (event: NostrEvent) => { console.log("Publishing", event); await app.relayPool.publish(event, app.defaultRelays); };
// The
publish
method is optional for the asyncrun
method to work const hub = new ActionHub(eventStore, eventFactory, publish); ```Once an
ActionsHub
is created, you can use therun
orexec
methods to execute actions:```typescript import { FollowUser, MuteUser } from "applesauce-actions/actions";
// Follow fiatjaf await hub.run( FollowUser, "3bf0c63fcb93463407af97a5e5ee64fa883d107ef9e558472c4eb9aaaefa459d", );
// Or use the
exec
method with a custom publish method await hub .exec( MuteUser, "3bf0c63fcb93463407af97a5e5ee64fa883d107ef9e558472c4eb9aaaefa459d", ) .forEach((event) => { // NOTE: Don't publish this event because we never want to mute fiatjaf // pool.publish(['wss://pyramid.fiatjaf.com/'], event) }); ```There are a log more actions including some for working with NIP-51 lists (private and public), you can find them in the reference
Applesauce loaders
The
applesauce-loaders
package has been updated to support any relay connection libraries and not justrx-nostr
.Before:
```typescript import { ReplaceableLoader } from "applesauce-loaders"; import { createRxNostr } from "rx-nostr";
// Create a new rx-nostr instance const rxNostr = createRxNostr();
// Create a new replaceable loader const replaceableLoader = new ReplaceableLoader(rxNostr); ```
After:
```typescript
import { Observable } from "rxjs"; import { ReplaceableLoader, NostrRequest } from "applesauce-loaders"; import { SimplePool } from "nostr-tools";
// Create a new nostr-tools pool const pool = new SimplePool();
// Create a method that subscribes using nostr-tools and returns an observable function nostrRequest: NostrRequest = (relays, filters, id) => { return new Observable((subscriber) => { const sub = pool.subscribe(relays, filters, { onevent: (event) => { subscriber.next(event); }, onclose: () => subscriber.complete(), oneose: () => subscriber.complete(), });
return () => sub.close();
}); };
// Create a new replaceable loader const replaceableLoader = new ReplaceableLoader(nostrRequest); ```
Of course you can still use rx-nostr if you want:
```typescript import { createRxNostr } from "rx-nostr";
// Create a new rx-nostr instance const rxNostr = createRxNostr();
// Create a method that subscribes using rx-nostr and returns an observable function nostrRequest( relays: string[], filters: Filter[], id?: string, ): Observable
{ // Create a new oneshot request so it will complete when EOSE is received const req = createRxOneshotReq({ filters, rxReqId: id }); return rxNostr .use(req, { on: { relays } }) .pipe(map((packet) => packet.event)); } // Create a new replaceable loader const replaceableLoader = new ReplaceableLoader(nostrRequest); ```
There where a few more changes, check out the changelog
Applesauce wallet
Its far from complete, but there is a new
applesauce-wallet
package that provides a actions and queries for working with NIP-60 wallets.Documentation: applesauce-wallet
Example Usage:
```typescript import { CreateWallet, UnlockWallet } from "applesauce-wallet/actions";
// Create a new NIP-60 wallet await hub.run(CreateWallet, ["wss://mint.example.com"], privateKey);
// Unlock wallet and associated tokens/history await hub.run(UnlockWallet, { tokens: true, history: true }); ```
-
@ aa8de34f:a6ffe696
2025-03-21 12:08:3119. März 2025
🔐 1. SHA-256 is Quantum-Resistant
Bitcoin’s proof-of-work mechanism relies on SHA-256, a hashing algorithm. Even with a powerful quantum computer, SHA-256 remains secure because:
- Quantum computers excel at factoring large numbers (Shor’s Algorithm).
- However, SHA-256 is a one-way function, meaning there's no known quantum algorithm that can efficiently reverse it.
- Grover’s Algorithm (which theoretically speeds up brute force attacks) would still require 2¹²⁸ operations to break SHA-256 – far beyond practical reach.
++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++
🔑 2. Public Key Vulnerability – But Only If You Reuse Addresses
Bitcoin uses Elliptic Curve Digital Signature Algorithm (ECDSA) to generate keys.
- A quantum computer could use Shor’s Algorithm to break SECP256K1, the curve Bitcoin uses.
- If you never reuse addresses, it is an additional security element
- 🔑 1. Bitcoin Addresses Are NOT Public Keys
Many people assume a Bitcoin address is the public key—this is wrong.
- When you receive Bitcoin, it is sent to a hashed public key (the Bitcoin address).
- The actual public key is never exposed because it is the Bitcoin Adress who addresses the Public Key which never reveals the creation of a public key by a spend
- Bitcoin uses Pay-to-Public-Key-Hash (P2PKH) or newer methods like Pay-to-Witness-Public-Key-Hash (P2WPKH), which add extra layers of security.
🕵️♂️ 2.1 The Public Key Never Appears
- When you send Bitcoin, your wallet creates a digital signature.
- This signature uses the private key to prove ownership.
- The Bitcoin address is revealed and creates the Public Key
- The public key remains hidden inside the Bitcoin script and Merkle tree.
This means: ✔ The public key is never exposed. ✔ Quantum attackers have nothing to target, attacking a Bitcoin Address is a zero value game.
+++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++
🔄 3. Bitcoin Can Upgrade
Even if quantum computers eventually become a real threat:
- Bitcoin developers can upgrade to quantum-safe cryptography (e.g., lattice-based cryptography or post-quantum signatures like Dilithium).
- Bitcoin’s decentralized nature ensures a network-wide soft fork or hard fork could transition to quantum-resistant keys.
++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++
⏳ 4. The 10-Minute Block Rule as a Security Feature
- Bitcoin’s network operates on a 10-minute block interval, meaning:Even if an attacker had immense computational power (like a quantum computer), they could only attempt an attack every 10 minutes.Unlike traditional encryption, where a hacker could continuously brute-force keys, Bitcoin’s system resets the challenge with every new block.This limits the window of opportunity for quantum attacks.
🎯 5. Quantum Attack Needs to Solve a Block in Real-Time
- A quantum attacker must solve the cryptographic puzzle (Proof of Work) in under 10 minutes.
- The problem? Any slight error changes the hash completely, meaning:If the quantum computer makes a mistake (even 0.0001% probability), the entire attack fails.Quantum decoherence (loss of qubit stability) makes error correction a massive challenge.The computational cost of recovering from an incorrect hash is still incredibly high.
⚡ 6. Network Resilience – Even if a Block Is Hacked
- Even if a quantum computer somehow solved a block instantly:The network would quickly recognize and reject invalid transactions.Other miners would continue mining under normal cryptographic rules.51% Attack? The attacker would need to consistently beat the entire Bitcoin network, which is not sustainable.
🔄 7. The Logarithmic Difficulty Adjustment Neutralizes Threats
- Bitcoin adjusts mining difficulty every 2016 blocks (\~2 weeks).
- If quantum miners appeared and suddenly started solving blocks too quickly, the difficulty would adjust upward, making attacks significantly harder.
- This self-correcting mechanism ensures that even quantum computers wouldn't easily overpower the network.
🔥 Final Verdict: Quantum Computers Are Too Slow for Bitcoin
✔ The 10-minute rule limits attack frequency – quantum computers can’t keep up.
✔ Any slight miscalculation ruins the attack, resetting all progress.
✔ Bitcoin’s difficulty adjustment would react, neutralizing quantum advantages.
Even if quantum computers reach their theoretical potential, Bitcoin’s game theory and design make it incredibly resistant. 🚀
-
@ a95c6243:d345522c
2025-03-20 09:59:20Bald werde es verboten, alleine im Auto zu fahren, konnte man dieser Tage in verschiedenen spanischen Medien lesen. Die nationale Verkehrsbehörde (Dirección General de Tráfico, kurz DGT) werde Alleinfahrern das Leben schwer machen, wurde gemeldet. Konkret erörtere die Generaldirektion geeignete Sanktionen für Personen, die ohne Beifahrer im Privatauto unterwegs seien.
Das Alleinfahren sei zunehmend verpönt und ein Mentalitätswandel notwendig, hieß es. Dieser «Luxus» stehe im Widerspruch zu den Maßnahmen gegen Umweltverschmutzung, die in allen europäischen Ländern gefördert würden. In Frankreich sei es «bereits verboten, in der Hauptstadt allein zu fahren», behauptete Noticiastrabajo Huffpost in einer Zwischenüberschrift. Nur um dann im Text zu konkretisieren, dass die sogenannte «Umweltspur» auf der Pariser Ringautobahn gemeint war, die für Busse, Taxis und Fahrgemeinschaften reserviert ist. Ab Mai werden Verstöße dagegen mit einem Bußgeld geahndet.
Die DGT jedenfalls wolle bei der Umsetzung derartiger Maßnahmen nicht hinterherhinken. Diese Medienberichte, inklusive des angeblich bevorstehenden Verbots, beriefen sich auf Aussagen des Generaldirektors der Behörde, Pere Navarro, beim Mobilitätskongress Global Mobility Call im November letzten Jahres, wo es um «nachhaltige Mobilität» ging. Aus diesem Kontext stammt auch Navarros Warnung: «Die Zukunft des Verkehrs ist geteilt oder es gibt keine».
Die «Faktenchecker» kamen der Generaldirektion prompt zu Hilfe. Die DGT habe derlei Behauptungen zurückgewiesen und klargestellt, dass es keine Pläne gebe, Fahrten mit nur einer Person im Auto zu verbieten oder zu bestrafen. Bei solchen Meldungen handele es sich um Fake News. Teilweise wurde der Vorsitzende der spanischen «Rechtsaußen»-Partei Vox, Santiago Abascal, der Urheberschaft bezichtigt, weil er einen entsprechenden Artikel von La Gaceta kommentiert hatte.
Der Beschwichtigungsversuch der Art «niemand hat die Absicht» ist dabei erfahrungsgemäß eher ein Alarmzeichen als eine Beruhigung. Walter Ulbrichts Leugnung einer geplanten Berliner Mauer vom Juni 1961 ist vielen genauso in Erinnerung wie die Fake News-Warnungen des deutschen Bundesgesundheitsministeriums bezüglich Lockdowns im März 2020 oder diverse Äußerungen zu einer Impfpflicht ab 2020.
Aber Aufregung hin, Dementis her: Die Pressemitteilung der DGT zu dem Mobilitätskongress enthält in Wahrheit viel interessantere Informationen als «nur» einen Appell an den «guten» Bürger wegen der Bemühungen um die Lebensqualität in Großstädten oder einen möglichen obligatorischen Abschied vom Alleinfahren. Allerdings werden diese Details von Medien und sogenannten Faktencheckern geflissentlich übersehen, obwohl sie keineswegs versteckt sind. Die Auskünfte sind sehr aufschlussreich, wenn man genauer hinschaut.
Digitalisierung ist der Schlüssel für Kontrolle
Auf dem Kongress stellte die Verkehrsbehörde ihre Initiativen zur Förderung der «neuen Mobilität» vor, deren Priorität Sicherheit und Effizienz sei. Die vier konkreten Ansätze haben alle mit Digitalisierung, Daten, Überwachung und Kontrolle im großen Stil zu tun und werden unter dem Euphemismus der «öffentlich-privaten Partnerschaft» angepriesen. Auch lassen sie die transhumanistische Idee vom unzulänglichen Menschen erkennen, dessen Fehler durch «intelligente» technologische Infrastruktur kompensiert werden müssten.
Die Chefin des Bereichs «Verkehrsüberwachung» erklärte die Funktion des spanischen National Access Point (NAP), wobei sie betonte, wie wichtig Verkehrs- und Infrastrukturinformationen in Echtzeit seien. Der NAP ist «eine essenzielle Web-Applikation, die unter EU-Mandat erstellt wurde», kann man auf der Website der DGT nachlesen.
Das Mandat meint Regelungen zu einem einheitlichen europäischen Verkehrsraum, mit denen die Union mindestens seit 2010 den Aufbau einer digitalen Architektur mit offenen Schnittstellen betreibt. Damit begründet man auch «umfassende Datenbereitstellungspflichten im Bereich multimodaler Reiseinformationen». Jeder Mitgliedstaat musste einen NAP, also einen nationalen Zugangspunkt einrichten, der Zugang zu statischen und dynamischen Reise- und Verkehrsdaten verschiedener Verkehrsträger ermöglicht.
Diese Entwicklung ist heute schon weit fortgeschritten, auch und besonders in Spanien. Auf besagtem Kongress erläuterte die Leiterin des Bereichs «Telematik» die Plattform «DGT 3.0». Diese werde als Integrator aller Informationen genutzt, die von den verschiedenen öffentlichen und privaten Systemen, die Teil der Mobilität sind, bereitgestellt werden.
Es handele sich um eine Vermittlungsplattform zwischen Akteuren wie Fahrzeugherstellern, Anbietern von Navigationsdiensten oder Kommunen und dem Endnutzer, der die Verkehrswege benutzt. Alle seien auf Basis des Internets der Dinge (IOT) anonym verbunden, «um der vernetzten Gemeinschaft wertvolle Informationen zu liefern oder diese zu nutzen».
So sei DGT 3.0 «ein Zugangspunkt für einzigartige, kostenlose und genaue Echtzeitinformationen über das Geschehen auf den Straßen und in den Städten». Damit lasse sich der Verkehr nachhaltiger und vernetzter gestalten. Beispielsweise würden die Karten des Produktpartners Google dank der DGT-Daten 50 Millionen Mal pro Tag aktualisiert.
Des Weiteren informiert die Verkehrsbehörde über ihr SCADA-Projekt. Die Abkürzung steht für Supervisory Control and Data Acquisition, zu deutsch etwa: Kontrollierte Steuerung und Datenerfassung. Mit SCADA kombiniert man Software und Hardware, um automatisierte Systeme zur Überwachung und Steuerung technischer Prozesse zu schaffen. Das SCADA-Projekt der DGT wird von Indra entwickelt, einem spanischen Beratungskonzern aus den Bereichen Sicherheit & Militär, Energie, Transport, Telekommunikation und Gesundheitsinformation.
Das SCADA-System der Behörde umfasse auch eine Videostreaming- und Videoaufzeichnungsplattform, die das Hochladen in die Cloud in Echtzeit ermöglicht, wie Indra erklärt. Dabei gehe es um Bilder, die von Überwachungskameras an Straßen aufgenommen wurden, sowie um Videos aus DGT-Hubschraubern und Drohnen. Ziel sei es, «die sichere Weitergabe von Videos an Dritte sowie die kontinuierliche Aufzeichnung und Speicherung von Bildern zur möglichen Analyse und späteren Nutzung zu ermöglichen».
Letzteres klingt sehr nach biometrischer Erkennung und Auswertung durch künstliche Intelligenz. Für eine bessere Datenübertragung wird derzeit die Glasfaserverkabelung entlang der Landstraßen und Autobahnen ausgebaut. Mit der Cloud sind die Amazon Web Services (AWS) gemeint, die spanischen Daten gehen somit direkt zu einem US-amerikanischen «Big Data»-Unternehmen.
Das Thema «autonomes Fahren», also Fahren ohne Zutun des Menschen, bildet den Abschluss der Betrachtungen der DGT. Zusammen mit dem Interessenverband der Automobilindustrie ANFAC (Asociación Española de Fabricantes de Automóviles y Camiones) sprach man auf dem Kongress über Strategien und Perspektiven in diesem Bereich. Die Lobbyisten hoffen noch in diesem Jahr 2025 auf einen normativen Rahmen zur erweiterten Unterstützung autonomer Technologien.
Wenn man derartige Informationen im Zusammenhang betrachtet, bekommt man eine Idee davon, warum zunehmend alles elektrisch und digital werden soll. Umwelt- und Mobilitätsprobleme in Städten, wie Luftverschmutzung, Lärmbelästigung, Platzmangel oder Staus, sind eine Sache. Mit dem Argument «emissionslos» wird jedoch eine Referenz zum CO2 und dem «menschengemachten Klimawandel» hergestellt, die Emotionen triggert. Und damit wird so ziemlich alles verkauft.
Letztlich aber gilt: Je elektrischer und digitaler unsere Umgebung wird und je freigiebiger wir mit unseren Daten jeder Art sind, desto besser werden wir kontrollier-, steuer- und sogar abschaltbar. Irgendwann entscheiden KI-basierte Algorithmen, ob, wann, wie, wohin und mit wem wir uns bewegen dürfen. Über einen 15-Minuten-Radius geht dann möglicherweise nichts hinaus. Die Projekte auf diesem Weg sind ernst zu nehmen, real und schon weit fortgeschritten.
[Titelbild: Pixabay]
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@ a95c6243:d345522c
2025-03-15 10:56:08Was nützt die schönste Schuldenbremse, wenn der Russe vor der Tür steht? \ Wir können uns verteidigen lernen oder alle Russisch lernen. \ Jens Spahn
In der Politik ist buchstäblich keine Idee zu riskant, kein Mittel zu schäbig und keine Lüge zu dreist, als dass sie nicht benutzt würden. Aber der Clou ist, dass diese Masche immer noch funktioniert, wenn nicht sogar immer besser. Ist das alles wirklich so schwer zu durchschauen? Mir fehlen langsam die Worte.
Aktuell werden sowohl in der Europäischen Union als auch in Deutschland riesige Milliardenpakete für die Aufrüstung – also für die Rüstungsindustrie – geschnürt. Die EU will 800 Milliarden Euro locker machen, in Deutschland sollen es 500 Milliarden «Sondervermögen» sein. Verteidigung nennen das unsere «Führer», innerhalb der Union und auch an «unserer Ostflanke», der Ukraine.
Das nötige Feindbild konnte inzwischen signifikant erweitert werden. Schuld an allem und zudem gefährlich ist nicht mehr nur Putin, sondern jetzt auch Trump. Europa müsse sich sowohl gegen Russland als auch gegen die USA schützen und rüsten, wird uns eingetrichtert.
Und während durch Diplomatie genau dieser beiden Staaten gerade endlich mal Bewegung in die Bemühungen um einen Frieden oder wenigstens einen Waffenstillstand in der Ukraine kommt, rasselt man im moralisch überlegenen Zeigefinger-Europa so richtig mit dem Säbel.
Begleitet und gestützt wird der ganze Prozess – wie sollte es anders sein – von den «Qualitätsmedien». Dass Russland einen Angriff auf «Europa» plant, weiß nicht nur der deutsche Verteidigungsminister (und mit Abstand beliebteste Politiker) Pistorius, sondern dank ihnen auch jedes Kind. Uns bleiben nur noch wenige Jahre. Zum Glück bereitet sich die Bundeswehr schon sehr konkret auf einen Krieg vor.
Die FAZ und Corona-Gesundheitsminister Spahn markieren einen traurigen Höhepunkt. Hier haben sich «politische und publizistische Verantwortungslosigkeit propagandistisch gegenseitig befruchtet», wie es bei den NachDenkSeiten heißt. Die Aussage Spahns in dem Interview, «der Russe steht vor der Tür», ist das eine. Die Zeitung verschärfte die Sache jedoch, indem sie das Zitat explizit in den Titel übernahm, der in einer ersten Version scheinbar zu harmlos war.
Eine große Mehrheit der deutschen Bevölkerung findet Aufrüstung und mehr Schulden toll, wie ARD und ZDF sehr passend ermittelt haben wollen. Ähnliches gelte für eine noch stärkere militärische Unterstützung der Ukraine. Etwas skeptischer seien die Befragten bezüglich der Entsendung von Bundeswehrsoldaten dorthin, aber immerhin etwa fifty-fifty.
Eigentlich ist jedoch die Meinung der Menschen in «unseren Demokratien» irrelevant. Sowohl in der Europäischen Union als auch in Deutschland sind die «Eliten» offenbar der Ansicht, der Souverän habe in Fragen von Krieg und Frieden sowie von aberwitzigen astronomischen Schulden kein Wörtchen mitzureden. Frau von der Leyen möchte über 150 Milliarden aus dem Gesamtpaket unter Verwendung von Artikel 122 des EU-Vertrags ohne das Europäische Parlament entscheiden – wenn auch nicht völlig kritiklos.
In Deutschland wollen CDU/CSU und SPD zur Aufweichung der «Schuldenbremse» mehrere Änderungen des Grundgesetzes durch das abgewählte Parlament peitschen. Dieser Versuch, mit dem alten Bundestag eine Zweidrittelmehrheit zu erzielen, die im neuen nicht mehr gegeben wäre, ist mindestens verfassungsrechtlich umstritten.
Das Manöver scheint aber zu funktionieren. Heute haben die Grünen zugestimmt, nachdem Kanzlerkandidat Merz läppische 100 Milliarden für «irgendwas mit Klima» zugesichert hatte. Die Abstimmung im Plenum soll am kommenden Dienstag erfolgen – nur eine Woche, bevor sich der neu gewählte Bundestag konstituieren wird.
Interessant sind die Argumente, die BlackRocker Merz für seine Attacke auf Grundgesetz und Demokratie ins Feld führt. Abgesehen von der angeblichen Eile, «unsere Verteidigungsfähigkeit deutlich zu erhöhen» (ausgelöst unter anderem durch «die Münchner Sicherheitskonferenz und die Ereignisse im Weißen Haus»), ließ uns der CDU-Chef wissen, dass Deutschland einfach auf die internationale Bühne zurück müsse. Merz schwadronierte gefährlich mehrdeutig:
«Die ganze Welt schaut in diesen Tagen und Wochen auf Deutschland. Wir haben in der Europäischen Union und auf der Welt eine Aufgabe, die weit über die Grenzen unseres eigenen Landes hinausgeht.»
[Titelbild: Tag des Sieges]
Dieser Beitrag ist zuerst auf Transition News erschienen.
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@ 52b4a076:e7fad8bd
2025-04-28 00:48:57I have been recently building NFDB, a new relay DB. This post is meant as a short overview.
Regular relays have challenges
Current relay software have significant challenges, which I have experienced when hosting Nostr.land: - Scalability is only supported by adding full replicas, which does not scale to large relays. - Most relays use slow databases and are not optimized for large scale usage. - Search is near-impossible to implement on standard relays. - Privacy features such as NIP-42 are lacking. - Regular DB maintenance tasks on normal relays require extended downtime. - Fault-tolerance is implemented, if any, using a load balancer, which is limited. - Personalization and advanced filtering is not possible. - Local caching is not supported.
NFDB: A scalable database for large relays
NFDB is a new database meant for medium-large scale relays, built on FoundationDB that provides: - Near-unlimited scalability - Extended fault tolerance - Instant loading - Better search - Better personalization - and more.
Search
NFDB has extended search capabilities including: - Semantic search: Search for meaning, not words. - Interest-based search: Highlight content you care about. - Multi-faceted queries: Easily filter by topic, author group, keywords, and more at the same time. - Wide support for event kinds, including users, articles, etc.
Personalization
NFDB allows significant personalization: - Customized algorithms: Be your own algorithm. - Spam filtering: Filter content to your WoT, and use advanced spam filters. - Topic mutes: Mute topics, not keywords. - Media filtering: With Nostr.build, you will be able to filter NSFW and other content - Low data mode: Block notes that use high amounts of cellular data. - and more
Other
NFDB has support for many other features such as: - NIP-42: Protect your privacy with private drafts and DMs - Microrelays: Easily deploy your own personal microrelay - Containers: Dedicated, fast storage for discoverability events such as relay lists
Calcite: A local microrelay database
Calcite is a lightweight, local version of NFDB that is meant for microrelays and caching, meant for thousands of personal microrelays.
Calcite HA is an additional layer that allows live migration and relay failover in under 30 seconds, providing higher availability compared to current relays with greater simplicity. Calcite HA is enabled in all Calcite deployments.
For zero-downtime, NFDB is recommended.
Noswhere SmartCache
Relays are fixed in one location, but users can be anywhere.
Noswhere SmartCache is a CDN for relays that dynamically caches data on edge servers closest to you, allowing: - Multiple regions around the world - Improved throughput and performance - Faster loading times
routerd
routerd
is a custom load-balancer optimized for Nostr relays, integrated with SmartCache.routerd
is specifically integrated with NFDB and Calcite HA to provide fast failover and high performance.Ending notes
NFDB is planned to be deployed to Nostr.land in the coming weeks.
A lot more is to come. 👀️️️️️️
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@ a95c6243:d345522c
2025-03-11 10:22:36«Wir brauchen eine digitale Brandmauer gegen den Faschismus», schreibt der Chaos Computer Club (CCC) auf seiner Website. Unter diesem Motto präsentierte er letzte Woche einen Forderungskatalog, mit dem sich 24 Organisationen an die kommende Bundesregierung wenden. Der Koalitionsvertrag müsse sich daran messen lassen, verlangen sie.
In den drei Kategorien «Bekenntnis gegen Überwachung», «Schutz und Sicherheit für alle» sowie «Demokratie im digitalen Raum» stellen die Unterzeichner, zu denen auch Amnesty International und Das NETTZ gehören, unter anderem die folgenden «Mindestanforderungen»:
- Verbot biometrischer Massenüberwachung des öffentlichen Raums sowie der ungezielten biometrischen Auswertung des Internets.
- Anlasslose und massenhafte Vorratsdatenspeicherung wird abgelehnt.
- Automatisierte Datenanalysen der Informationsbestände der Strafverfolgungsbehörden sowie jede Form von Predictive Policing oder automatisiertes Profiling von Menschen werden abgelehnt.
- Einführung eines Rechts auf Verschlüsselung. Die Bundesregierung soll sich dafür einsetzen, die Chatkontrolle auf europäischer Ebene zu verhindern.
- Anonyme und pseudonyme Nutzung des Internets soll geschützt und ermöglicht werden.
- Bekämpfung «privaten Machtmissbrauchs von Big-Tech-Unternehmen» durch durchsetzungsstarke, unabhängige und grundsätzlich föderale Aufsichtsstrukturen.
- Einführung eines digitalen Gewaltschutzgesetzes, unter Berücksichtigung «gruppenbezogener digitaler Gewalt» und die Förderung von Beratungsangeboten.
- Ein umfassendes Förderprogramm für digitale öffentliche Räume, die dezentral organisiert und quelloffen programmiert sind, soll aufgelegt werden.
Es sei ein Irrglaube, dass zunehmende Überwachung einen Zugewinn an Sicherheit darstelle, ist eines der Argumente der Initiatoren. Sicherheit erfordere auch, dass Menschen anonym und vertraulich kommunizieren können und ihre Privatsphäre geschützt wird.
Gesunde digitale Räume lebten auch von einem demokratischen Diskurs, lesen wir in dem Papier. Es sei Aufgabe des Staates, Grundrechte zu schützen. Dazu gehöre auch, Menschenrechte und demokratische Werte, insbesondere Freiheit, Gleichheit und Solidarität zu fördern sowie den Missbrauch von Maßnahmen, Befugnissen und Infrastrukturen durch «die Feinde der Demokratie» zu verhindern.
Man ist geneigt zu fragen, wo denn die Autoren «den Faschismus» sehen, den es zu bekämpfen gelte. Die meisten der vorgetragenen Forderungen und Argumente finden sicher breite Unterstützung, denn sie beschreiben offenkundig gängige, kritikwürdige Praxis. Die Aushebelung der Privatsphäre, der Redefreiheit und anderer Grundrechte im Namen der Sicherheit wird bereits jetzt massiv durch die aktuellen «demokratischen Institutionen» und ihre «durchsetzungsstarken Aufsichtsstrukturen» betrieben.
Ist «der Faschismus» also die EU und ihre Mitgliedsstaaten? Nein, die «faschistische Gefahr», gegen die man eine digitale Brandmauer will, kommt nach Ansicht des CCC und seiner Partner aus den Vereinigten Staaten. Private Überwachung und Machtkonzentration sind dabei weltweit schon lange Realität, jetzt endlich müssen sie jedoch bekämpft werden. In dem Papier heißt es:
«Die willkürliche und antidemokratische Machtausübung der Tech-Oligarchen um Präsident Trump erfordert einen Paradigmenwechsel in der deutschen Digitalpolitik. (...) Die aktuellen Geschehnisse in den USA zeigen auf, wie Datensammlungen und -analyse genutzt werden können, um einen Staat handstreichartig zu übernehmen, seine Strukturen nachhaltig zu beschädigen, Widerstand zu unterbinden und marginalisierte Gruppen zu verfolgen.»
Wer auf der anderen Seite dieser Brandmauer stehen soll, ist also klar. Es sind die gleichen «Feinde unserer Demokratie», die seit Jahren in diese Ecke gedrängt werden. Es sind die gleichen Andersdenkenden, Regierungskritiker und Friedensforderer, die unter dem großzügigen Dach des Bundesprogramms «Demokratie leben» einem «kontinuierlichen Echt- und Langzeitmonitoring» wegen der Etikettierung «digitaler Hass» unterzogen werden.
Dass die 24 Organisationen praktisch auch die Bekämpfung von Google, Microsoft, Apple, Amazon und anderen fordern, entbehrt nicht der Komik. Diese fallen aber sicher unter das Stichwort «Machtmissbrauch von Big-Tech-Unternehmen». Gleichzeitig verlangen die Lobbyisten implizit zum Beispiel die Förderung des Nostr-Netzwerks, denn hier finden wir dezentral organisierte und quelloffen programmierte digitale Räume par excellence, obendrein zensurresistent. Das wiederum dürfte in der Politik weniger gut ankommen.
[Titelbild: Pixabay]
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@ 91bea5cd:1df4451c
2025-04-26 10:16:21O Contexto Legal Brasileiro e o Consentimento
No ordenamento jurídico brasileiro, o consentimento do ofendido pode, em certas circunstâncias, afastar a ilicitude de um ato que, sem ele, configuraria crime (como lesão corporal leve, prevista no Art. 129 do Código Penal). Contudo, o consentimento tem limites claros: não é válido para bens jurídicos indisponíveis, como a vida, e sua eficácia é questionável em casos de lesões corporais graves ou gravíssimas.
A prática de BDSM consensual situa-se em uma zona complexa. Em tese, se ambos os parceiros são adultos, capazes, e consentiram livre e informadamente nos atos praticados, sem que resultem em lesões graves permanentes ou risco de morte não consentido, não haveria crime. O desafio reside na comprovação desse consentimento, especialmente se uma das partes, posteriormente, o negar ou alegar coação.
A Lei Maria da Penha (Lei nº 11.340/2006)
A Lei Maria da Penha é um marco fundamental na proteção da mulher contra a violência doméstica e familiar. Ela estabelece mecanismos para coibir e prevenir tal violência, definindo suas formas (física, psicológica, sexual, patrimonial e moral) e prevendo medidas protetivas de urgência.
Embora essencial, a aplicação da lei em contextos de BDSM pode ser delicada. Uma alegação de violência por parte da mulher, mesmo que as lesões ou situações decorram de práticas consensuais, tende a receber atenção prioritária das autoridades, dada a presunção de vulnerabilidade estabelecida pela lei. Isso pode criar um cenário onde o parceiro masculino enfrenta dificuldades significativas em demonstrar a natureza consensual dos atos, especialmente se não houver provas robustas pré-constituídas.
Outros riscos:
Lesão corporal grave ou gravíssima (art. 129, §§ 1º e 2º, CP), não pode ser justificada pelo consentimento, podendo ensejar persecução penal.
Crimes contra a dignidade sexual (arts. 213 e seguintes do CP) são de ação pública incondicionada e independem de representação da vítima para a investigação e denúncia.
Riscos de Falsas Acusações e Alegação de Coação Futura
Os riscos para os praticantes de BDSM, especialmente para o parceiro que assume o papel dominante ou que inflige dor/restrição (frequentemente, mas não exclusivamente, o homem), podem surgir de diversas frentes:
- Acusações Externas: Vizinhos, familiares ou amigos que desconhecem a natureza consensual do relacionamento podem interpretar sons, marcas ou comportamentos como sinais de abuso e denunciar às autoridades.
- Alegações Futuras da Parceira: Em caso de término conturbado, vingança, arrependimento ou mudança de perspectiva, a parceira pode reinterpretar as práticas passadas como abuso e buscar reparação ou retaliação através de uma denúncia. A alegação pode ser de que o consentimento nunca existiu ou foi viciado.
- Alegação de Coação: Uma das formas mais complexas de refutar é a alegação de que o consentimento foi obtido mediante coação (física, moral, psicológica ou econômica). A parceira pode alegar, por exemplo, que se sentia pressionada, intimidada ou dependente, e que seu "sim" não era genuíno. Provar a ausência de coação a posteriori é extremamente difícil.
- Ingenuidade e Vulnerabilidade Masculina: Muitos homens, confiando na dinâmica consensual e na parceira, podem negligenciar a necessidade de precauções. A crença de que "isso nunca aconteceria comigo" ou a falta de conhecimento sobre as implicações legais e o peso processual de uma acusação no âmbito da Lei Maria da Penha podem deixá-los vulneráveis. A presença de marcas físicas, mesmo que consentidas, pode ser usada como evidência de agressão, invertendo o ônus da prova na prática, ainda que não na teoria jurídica.
Estratégias de Prevenção e Mitigação
Não existe um método infalível para evitar completamente o risco de uma falsa acusação, mas diversas medidas podem ser adotadas para construir um histórico de consentimento e reduzir vulnerabilidades:
- Comunicação Explícita e Contínua: A base de qualquer prática BDSM segura é a comunicação constante. Negociar limites, desejos, palavras de segurança ("safewords") e expectativas antes, durante e depois das cenas é crucial. Manter registros dessas negociações (e-mails, mensagens, diários compartilhados) pode ser útil.
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Documentação do Consentimento:
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Contratos de Relacionamento/Cena: Embora a validade jurídica de "contratos BDSM" seja discutível no Brasil (não podem afastar normas de ordem pública), eles servem como forte evidência da intenção das partes, da negociação detalhada de limites e do consentimento informado. Devem ser claros, datados, assinados e, idealmente, reconhecidos em cartório (para prova de data e autenticidade das assinaturas).
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Registros Audiovisuais: Gravar (com consentimento explícito para a gravação) discussões sobre consentimento e limites antes das cenas pode ser uma prova poderosa. Gravar as próprias cenas é mais complexo devido a questões de privacidade e potencial uso indevido, mas pode ser considerado em casos específicos, sempre com consentimento mútuo documentado para a gravação.
Importante: a gravação deve ser com ciência da outra parte, para não configurar violação da intimidade (art. 5º, X, da Constituição Federal e art. 20 do Código Civil).
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Testemunhas: Em alguns contextos de comunidade BDSM, a presença de terceiros de confiança durante negociações ou mesmo cenas pode servir como testemunho, embora isso possa alterar a dinâmica íntima do casal.
- Estabelecimento Claro de Limites e Palavras de Segurança: Definir e respeitar rigorosamente os limites (o que é permitido, o que é proibido) e as palavras de segurança é fundamental. O desrespeito a uma palavra de segurança encerra o consentimento para aquele ato.
- Avaliação Contínua do Consentimento: O consentimento não é um cheque em branco; ele deve ser entusiástico, contínuo e revogável a qualquer momento. Verificar o bem-estar do parceiro durante a cena ("check-ins") é essencial.
- Discrição e Cuidado com Evidências Físicas: Ser discreto sobre a natureza do relacionamento pode evitar mal-entendidos externos. Após cenas que deixem marcas, é prudente que ambos os parceiros estejam cientes e de acordo, talvez documentando por fotos (com data) e uma nota sobre a consensualidade da prática que as gerou.
- Aconselhamento Jurídico Preventivo: Consultar um advogado especializado em direito de família e criminal, com sensibilidade para dinâmicas de relacionamento alternativas, pode fornecer orientação personalizada sobre as melhores formas de documentar o consentimento e entender os riscos legais específicos.
Observações Importantes
- Nenhuma documentação substitui a necessidade de consentimento real, livre, informado e contínuo.
- A lei brasileira protege a "integridade física" e a "dignidade humana". Práticas que resultem em lesões graves ou que violem a dignidade de forma não consentida (ou com consentimento viciado) serão ilegais, independentemente de qualquer acordo prévio.
- Em caso de acusação, a existência de documentação robusta de consentimento não garante a absolvição, mas fortalece significativamente a defesa, ajudando a demonstrar a natureza consensual da relação e das práticas.
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A alegação de coação futura é particularmente difícil de prevenir apenas com documentos. Um histórico consistente de comunicação aberta (whatsapp/telegram/e-mails), respeito mútuo e ausência de dependência ou controle excessivo na relação pode ajudar a contextualizar a dinâmica como não coercitiva.
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Cuidado com Marcas Visíveis e Lesões Graves Práticas que resultam em hematomas severos ou lesões podem ser interpretadas como agressão, mesmo que consentidas. Evitar excessos protege não apenas a integridade física, mas também evita questionamentos legais futuros.
O que vem a ser consentimento viciado
No Direito, consentimento viciado é quando a pessoa concorda com algo, mas a vontade dela não é livre ou plena — ou seja, o consentimento existe formalmente, mas é defeituoso por alguma razão.
O Código Civil brasileiro (art. 138 a 165) define várias formas de vício de consentimento. As principais são:
Erro: A pessoa se engana sobre o que está consentindo. (Ex.: A pessoa acredita que vai participar de um jogo leve, mas na verdade é exposta a práticas pesadas.)
Dolo: A pessoa é enganada propositalmente para aceitar algo. (Ex.: Alguém mente sobre o que vai acontecer durante a prática.)
Coação: A pessoa é forçada ou ameaçada a consentir. (Ex.: "Se você não aceitar, eu termino com você" — pressão emocional forte pode ser vista como coação.)
Estado de perigo ou lesão: A pessoa aceita algo em situação de necessidade extrema ou abuso de sua vulnerabilidade. (Ex.: Alguém em situação emocional muito fragilizada é induzida a aceitar práticas que normalmente recusaria.)
No contexto de BDSM, isso é ainda mais delicado: Mesmo que a pessoa tenha "assinado" um contrato ou dito "sim", se depois ela alegar que seu consentimento foi dado sob medo, engano ou pressão psicológica, o consentimento pode ser considerado viciado — e, portanto, juridicamente inválido.
Isso tem duas implicações sérias:
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O crime não se descaracteriza: Se houver vício, o consentimento é ignorado e a prática pode ser tratada como crime normal (lesão corporal, estupro, tortura, etc.).
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A prova do consentimento precisa ser sólida: Mostrando que a pessoa estava informada, lúcida, livre e sem qualquer tipo de coação.
Consentimento viciado é quando a pessoa concorda formalmente, mas de maneira enganada, forçada ou pressionada, tornando o consentimento inútil para efeitos jurídicos.
Conclusão
Casais que praticam BDSM consensual no Brasil navegam em um terreno que exige não apenas confiança mútua e comunicação excepcional, mas também uma consciência aguçada das complexidades legais e dos riscos de interpretações equivocadas ou acusações mal-intencionadas. Embora o BDSM seja uma expressão legítima da sexualidade humana, sua prática no Brasil exige responsabilidade redobrada. Ter provas claras de consentimento, manter a comunicação aberta e agir com prudência são formas eficazes de se proteger de falsas alegações e preservar a liberdade e a segurança de todos os envolvidos. Embora leis controversas como a Maria da Penha sejam "vitais" para a proteção contra a violência real, os praticantes de BDSM, e em particular os homens nesse contexto, devem adotar uma postura proativa e prudente para mitigar os riscos inerentes à potencial má interpretação ou instrumentalização dessas práticas e leis, garantindo que a expressão de sua consensualidade esteja resguardada na medida do possível.
Importante: No Brasil, mesmo com tudo isso, o Ministério Público pode denunciar por crime como lesão corporal grave, estupro ou tortura, independente de consentimento. Então a prudência nas práticas é fundamental.
Aviso Legal: Este artigo tem caráter meramente informativo e não constitui aconselhamento jurídico. As leis e interpretações podem mudar, e cada situação é única. Recomenda-se buscar orientação de um advogado qualificado para discutir casos específicos.
Se curtiu este artigo faça uma contribuição, se tiver algum ponto relevante para o artigo deixe seu comentário.
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@ 40b9c85f:5e61b451
2025-04-24 15:27:02Introduction
Data Vending Machines (DVMs) have emerged as a crucial component of the Nostr ecosystem, offering specialized computational services to clients across the network. As defined in NIP-90, DVMs operate on an apparently simple principle: "data in, data out." They provide a marketplace for data processing where users request specific jobs (like text translation, content recommendation, or AI text generation)
While DVMs have gained significant traction, the current specification faces challenges that hinder widespread adoption and consistent implementation. This article explores some ideas on how we can apply the reflection pattern, a well established approach in RPC systems, to address these challenges and improve the DVM ecosystem's clarity, consistency, and usability.
The Current State of DVMs: Challenges and Limitations
The NIP-90 specification provides a broad framework for DVMs, but this flexibility has led to several issues:
1. Inconsistent Implementation
As noted by hzrd149 in "DVMs were a mistake" every DVM implementation tends to expect inputs in slightly different formats, even while ostensibly following the same specification. For example, a translation request DVM might expect an event ID in one particular format, while an LLM service could expect a "prompt" input that's not even specified in NIP-90.
2. Fragmented Specifications
The DVM specification reserves a range of event kinds (5000-6000), each meant for different types of computational jobs. While creating sub-specifications for each job type is being explored as a possible solution for clarity, in a decentralized and permissionless landscape like Nostr, relying solely on specification enforcement won't be effective for creating a healthy ecosystem. A more comprehensible approach is needed that works with, rather than against, the open nature of the protocol.
3. Ambiguous API Interfaces
There's no standardized way for clients to discover what parameters a specific DVM accepts, which are required versus optional, or what output format to expect. This creates uncertainty and forces developers to rely on documentation outside the protocol itself, if such documentation exists at all.
The Reflection Pattern: A Solution from RPC Systems
The reflection pattern in RPC systems offers a compelling solution to many of these challenges. At its core, reflection enables servers to provide metadata about their available services, methods, and data types at runtime, allowing clients to dynamically discover and interact with the server's API.
In established RPC frameworks like gRPC, reflection serves as a self-describing mechanism where services expose their interface definitions and requirements. In MCP reflection is used to expose the capabilities of the server, such as tools, resources, and prompts. Clients can learn about available capabilities without prior knowledge, and systems can adapt to changes without requiring rebuilds or redeployments. This standardized introspection creates a unified way to query service metadata, making tools like
grpcurl
possible without requiring precompiled stubs.How Reflection Could Transform the DVM Specification
By incorporating reflection principles into the DVM specification, we could create a more coherent and predictable ecosystem. DVMs already implement some sort of reflection through the use of 'nip90params', which allow clients to discover some parameters, constraints, and features of the DVMs, such as whether they accept encryption, nutzaps, etc. However, this approach could be expanded to provide more comprehensive self-description capabilities.
1. Defined Lifecycle Phases
Similar to the Model Context Protocol (MCP), DVMs could benefit from a clear lifecycle consisting of an initialization phase and an operation phase. During initialization, the client and DVM would negotiate capabilities and exchange metadata, with the DVM providing a JSON schema containing its input requirements. nip-89 (or other) announcements can be used to bootstrap the discovery and negotiation process by providing the input schema directly. Then, during the operation phase, the client would interact with the DVM according to the negotiated schema and parameters.
2. Schema-Based Interactions
Rather than relying on rigid specifications for each job type, DVMs could self-advertise their schemas. This would allow clients to understand which parameters are required versus optional, what type validation should occur for inputs, what output formats to expect, and what payment flows are supported. By internalizing the input schema of the DVMs they wish to consume, clients gain clarity on how to interact effectively.
3. Capability Negotiation
Capability negotiation would enable DVMs to advertise their supported features, such as encryption methods, payment options, or specialized functionalities. This would allow clients to adjust their interaction approach based on the specific capabilities of each DVM they encounter.
Implementation Approach
While building DVMCP, I realized that the RPC reflection pattern used there could be beneficial for constructing DVMs in general. Since DVMs already follow an RPC style for their operation, and reflection is a natural extension of this approach, it could significantly enhance and clarify the DVM specification.
A reflection enhanced DVM protocol could work as follows: 1. Discovery: Clients discover DVMs through existing NIP-89 application handlers, input schemas could also be advertised in nip-89 announcements, making the second step unnecessary. 2. Schema Request: Clients request the DVM's input schema for the specific job type they're interested in 3. Validation: Clients validate their request against the provided schema before submission 4. Operation: The job proceeds through the standard NIP-90 flow, but with clearer expectations on both sides
Parallels with Other Protocols
This approach has proven successful in other contexts. The Model Context Protocol (MCP) implements a similar lifecycle with capability negotiation during initialization, allowing any client to communicate with any server as long as they adhere to the base protocol. MCP and DVM protocols share fundamental similarities, both aim to expose and consume computational resources through a JSON-RPC-like interface, albeit with specific differences.
gRPC's reflection service similarly allows clients to discover service definitions at runtime, enabling generic tools to work with any gRPC service without prior knowledge. In the REST API world, OpenAPI/Swagger specifications document interfaces in a way that makes them discoverable and testable.
DVMs would benefit from adopting these patterns while maintaining the decentralized, permissionless nature of Nostr.
Conclusion
I am not attempting to rewrite the DVM specification; rather, explore some ideas that could help the ecosystem improve incrementally, reducing fragmentation and making the ecosystem more comprehensible. By allowing DVMs to self describe their interfaces, we could maintain the flexibility that makes Nostr powerful while providing the structure needed for interoperability.
For developers building DVM clients or libraries, this approach would simplify consumption by providing clear expectations about inputs and outputs. For DVM operators, it would establish a standard way to communicate their service's requirements without relying on external documentation.
I am currently developing DVMCP following these patterns. Of course, DVMs and MCP servers have different details; MCP includes capabilities such as tools, resources, and prompts on the server side, as well as 'roots' and 'sampling' on the client side, creating a bidirectional way to consume capabilities. In contrast, DVMs typically function similarly to MCP tools, where you call a DVM with an input and receive an output, with each job type representing a different categorization of the work performed.
Without further ado, I hope this article has provided some insight into the potential benefits of applying the reflection pattern to the DVM specification.
-
@ 3ffac3a6:2d656657
2025-04-23 01:57:57🔧 Infrastructure Overview
- Hardware: Raspberry Pi 5 with PCIe NVMe HAT and 2TB NVMe SSD
- Filesystem: ZFS with separate datasets for each service
- Networking: Docker bridge networks for service segmentation
- Privacy: Tor and I2P routing for anonymous communication
- Public Access: Cloudflare Tunnel to securely expose LNbits
📊 Architecture Diagram
🛠️ Setup Steps
1. Prepare the System
- Install Raspberry Pi OS (64-bit)
- Set up ZFS on the NVMe disk
- Create a ZFS dataset for each service (e.g.,
bitcoin
,lnd
,rtl
,lnbits
,tor-data
) - Install Docker and Docker Compose
2. Create Shared Docker Network and Privacy Layers
Create a shared Docker bridge network:
bash docker network create \ --driver=bridge \ --subnet=192.168.100.0/24 \ bitcoin-net
Note: Connect
bitcoind
,lnd
,rtl
, internallnbits
,tor
, andi2p
to thisbitcoin-net
network.Tor
- Run Tor in a container
- Configure it to expose LND's gRPC and REST ports via hidden services:
HiddenServicePort 10009 192.168.100.31:10009 HiddenServicePort 8080 192.168.100.31:8080
- Set correct permissions:
bash sudo chown -R 102:102 /zfs/datasets/tor-data
I2P
- Run I2P in a container with SAM and SOCKS proxies
- Update
bitcoin.conf
:i2psam=192.168.100.20:7656 i2pacceptincoming=1
3. Set Up Bitcoin Core
- Create a
bitcoin.conf
with Tor/I2P/proxy settings and ZMQ enabled - Sync the blockchain in a container using its ZFS dataset
4. Set Up LND
- Configure
lnd.conf
to connect tobitcoind
and use Tor: ```ini [Bitcoind] bitcoind.rpchost=bitcoin:8332 bitcoind.rpcuser=bitcoin bitcoind.rpcpass=very-hard-password bitcoind.zmqpubrawblock=tcp://bitcoin:28332 bitcoind.zmqpubrawtx=tcp://bitcoin:28333
[Application Options] externalip=xxxxxxxx.onion
`` - Don’t expose gRPC or REST ports publicly - Mount the ZFS dataset at
/root/.lnd` - Optionally enable Watchtower5. Set Up RTL
- Mount
RTL-Config.json
and data volumes - Expose RTL's web interface locally:
```yaml
ports:
- "3000:3000" ```
6. Set Up Internal LNbits
- Connect the LNbits container to
bitcoin-net
- Mount the data directory and LND cert/macaroons (read-only)
- Expose the LNbits UI on the local network:
```yaml
ports:
- "5000:5000" ```
- In the web UI, configure the funding source to point to the LND REST
.onion
address and paste the hex macaroon - Create and fund a wallet, and copy its Admin Key for external use
7. Set Up External LNbits + Cloudflare Tunnel
- Run another LNbits container on a separate Docker network
- Access the internal LNbits via the host IP and port 5000
- Use the Admin Key from the internal wallet to configure funding
- In the Cloudflare Zero Trust dashboard:
- Create a tunnel
- Select Docker, copy the
--token
command - Add to Docker Compose:
yaml command: tunnel --no-autoupdate run --token eyJ...your_token...
💾 Backup Strategy
- Bitcoin Core: hourly ZFS snapshots, retained for 6 hours
- Other Services: hourly snapshots with remote
.tar.gz
backups - Retention: 7d hourly, 30d daily, 12mo weekly, monthly forever
- Back up ZFS snapshots to avoid inconsistencies
🔐 Security Isolation Benefits
This architecture isolates services by scope and function:
- Internal traffic stays on
bitcoin-net
- Sensitive APIs (gRPC, REST) are reachable only via Tor
- Public access is controlled by Cloudflare Tunnel
Extra Security: Host the public LNbits on a separate machine (e.g., hardened VPS) with strict firewall rules:
- Allow only Cloudflare egress
- Allow ingress from your local IP
- Allow outbound access to internal LNbits (port 5000)
Use WireGuard VPN to secure the connection between external and internal LNbits:
- Ensures encrypted communication
- Restricts access to authenticated VPN peers
- Keeps the internal interface isolated from the public internet
✅ Final Notes
- Internal services communicate over
bitcoin-net
- LND interfaces are accessed via Tor only
- LNbits and RTL UIs are locally accessible
- Cloudflare Tunnel secures external access to LNbits
Monitor system health using
monit
,watchtower
, or Prometheus.Create all configuration files manually (
bitcoin.conf
,lnd.conf
,RTL-Config.json
), and keep credentials secure. Test every component locally before exposing it externally.⚡
-
@ a95c6243:d345522c
2025-03-04 09:40:50Die «Eliten» führen bereits groß angelegte Pilotprojekte für eine Zukunft durch, die sie wollen und wir nicht. Das schreibt der OffGuardian in einem Update zum Thema «EU-Brieftasche für die digitale Identität». Das Portal weist darauf hin, dass die Akteure dabei nicht gerade zimperlich vorgehen und auch keinen Hehl aus ihren Absichten machen. Transition News hat mehrfach darüber berichtet, zuletzt hier und hier.
Mit der EU Digital Identity Wallet (EUDI-Brieftasche) sei eine einzige von der Regierung herausgegebene App geplant, die Ihre medizinischen Daten, Beschäftigungsdaten, Reisedaten, Bildungsdaten, Impfdaten, Steuerdaten, Finanzdaten sowie (potenziell) Kopien Ihrer Unterschrift, Fingerabdrücke, Gesichtsscans, Stimmproben und DNA enthält. So fasst der OffGuardian die eindrucksvolle Liste möglicher Einsatzbereiche zusammen.
Auch Dokumente wie der Personalausweis oder der Führerschein können dort in elektronischer Form gespeichert werden. Bis 2026 sind alle EU-Mitgliedstaaten dazu verpflichtet, Ihren Bürgern funktionierende und frei verfügbare digitale «Brieftaschen» bereitzustellen.
Die Menschen würden diese App nutzen, so das Portal, um Zahlungen vorzunehmen, Kredite zu beantragen, ihre Steuern zu zahlen, ihre Rezepte abzuholen, internationale Grenzen zu überschreiten, Unternehmen zu gründen, Arzttermine zu buchen, sich um Stellen zu bewerben und sogar digitale Verträge online zu unterzeichnen.
All diese Daten würden auf ihrem Mobiltelefon gespeichert und mit den Regierungen von neunzehn Ländern (plus der Ukraine) sowie über 140 anderen öffentlichen und privaten Partnern ausgetauscht. Von der Deutschen Bank über das ukrainische Ministerium für digitalen Fortschritt bis hin zu Samsung Europe. Unternehmen und Behörden würden auf diese Daten im Backend zugreifen, um «automatisierte Hintergrundprüfungen» durchzuführen.
Der Bundesverband der Verbraucherzentralen und Verbraucherverbände (VZBV) habe Bedenken geäußert, dass eine solche App «Risiken für den Schutz der Privatsphäre und der Daten» berge, berichtet das Portal. Die einzige Antwort darauf laute: «Richtig, genau dafür ist sie ja da!»
Das alles sei keine Hypothese, betont der OffGuardian. Es sei vielmehr «Potential». Damit ist ein EU-Projekt gemeint, in dessen Rahmen Dutzende öffentliche und private Einrichtungen zusammenarbeiten, «um eine einheitliche Vision der digitalen Identität für die Bürger der europäischen Länder zu definieren». Dies ist nur eines der groß angelegten Pilotprojekte, mit denen Prototypen und Anwendungsfälle für die EUDI-Wallet getestet werden. Es gibt noch mindestens drei weitere.
Den Ball der digitalen ID-Systeme habe die Covid-«Pandemie» über die «Impfpässe» ins Rollen gebracht. Seitdem habe das Thema an Schwung verloren. Je näher wir aber der vollständigen Einführung der EUid kämen, desto mehr Propaganda der Art «Warum wir eine digitale Brieftasche brauchen» könnten wir in den Mainstream-Medien erwarten, prognostiziert der OffGuardian. Vielleicht müssten wir schon nach dem nächsten großen «Grund», dem nächsten «katastrophalen katalytischen Ereignis» Ausschau halten. Vermutlich gebe es bereits Pläne, warum die Menschen plötzlich eine digitale ID-Brieftasche brauchen würden.
Die Entwicklung geht jedenfalls stetig weiter in genau diese Richtung. Beispielsweise hat Jordanien angekündigt, die digitale biometrische ID bei den nächsten Wahlen zur Verifizierung der Wähler einzuführen. Man wolle «den Papierkrieg beenden und sicherstellen, dass die gesamte Kette bis zu den nächsten Parlamentswahlen digitalisiert wird», heißt es. Absehbar ist, dass dabei einige Wahlberechtigte «auf der Strecke bleiben» werden, wie im Fall von Albanien geschehen.
Derweil würden die Briten gerne ihre Privatsphäre gegen Effizienz eintauschen, behauptet Tony Blair. Der Ex-Premier drängte kürzlich erneut auf digitale Identitäten und Gesichtserkennung. Blair ist Gründer einer Denkfabrik für globalen Wandel, Anhänger globalistischer Technokratie und «moderner Infrastruktur».
Abschließend warnt der OffGuardian vor der Illusion, Trump und Musk würden den US-Bürgern «diesen Schlamassel ersparen». Das Department of Government Efficiency werde sich auf die digitale Identität stürzen. Was könne schließlich «effizienter» sein als eine einzige App, die für alles verwendet wird? Der Unterschied bestehe nur darin, dass die US-Version vielleicht eher privat als öffentlich sei – sofern es da überhaupt noch einen wirklichen Unterschied gebe.
[Titelbild: Screenshot OffGuardian]
Dieser Beitrag ist zuerst auf Transition News erschienen.
-
@ a95c6243:d345522c
2025-03-01 10:39:35Ständige Lügen und Unterstellungen, permanent falsche Fürsorge \ können Bausteine von emotionaler Manipulation sein. Mit dem Zweck, \ Macht und Kontrolle über eine andere Person auszuüben. \ Apotheken Umschau
Irgendetwas muss passiert sein: «Gaslighting» ist gerade Thema in vielen Medien. Heute bin ich nach längerer Zeit mal wieder über dieses Stichwort gestolpert. Das war in einem Artikel von Norbert Häring über Manipulationen des Deutschen Wetterdienstes (DWD). In diesem Fall ging es um eine Pressemitteilung vom Donnerstag zum «viel zu warmen» Winter 2024/25.
Häring wirft der Behörde vor, dreist zu lügen und Dinge auszulassen, um die Klimaangst wach zu halten. Was der Leser beim DWD nicht erfahre, sei, dass dieser Winter kälter als die drei vorangegangenen und kälter als der Durchschnitt der letzten zehn Jahre gewesen sei. Stattdessen werde der falsche Eindruck vermittelt, es würde ungebremst immer wärmer.
Wem also der zu Ende gehende Winter eher kalt vorgekommen sein sollte, mit dessen Empfinden stimme wohl etwas nicht. Das jedenfalls wolle der DWD uns einreden, so der Wirtschaftsjournalist. Und damit sind wir beim Thema Gaslighting.
Als Gaslighting wird eine Form psychischer Manipulation bezeichnet, mit der die Opfer desorientiert und zutiefst verunsichert werden, indem ihre eigene Wahrnehmung als falsch bezeichnet wird. Der Prozess führt zu Angst und Realitätsverzerrung sowie zur Zerstörung des Selbstbewusstseins. Die Bezeichnung kommt von dem britischen Theaterstück «Gas Light» aus dem Jahr 1938, in dem ein Mann mit grausamen Psychotricks seine Frau in den Wahnsinn treibt.
Damit Gaslighting funktioniert, muss das Opfer dem Täter vertrauen. Oft wird solcher Psychoterror daher im privaten oder familiären Umfeld beschrieben, ebenso wie am Arbeitsplatz. Jedoch eignen sich die Prinzipien auch perfekt zur Manipulation der Massen. Vermeintliche Autoritäten wie Ärzte und Wissenschaftler, oder «der fürsorgliche Staat» und Institutionen wie die UNO oder die WHO wollen uns doch nichts Böses. Auch Staatsmedien, Faktenchecker und diverse NGOs wurden zu «vertrauenswürdigen Quellen» erklärt. Das hat seine Wirkung.
Warum das Thema Gaslighting derzeit scheinbar so populär ist, vermag ich nicht zu sagen. Es sind aber gerade in den letzten Tagen und Wochen auffällig viele Artikel dazu erschienen, und zwar nicht nur von Psychologen. Die Frankfurter Rundschau hat gleich mehrere publiziert, und Anwälte interessieren sich dafür offenbar genauso wie Apotheker.
Die Apotheken Umschau machte sogar auf «Medical Gaslighting» aufmerksam. Davon spreche man, wenn Mediziner Symptome nicht ernst nähmen oder wenn ein gesundheitliches Problem vom behandelnden Arzt «schnöde heruntergespielt» oder abgetan würde. Kommt Ihnen das auch irgendwie bekannt vor? Der Begriff sei allerdings irreführend, da er eine manipulierende Absicht unterstellt, die «nicht gewährleistet» sei.
Apropos Gaslighting: Die noch amtierende deutsche Bundesregierung meldete heute, es gelte, «weiter [sic!] gemeinsam daran zu arbeiten, einen gerechten und dauerhaften Frieden für die Ukraine zu erreichen». Die Ukraine, wo sich am Montag «der völkerrechtswidrige Angriffskrieg zum dritten Mal jährte», verteidige ihr Land und «unsere gemeinsamen Werte».
Merken Sie etwas? Das Demokratieverständnis mag ja tatsächlich inzwischen in beiden Ländern ähnlich traurig sein. Bezüglich Friedensbemühungen ist meine Wahrnehmung jedoch eine andere. Das muss an meinem Gedächtnis liegen.
Dieser Beitrag ist zuerst auf Transition News erschienen.
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@ 4ba8e86d:89d32de4
2025-04-21 02:13:56Tutorial feito por nostr:nostr:npub1rc56x0ek0dd303eph523g3chm0wmrs5wdk6vs0ehd0m5fn8t7y4sqra3tk poste original abaixo:
Parte 1 : http://xh6liiypqffzwnu5734ucwps37tn2g6npthvugz3gdoqpikujju525yd.onion/263585/tutorial-debloat-de-celulares-android-via-adb-parte-1
Parte 2 : http://xh6liiypqffzwnu5734ucwps37tn2g6npthvugz3gdoqpikujju525yd.onion/index.php/263586/tutorial-debloat-de-celulares-android-via-adb-parte-2
Quando o assunto é privacidade em celulares, uma das medidas comumente mencionadas é a remoção de bloatwares do dispositivo, também chamado de debloat. O meio mais eficiente para isso sem dúvidas é a troca de sistema operacional. Custom Rom’s como LineageOS, GrapheneOS, Iodé, CalyxOS, etc, já são bastante enxutos nesse quesito, principalmente quanto não é instalado os G-Apps com o sistema. No entanto, essa prática pode acabar resultando em problemas indesejados como a perca de funções do dispositivo, e até mesmo incompatibilidade com apps bancários, tornando este método mais atrativo para quem possui mais de um dispositivo e separando um apenas para privacidade. Pensando nisso, pessoas que possuem apenas um único dispositivo móvel, que são necessitadas desses apps ou funções, mas, ao mesmo tempo, tem essa visão em prol da privacidade, buscam por um meio-termo entre manter a Stock rom, e não ter seus dados coletados por esses bloatwares. Felizmente, a remoção de bloatwares é possível e pode ser realizada via root, ou mais da maneira que este artigo irá tratar, via adb.
O que são bloatwares?
Bloatware é a junção das palavras bloat (inchar) + software (programa), ou seja, um bloatware é basicamente um programa inútil ou facilmente substituível — colocado em seu dispositivo previamente pela fabricante e operadora — que está no seu dispositivo apenas ocupando espaço de armazenamento, consumindo memória RAM e pior, coletando seus dados e enviando para servidores externos, além de serem mais pontos de vulnerabilidades.
O que é o adb?
O Android Debug Brigde, ou apenas adb, é uma ferramenta que se utiliza das permissões de usuário shell e permite o envio de comandos vindo de um computador para um dispositivo Android exigindo apenas que a depuração USB esteja ativa, mas também pode ser usada diretamente no celular a partir do Android 11, com o uso do Termux e a depuração sem fio (ou depuração wifi). A ferramenta funciona normalmente em dispositivos sem root, e também funciona caso o celular esteja em Recovery Mode.
Requisitos:
Para computadores:
• Depuração USB ativa no celular; • Computador com adb; • Cabo USB;
Para celulares:
• Depuração sem fio (ou depuração wifi) ativa no celular; • Termux; • Android 11 ou superior;
Para ambos:
• Firewall NetGuard instalado e configurado no celular; • Lista de bloatwares para seu dispositivo;
Ativação de depuração:
Para ativar a Depuração USB em seu dispositivo, pesquise como ativar as opções de desenvolvedor de seu dispositivo, e lá ative a depuração. No caso da depuração sem fio, sua ativação irá ser necessária apenas no momento que for conectar o dispositivo ao Termux.
Instalação e configuração do NetGuard
O NetGuard pode ser instalado através da própria Google Play Store, mas de preferência instale pela F-Droid ou Github para evitar telemetria.
F-Droid: https://f-droid.org/packages/eu.faircode.netguard/
Github: https://github.com/M66B/NetGuard/releases
Após instalado, configure da seguinte maneira:
Configurações → padrões (lista branca/negra) → ative as 3 primeiras opções (bloquear wifi, bloquear dados móveis e aplicar regras ‘quando tela estiver ligada’);
Configurações → opções avançadas → ative as duas primeiras (administrar aplicativos do sistema e registrar acesso a internet);
Com isso, todos os apps estarão sendo bloqueados de acessar a internet, seja por wifi ou dados móveis, e na página principal do app basta permitir o acesso a rede para os apps que você vai usar (se necessário). Permita que o app rode em segundo plano sem restrição da otimização de bateria, assim quando o celular ligar, ele já estará ativo.
Lista de bloatwares
Nem todos os bloatwares são genéricos, haverá bloatwares diferentes conforme a marca, modelo, versão do Android, e até mesmo região.
Para obter uma lista de bloatwares de seu dispositivo, caso seu aparelho já possua um tempo de existência, você encontrará listas prontas facilmente apenas pesquisando por elas. Supondo que temos um Samsung Galaxy Note 10 Plus em mãos, basta pesquisar em seu motor de busca por:
Samsung Galaxy Note 10 Plus bloatware list
Provavelmente essas listas já terão inclusas todos os bloatwares das mais diversas regiões, lhe poupando o trabalho de buscar por alguma lista mais específica.
Caso seu aparelho seja muito recente, e/ou não encontre uma lista pronta de bloatwares, devo dizer que você acaba de pegar em merda, pois é chato para um caralho pesquisar por cada aplicação para saber sua função, se é essencial para o sistema ou se é facilmente substituível.
De antemão já aviso, que mais para frente, caso vossa gostosura remova um desses aplicativos que era essencial para o sistema sem saber, vai acabar resultando na perda de alguma função importante, ou pior, ao reiniciar o aparelho o sistema pode estar quebrado, lhe obrigando a seguir com uma formatação, e repetir todo o processo novamente.
Download do adb em computadores
Para usar a ferramenta do adb em computadores, basta baixar o pacote chamado SDK platform-tools, disponível através deste link: https://developer.android.com/tools/releases/platform-tools. Por ele, você consegue o download para Windows, Mac e Linux.
Uma vez baixado, basta extrair o arquivo zipado, contendo dentro dele uma pasta chamada platform-tools que basta ser aberta no terminal para se usar o adb.
Download do adb em celulares com Termux.
Para usar a ferramenta do adb diretamente no celular, antes temos que baixar o app Termux, que é um emulador de terminal linux, e já possui o adb em seu repositório. Você encontra o app na Google Play Store, mas novamente recomendo baixar pela F-Droid ou diretamente no Github do projeto.
F-Droid: https://f-droid.org/en/packages/com.termux/
Github: https://github.com/termux/termux-app/releases
Processo de debloat
Antes de iniciarmos, é importante deixar claro que não é para você sair removendo todos os bloatwares de cara sem mais nem menos, afinal alguns deles precisam antes ser substituídos, podem ser essenciais para você para alguma atividade ou função, ou até mesmo são insubstituíveis.
Alguns exemplos de bloatwares que a substituição é necessária antes da remoção, é o Launcher, afinal, é a interface gráfica do sistema, e o teclado, que sem ele só é possível digitar com teclado externo. O Launcher e teclado podem ser substituídos por quaisquer outros, minha recomendação pessoal é por aqueles que respeitam sua privacidade, como Pie Launcher e Simple Laucher, enquanto o teclado pelo OpenBoard e FlorisBoard, todos open-source e disponíveis da F-Droid.
Identifique entre a lista de bloatwares, quais você gosta, precisa ou prefere não substituir, de maneira alguma você é obrigado a remover todos os bloatwares possíveis, modifique seu sistema a seu bel-prazer. O NetGuard lista todos os apps do celular com o nome do pacote, com isso você pode filtrar bem qual deles não remover.
Um exemplo claro de bloatware insubstituível e, portanto, não pode ser removido, é o com.android.mtp, um protocolo onde sua função é auxiliar a comunicação do dispositivo com um computador via USB, mas por algum motivo, tem acesso a rede e se comunica frequentemente com servidores externos. Para esses casos, e melhor solução mesmo é bloquear o acesso a rede desses bloatwares com o NetGuard.
MTP tentando comunicação com servidores externos:
Executando o adb shell
No computador
Faça backup de todos os seus arquivos importantes para algum armazenamento externo, e formate seu celular com o hard reset. Após a formatação, e a ativação da depuração USB, conecte seu aparelho e o pc com o auxílio de um cabo USB. Muito provavelmente seu dispositivo irá apenas começar a carregar, por isso permita a transferência de dados, para que o computador consiga se comunicar normalmente com o celular.
Já no pc, abra a pasta platform-tools dentro do terminal, e execute o seguinte comando:
./adb start-server
O resultado deve ser:
daemon not running; starting now at tcp:5037 daemon started successfully
E caso não apareça nada, execute:
./adb kill-server
E inicie novamente.
Com o adb conectado ao celular, execute:
./adb shell
Para poder executar comandos diretamente para o dispositivo. No meu caso, meu celular é um Redmi Note 8 Pro, codinome Begonia.
Logo o resultado deve ser:
begonia:/ $
Caso ocorra algum erro do tipo:
adb: device unauthorized. This adb server’s $ADB_VENDOR_KEYS is not set Try ‘adb kill-server’ if that seems wrong. Otherwise check for a confirmation dialog on your device.
Verifique no celular se apareceu alguma confirmação para autorizar a depuração USB, caso sim, autorize e tente novamente. Caso não apareça nada, execute o kill-server e repita o processo.
No celular
Após realizar o mesmo processo de backup e hard reset citado anteriormente, instale o Termux e, com ele iniciado, execute o comando:
pkg install android-tools
Quando surgir a mensagem “Do you want to continue? [Y/n]”, basta dar enter novamente que já aceita e finaliza a instalação
Agora, vá até as opções de desenvolvedor, e ative a depuração sem fio. Dentro das opções da depuração sem fio, terá uma opção de emparelhamento do dispositivo com um código, que irá informar para você um código em emparelhamento, com um endereço IP e porta, que será usado para a conexão com o Termux.
Para facilitar o processo, recomendo que abra tanto as configurações quanto o Termux ao mesmo tempo, e divida a tela com os dois app’s, como da maneira a seguir:
Para parear o Termux com o dispositivo, não é necessário digitar o ip informado, basta trocar por “localhost”, já a porta e o código de emparelhamento, deve ser digitado exatamente como informado. Execute:
adb pair localhost:porta CódigoDeEmparelhamento
De acordo com a imagem mostrada anteriormente, o comando ficaria “adb pair localhost:41255 757495”.
Com o dispositivo emparelhado com o Termux, agora basta conectar para conseguir executar os comandos, para isso execute:
adb connect localhost:porta
Obs: a porta que você deve informar neste comando não é a mesma informada com o código de emparelhamento, e sim a informada na tela principal da depuração sem fio.
Pronto! Termux e adb conectado com sucesso ao dispositivo, agora basta executar normalmente o adb shell:
adb shell
Remoção na prática Com o adb shell executado, você está pronto para remover os bloatwares. No meu caso, irei mostrar apenas a remoção de um app (Google Maps), já que o comando é o mesmo para qualquer outro, mudando apenas o nome do pacote.
Dentro do NetGuard, verificando as informações do Google Maps:
Podemos ver que mesmo fora de uso, e com a localização do dispositivo desativado, o app está tentando loucamente se comunicar com servidores externos, e informar sabe-se lá que peste. Mas sem novidades até aqui, o mais importante é que podemos ver que o nome do pacote do Google Maps é com.google.android.apps.maps, e para o remover do celular, basta executar:
pm uninstall –user 0 com.google.android.apps.maps
E pronto, bloatware removido! Agora basta repetir o processo para o resto dos bloatwares, trocando apenas o nome do pacote.
Para acelerar o processo, você pode já criar uma lista do bloco de notas com os comandos, e quando colar no terminal, irá executar um atrás do outro.
Exemplo de lista:
Caso a donzela tenha removido alguma coisa sem querer, também é possível recuperar o pacote com o comando:
cmd package install-existing nome.do.pacote
Pós-debloat
Após limpar o máximo possível o seu sistema, reinicie o aparelho, caso entre no como recovery e não seja possível dar reboot, significa que você removeu algum app “essencial” para o sistema, e terá que formatar o aparelho e repetir toda a remoção novamente, desta vez removendo poucos bloatwares de uma vez, e reiniciando o aparelho até descobrir qual deles não pode ser removido. Sim, dá trabalho… quem mandou querer privacidade?
Caso o aparelho reinicie normalmente após a remoção, parabéns, agora basta usar seu celular como bem entender! Mantenha o NetGuard sempre executando e os bloatwares que não foram possíveis remover não irão se comunicar com servidores externos, passe a usar apps open source da F-Droid e instale outros apps através da Aurora Store ao invés da Google Play Store.
Referências: Caso você seja um Australopithecus e tenha achado este guia difícil, eis uma videoaula (3:14:40) do Anderson do canal Ciberdef, realizando todo o processo: http://odysee.com/@zai:5/Como-remover-at%C3%A9-200-APLICATIVOS-que-colocam-a-sua-PRIVACIDADE-E-SEGURAN%C3%87A-em-risco.:4?lid=6d50f40314eee7e2f218536d9e5d300290931d23
Pdf’s do Anderson citados na videoaula: créditos ao anon6837264 http://eternalcbrzpicytj4zyguygpmkjlkddxob7tptlr25cdipe5svyqoqd.onion/file/3863a834d29285d397b73a4af6fb1bbe67c888d72d30/t-05e63192d02ffd.pdf
Processo de instalação do Termux e adb no celular: https://youtu.be/APolZrPHSms
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@ a95c6243:d345522c
2025-02-21 19:32:23Europa – das Ganze ist eine wunderbare Idee, \ aber das war der Kommunismus auch. \ Loriot
«Europa hat fertig», könnte man unken, und das wäre nicht einmal sehr verwegen. Mit solch einer Einschätzung stünden wir nicht alleine, denn die Stimmen in diese Richtung mehren sich. Der französische Präsident Emmanuel Macron warnte schon letztes Jahr davor, dass «unser Europa sterben könnte». Vermutlich hatte er dabei andere Gefahren im Kopf als jetzt der ungarische Ministerpräsident Viktor Orbán, der ein «baldiges Ende der EU» prognostizierte. Das Ergebnis könnte allerdings das gleiche sein.
Neben vordergründigen Themenbereichen wie Wirtschaft, Energie und Sicherheit ist das eigentliche Problem jedoch die obskure Mischung aus aufgegebener Souveränität und geschwollener Arroganz, mit der europäische Politiker:innende unterschiedlicher Couleur aufzutreten pflegen. Und das Tüpfelchen auf dem i ist die bröckelnde Legitimation politischer Institutionen dadurch, dass die Stimmen großer Teile der Bevölkerung seit Jahren auf vielfältige Weise ausgegrenzt werden.
Um «UnsereDemokratie» steht es schlecht. Dass seine Mandate immer schwächer werden, merkt natürlich auch unser «Führungspersonal». Entsprechend werden die Maßnahmen zur Gängelung, Überwachung und Manipulation der Bürger ständig verzweifelter. Parallel dazu plustern sich in Paris Macron, Scholz und einige andere noch einmal mächtig in Sachen Verteidigung und «Kriegstüchtigkeit» auf.
Momentan gilt es auch, das Überschwappen covidiotischer und verschwörungsideologischer Auswüchse aus den USA nach Europa zu vermeiden. So ein «MEGA» (Make Europe Great Again) können wir hier nicht gebrauchen. Aus den Vereinigten Staaten kommen nämlich furchtbare Nachrichten. Beispielsweise wurde einer der schärfsten Kritiker der Corona-Maßnahmen kürzlich zum Gesundheitsminister ernannt. Dieser setzt sich jetzt für eine Neubewertung der mRNA-«Impfstoffe» ein, was durchaus zu einem Entzug der Zulassungen führen könnte.
Der europäischen Version von «Verteidigung der Demokratie» setzte der US-Vizepräsident J. D. Vance auf der Münchner Sicherheitskonferenz sein Verständnis entgegen: «Demokratie stärken, indem wir unseren Bürgern erlauben, ihre Meinung zu sagen». Das Abschalten von Medien, das Annullieren von Wahlen oder das Ausschließen von Menschen vom politischen Prozess schütze gar nichts. Vielmehr sei dies der todsichere Weg, die Demokratie zu zerstören.
In der Schweiz kamen seine Worte deutlich besser an als in den meisten europäischen NATO-Ländern. Bundespräsidentin Karin Keller-Sutter lobte die Rede und interpretierte sie als «Plädoyer für die direkte Demokratie». Möglicherweise zeichne sich hier eine außenpolitische Kehrtwende in Richtung integraler Neutralität ab, meint mein Kollege Daniel Funk. Das wären doch endlich mal ein paar gute Nachrichten.
Von der einstigen Idee einer europäischen Union mit engeren Beziehungen zwischen den Staaten, um Konflikte zu vermeiden und das Wohlergehen der Bürger zu verbessern, sind wir meilenweit abgekommen. Der heutige korrupte Verbund unter technokratischer Leitung ähnelt mehr einem Selbstbedienungsladen mit sehr begrenztem Zugang. Die EU-Wahlen im letzten Sommer haben daran ebenso wenig geändert, wie die Bundestagswahl am kommenden Sonntag darauf einen Einfluss haben wird.
Dieser Beitrag ist zuerst auf Transition News erschienen.
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@ 4ba8e86d:89d32de4
2025-04-21 02:12:19SISTEMA OPERACIONAL MÓVEIS
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LineageOS : https://njump.me/nevent1qqsgw7sr36gaty48cf4snw0ezg5mg4atzhqayuge752esd469p26qfgpzdmhxue69uhhwmm59e6hg7r09ehkuef0qgsyh28gd5ke0ztdeyehc0jsq6gcj0tnzatjlkql3dqamkja38fjmeqrqsqqqqqpnvm779
SISTEMA OPERACIONAL DESKTOP
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PGP
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Por que eu escrevi PGP. - Philip Zimmermann.
https://njump.me/nevent1qqsvysn94gm8prxn3jw04r0xwc6sngkskg756z48jsyrmqssvxtm7ncpzamhxue69uhhyetvv9ujumn0wd68ytnzv9hxgtchzxnad
VPN
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I2P
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APLICATIVO 2FA
Aegis Authenticator : https://njump.me/nevent1qqsfttdwcn9equlrmtf9n6wee7lqntppzm03pzdcj4cdnxel3pz44zspz4mhxue69uhhyetvv9ujumn0wd68ytnzvuhsygzt4r5x6tvh39kujvmu8egqdyvf84e3w4e0mq0ckswamfwcn5eduspsgqqqqqqscvtydq
YubiKey : https://njump.me/nevent1qqstsnn69y4sf4330n7039zxm7wza3ch7sn6plhzmd57w6j9jssavtspvemhxue69uhkv6tvw3jhytnwdaehgu3wwa5kuef0dec82c330g6x6dm8ddmxzdne0pnhverevdkxxdm6wqc8v735w3snquejvsuk56pcvuurxaesxd68qdtkv3nrx6m6v3ehsctwvym8q0mzwfhkzerrv9ehg0t5wf6k2q3qfw5wsmfdj7ykmjfn0sl9qp533y7hx96h9lvplz6pmhd9mzwn9hjqxpqqqqqqzueyvgt
GERENCIADOR DE SENHAS
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E-MAIL-ALIÁS
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NAVEGADOR
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BUSCADORES
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APP-STORE
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RSS
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VIDEOO CONFERENCIA
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TECLADOS
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MAPAS
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TRADUÇÃO
LibreTranslate : https://njump.me/nevent1qqs953g3rhf0m8jh59204uskzz56em9xdrjkelv4wnkr07huk20442cpvemhxue69uhkv6tvw3jhytnwdaehgu3wwa5kuef0dec82c330g6x6dm8ddmxzdne0pnhverevdkxxdm6wqc8v735w3snquejvsuk56pcvuurxaesxd68qdtkv3nrx6m6v3ehsctwvym8q0mzwfhkzerrv9ehg0t5wf6k2q3qfw5wsmfdj7ykmjfn0sl9qp533y7hx96h9lvplz6pmhd9mzwn9hjqxpqqqqqqzeqsx40
REMOÇÃO DOS METADADOS
Scrambled Exif : https://njump.me/nevent1qqs2658t702xv66p000y4mlhnvadmdxwzzfzcjkjf7kedrclr3ej7aspyfmhxue69uhk6atvw35hqmr90pjhytngw4eh5mmwv4nhjtnhdaexcep0qgsyh28gd5ke0ztdeyehc0jsq6gcj0tnzatjlkql3dqamkja38fjmeqrqsqqqqqpguu0wh
ESTEGANOGRAFIA
PixelKnot: https://njump.me/nevent1qqsrh0yh9mg0lx86t5wcmhh97wm6n4v0radh6sd0554ugn354wqdj8gpz3mhxue69uhhyetvv9ujuerpd46hxtnfdupzqjagapkjm9ufdhynxlp72qrfrzfawvt4wt7cr795rhw6tkyaxt0yqvzqqqqqqyuvfqdp
PERFIL DE TRABALHO
Shelter : https://njump.me/nevent1qqspv9xxkmfp40cxgjuyfsyczndzmpnl83e7gugm7480mp9zhv50wkqpvemhxue69uhkv6tvw3jhytnwdaehgu3wwa5kuef0dec82c330g6x6dm8ddmxzdne0pnhverevdkxxdm6wqc8v735w3snquejvsuk56pcvuurxaesxd68qdtkv3nrx6m6v3ehsctwvym8q0mzwfhkzerrv9ehg0t5wf6k2q3qfw5wsmfdj7ykmjfn0sl9qp533y7hx96h9lvplz6pmhd9mzwn9hjqxpqqqqqqzdnu59c
PDF
MuPDF : https://njump.me/nevent1qqspn5lhe0dteys6npsrntmv2g470st8kh8p7hxxgmymqa95ejvxvfcpzpmhxue69uhkumewwd68ytnrwghsygzt4r5x6tvh39kujvmu8egqdyvf84e3w4e0mq0ckswamfwcn5eduspsgqqqqqqs4hvhvj
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QR-Code
Binary Eye : https://njump.me/nevent1qqsz4n0uxxx3q5m0r42n9key3hchtwyp73hgh8l958rtmae5u2khgpgpvemhxue69uhkv6tvw3jhytnwdaehgu3wwa5kuef0dec82c330g6x6dm8ddmxzdne0pnhverevdkxxdm6wqc8v735w3snquejvsuk56pcvuurxaesxd68qdtkv3nrx6m6v3ehsctwvym8q0mzwfhkzerrv9ehg0t5wf6k2q3qfw5wsmfdj7ykmjfn0sl9qp533y7hx96h9lvplz6pmhd9mzwn9hjqxpqqqqqqzdmn4wp
Climático
Breezy Weather : https://njump.me/nevent1qqs9hjz5cz0y4am3kj33xn536uq85ydva775eqrml52mtnnpe898rzspzamhxue69uhhyetvv9ujuurjd9kkzmpwdejhgtczyp9636rd9ktcjmwfxd7ru5qxjxyn6uch2uhas8utg8wa5hvf6vk7gqcyqqqqqqgpd3tu8
ENCRYPTS
Cryptomator : https://njump.me/nevent1qqsvchvnw779m20583llgg5nlu6ph5psewetlczfac5vgw83ydmfndspzpmhxue69uhkumewwd68ytnrwghsygzt4r5x6tvh39kujvmu8egqdyvf84e3w4e0mq0ckswamfwcn5eduspsgqqqqqqsx7ppw9
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EXTENSÕES
uBlock Origin : https://njump.me/nevent1qqswaa666lcj2c4nhnea8u4agjtu4l8q89xjln0yrngj7ssh72ntwzql8ssdj
Snowflake : https://njump.me/nevent1qqs0ws74zlt8uced3p2vee9td8x7vln2mkacp8szdufvs2ed94ctnwchce008
CLOUD
Nextcloud : https://njump.me/nevent1qqs2utg5z9htegdtrnllreuhypkk2026x8a0xdsmfczg9wdl8rgrcgg9nhgnm
NOTEPAD
Joplin : https://njump.me/nevent1qqsz2a0laecpelsznser3xd0jfa6ch2vpxtkx6vm6qg24e78xttpk0cpr4mhxue69uhkummnw3ezucnfw33k76twv4ezuum0vd5kzmp0qgsyh28gd5ke0ztdeyehc0jsq6gcj0tnzatjlkql3dqamkja38fjmeqrqsqqqqqpdu0hft
Standard Notes : https://njump.me/nevent1qqsv3596kz3qung5v23cjc4cpq7rqxg08y36rmzgcrvw5whtme83y3s7tng6r
MÚSICA
RiMusic : https://njump.me/nevent1qqsv3genqav2tfjllp86ust4umxm8tr2wd9kq8x7vrjq6ssp363mn0gpzamhxue69uhhyetvv9ujuurjd9kkzmpwdejhgtczyp9636rd9ktcjmwfxd7ru5qxjxyn6uch2uhas8utg8wa5hvf6vk7gqcyqqqqqqg42353n
ViMusic : https://njump.me/nevent1qqswx78559l4jsxsrygd8kj32sch4qu57stxq0z6twwl450vp39pdqqpvemhxue69uhkv6tvw3jhytnwdaehgu3wwa5kuef0dec82c330g6x6dm8ddmxzdne0pnhverevdkxxdm6wqc8v735w3snquejvsuk56pcvuurxaesxd68qdtkv3nrx6m6v3ehsctwvym8q0mzwfhkzerrv9ehg0t5wf6k2q3qfw5wsmfdj7ykmjfn0sl9qp533y7hx96h9lvplz6pmhd9mzwn9hjqxpqqqqqqzjg863j
PODCAST
AntennaPod : https://njump.me/nevent1qqsp4nh7k4a6zymfwqqdlxuz8ua6kdhvgeeh3uxf2c9rtp9u3e9ku8qnr8lmy
VISUALIZAR VIDEO
VLC : https://njump.me/nevent1qqs0lz56wtlr2eye4ajs2gzn2r0dscw4y66wezhx0mue6dffth8zugcl9laky
YOUTUBE
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FreeTube : https://njump.me/nevent1qqsz6y6z7ze5gs56s8seaws8v6m6j2zu0pxa955dhq3ythmexak38mcpz4mhxue69uhhyetvv9ujuerpd46hxtnfduhsygzt4r5x6tvh39kujvmu8egqdyvf84e3w4e0mq0ckswamfwcn5eduspsgqqqqqqs5lkjvv
LibreTube : https://snort.social/e/nevent1qqstmd5m6wrdvn4gxf8xyhrwnlyaxmr89c9kjddvnvux6603f84t3fqpz4mhxue69uhhyetvv9ujumt0wd68ytnsw43qygzt4r5x6tvh39kujvmu8egqdyvf84e3w4e0mq0ckswamfwcn5eduspsgqqqqqqsswwznc
COMPARTILHAMENTO DE ARQUIVOS
OnionShare : https://njump.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
Localsend : https://njump.me/nevent1qqsp8ldjhrxm09cvvcak20hrc0g8qju9f67pw7rxr2y3euyggw9284gpvemhxue69uhkv6tvw3jhytnwdaehgu3wwa5kuef0dec82c330g6x6dm8ddmxzdne0pnhverevdkxxdm6wqc8v735w3snquejvsuk56pcvuurxaesxd68qdtkv3nrx6m6v3ehsctwvym8q0mzwfhkzerrv9ehg0t5wf6k2q3qfw5wsmfdj7ykmjfn0sl9qp533y7hx96h9lvplz6pmhd9mzwn9hjqxpqqqqqqzuyghqr
Wallet Bitcoin
Ashigaru Wallet : https://njump.me/nevent1qqstx9fz8kf24wgl26un8usxwsqjvuec9f8q392llmga75tw0kfarfcpzamhxue69uhhyetvv9ujuurjd9kkzmpwdejhgtczyp9636rd9ktcjmwfxd7ru5qxjxyn6uch2uhas8utg8wa5hvf6vk7gqcyqqqqqqgvfsrqp
Samourai Wallet : https://njump.me/nevent1qqstcvjmz39rmrnrv7t5cl6p3x7pzj6jsspyh4s4vcwd2lugmre04ecpr9mhxue69uhkummnw3ezucn0denkymmwvuhxxmmd9upzqjagapkjm9ufdhynxlp72qrfrzfawvt4wt7cr795rhw6tkyaxt0yqvzqqqqqqy3rg4qs
CÂMERA
opencamera : https://njump.me/nevent1qqs25glp6dh0crrjutxrgdjlnx9gtqpjtrkg29hlf7382aeyjd77jlqpzpmhxue69uhkumewwd68ytnrwghsygzt4r5x6tvh39kujvmu8egqdyvf84e3w4e0mq0ckswamfwcn5eduspsgqqqqqqssxcvgc
OFFICE
Collabora Office : https://njump.me/nevent1qqs8yn4ys6adpmeu3edmf580jhc3wluvlf823cc4ft4h0uqmfzdf99qpz4mhxue69uhhyetvv9ujuerpd46hxtnfduhsygzt4r5x6tvh39kujvmu8egqdyvf84e3w4e0mq0ckswamfwcn5eduspsgqqqqqqsj40uss
TEXTOS
O manifesto de um Cypherpunk : https://njump.me/nevent1qqsd7hdlg6galn5mcuv3pm3ryfjxc4tkyph0cfqqe4du4dr4z8amqyspvemhxue69uhkv6tvw3jhytnwdaehgu3wwa5kuef0dec82c330g6x6dm8ddmxzdne0pnhverevdkxxdm6wqc8v735w3snquejvsuk56pcvuurxaesxd68qdtkv3nrx6m6v3ehsctwvym8q0mzwfhkzerrv9ehg0t5wf6k2q3qfw5wsmfdj7ykmjfn0sl9qp533y7hx96h9lvplz6pmhd9mzwn9hjqxpqqqqqqzal0efa
Operations security ( OPSEC) : https://snort.social/e/nevent1qqsp323havh3y9nxzd4qmm60hw87tm9gjns0mtzg8y309uf9mv85cqcpvemhxue69uhkv6tvw3jhytnwdaehgu3wwa5kuef0dec82c330g6x6dm8ddmxzdne0pnhverevdkxxdm6wqc8v735w3snquejvsuk56pcvuurxaesxd68qdtkv3nrx6m6v3ehsctwvym8q0mzwfhkzerrv9ehg0t5wf6k2q3qfw5wsmfdj7ykmjfn0sl9qp533y7hx96h9lvplz6pmhd9mzwn9hjqxpqqqqqqz8ej9l7
O MANIFESTO CRIPTOANARQUISTA Timothy C. May – 1992. : https://njump.me/nevent1qqspp480wtyx2zhtwpu5gptrl8duv9rvq3mug85mp4d54qzywk3zq9gpvemhxue69uhkv6tvw3jhytnwdaehgu3wwa5kuef0dec82c330g6x6dm8ddmxzdne0pnhverevdkxxdm6wqc8v735w3snquejvsuk56pcvuurxaesxd68qdtkv3nrx6m6v3ehsctwvym8q0mzwfhkzerrv9ehg0t5wf6k2q3qfw5wsmfdj7ykmjfn0sl9qp533y7hx96h9lvplz6pmhd9mzwn9hjqxpqqqqqqz5wq496
Declaração de independência do ciberespaço
- John Perry Barlow - 1996 : https://njump.me/nevent1qqs2njsy44n6p07mhgt2tnragvchasv386nf20ua5wklxqpttf6mzuqpzpmhxue69uhkummnw3ezumt0d5hsygzt4r5x6tvh39kujvmu8egqdyvf84e3w4e0mq0ckswamfwcn5eduspsgqqqqqqsukg4hr
The Cyphernomicon: Criptografia, Dinheiro Digital e o Futuro da Privacidade. escrito por Timothy C. May -Publicado em 1994. :
Livro completo em PDF no Github PrivacyOpenSource.
https://github.com/Alexemidio/PrivacyOpenSource/raw/main/Livros/THE%20CYPHERNOMICON%20.pdf Share
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@ a95c6243:d345522c
2025-02-19 09:23:17Die «moralische Weltordnung» – eine Art Astrologie. Friedrich Nietzsche
Das Treffen der BRICS-Staaten beim Gipfel im russischen Kasan war sicher nicht irgendein politisches Event. Gastgeber Wladimir Putin habe «Hof gehalten», sagen die Einen, China und Russland hätten ihre Vorstellung einer multipolaren Weltordnung zelebriert, schreiben Andere.
In jedem Fall zeigt die Anwesenheit von über 30 Delegationen aus der ganzen Welt, dass von einer geostrategischen Isolation Russlands wohl keine Rede sein kann. Darüber hinaus haben sowohl die Anreise von UN-Generalsekretär António Guterres als auch die Meldungen und Dementis bezüglich der Beitrittsbemühungen des NATO-Staats Türkei für etwas Aufsehen gesorgt.
Im Spannungsfeld geopolitischer und wirtschaftlicher Umbrüche zeigt die neue Allianz zunehmendes Selbstbewusstsein. In Sachen gemeinsamer Finanzpolitik schmiedet man interessante Pläne. Größere Unabhängigkeit von der US-dominierten Finanzordnung ist dabei ein wichtiges Ziel.
Beim BRICS-Wirtschaftsforum in Moskau, wenige Tage vor dem Gipfel, zählte ein nachhaltiges System für Finanzabrechnungen und Zahlungsdienste zu den vorrangigen Themen. Während dieses Treffens ging der russische Staatsfonds eine Partnerschaft mit dem Rechenzentrumsbetreiber BitRiver ein, um Bitcoin-Mining-Anlagen für die BRICS-Länder zu errichten.
Die Initiative könnte ein Schritt sein, Bitcoin und andere Kryptowährungen als Alternativen zu traditionellen Finanzsystemen zu etablieren. Das Projekt könnte dazu führen, dass die BRICS-Staaten den globalen Handel in Bitcoin abwickeln. Vor dem Hintergrund der Diskussionen über eine «BRICS-Währung» wäre dies eine Alternative zu dem ursprünglich angedachten Korb lokaler Währungen und zu goldgedeckten Währungen sowie eine mögliche Ergänzung zum Zahlungssystem BRICS Pay.
Dient der Bitcoin also der Entdollarisierung? Oder droht er inzwischen, zum Gegenstand geopolitischer Machtspielchen zu werden? Angesichts der globalen Vernetzungen ist es oft schwer zu durchschauen, «was eine Show ist und was im Hintergrund von anderen Strippenziehern insgeheim gesteuert wird». Sicher können Strukturen wie Bitcoin auch so genutzt werden, dass sie den Herrschenden dienlich sind. Aber die Grundeigenschaft des dezentralisierten, unzensierbaren Peer-to-Peer Zahlungsnetzwerks ist ihm schließlich nicht zu nehmen.
Wenn es nach der EZB oder dem IWF geht, dann scheint statt Instrumentalisierung momentan eher der Kampf gegen Kryptowährungen angesagt. Jürgen Schaaf, Senior Manager bei der Europäischen Zentralbank, hat jedenfalls dazu aufgerufen, Bitcoin «zu eliminieren». Der Internationale Währungsfonds forderte El Salvador, das Bitcoin 2021 als gesetzliches Zahlungsmittel eingeführt hat, kürzlich zu begrenzenden Maßnahmen gegen das Kryptogeld auf.
Dass die BRICS-Staaten ein freiheitliches Ansinnen im Kopf haben, wenn sie Kryptowährungen ins Spiel bringen, darf indes auch bezweifelt werden. Im Abschlussdokument bekennen sich die Gipfel-Teilnehmer ausdrücklich zur UN, ihren Programmen und ihrer «Agenda 2030». Ernst Wolff nennt das «eine Bankrotterklärung korrupter Politiker, die sich dem digital-finanziellen Komplex zu 100 Prozent unterwerfen».
Dieser Beitrag ist zuerst auf Transition News erschienen.
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@ a95c6243:d345522c
2025-02-15 19:05:38Auf der diesjährigen Münchner Sicherheitskonferenz geht es vor allem um die Ukraine. Protagonisten sind dabei zunächst die US-Amerikaner. Präsident Trump schockierte die Europäer kurz vorher durch ein Telefonat mit seinem Amtskollegen Wladimir Putin, während Vizepräsident Vance mit seiner Rede über Demokratie und Meinungsfreiheit für versteinerte Mienen und Empörung sorgte.
Die Bemühungen der Europäer um einen Frieden in der Ukraine halten sich, gelinde gesagt, in Grenzen. Größeres Augenmerk wird auf militärische Unterstützung, die Pflege von Feindbildern sowie Eskalation gelegt. Der deutsche Bundeskanzler Scholz reagierte auf die angekündigten Verhandlungen über einen möglichen Frieden für die Ukraine mit der Forderung nach noch höheren «Verteidigungsausgaben». Auch die amtierende Außenministerin Baerbock hatte vor der Münchner Konferenz klargestellt:
«Frieden wird es nur durch Stärke geben. (...) Bei Corona haben wir gesehen, zu was Europa fähig ist. Es braucht erneut Investitionen, die der historischen Wegmarke, vor der wir stehen, angemessen sind.»
Die Rüstungsindustrie freut sich in jedem Fall über weltweit steigende Militärausgaben. Die Kriege in der Ukraine und in Gaza tragen zu Rekordeinnahmen bei. Jetzt «winkt die Aussicht auf eine jahrelange große Nachrüstung in Europa», auch wenn der Ukraine-Krieg enden sollte, so hört man aus Finanzkreisen. In der Konsequenz kennt «die Aktie des deutschen Vorzeige-Rüstungskonzerns Rheinmetall in ihrem Anstieg offenbar gar keine Grenzen mehr». «Solche Friedensversprechen» wie das jetzige hätten in der Vergangenheit zu starken Kursverlusten geführt.
Für manche Leute sind Kriegswaffen und sonstige Rüstungsgüter Waren wie alle anderen, jedenfalls aus der Perspektive von Investoren oder Managern. Auch in diesem Bereich gibt es Startups und man spricht von Dingen wie innovativen Herangehensweisen, hocheffizienten Produktionsanlagen, skalierbaren Produktionstechniken und geringeren Stückkosten.
Wir lesen aktuell von Massenproduktion und gesteigerten Fertigungskapazitäten für Kriegsgerät. Der Motor solcher Dynamik und solchen Wachstums ist die Aufrüstung, die inzwischen permanent gefordert wird. Parallel wird die Bevölkerung verbal eingestimmt und auf Kriegstüchtigkeit getrimmt.
Das Rüstungs- und KI-Startup Helsing verkündete kürzlich eine «dezentrale Massenproduktion für den Ukrainekrieg». Mit dieser Expansion positioniere sich das Münchner Unternehmen als einer der weltweit führenden Hersteller von Kampfdrohnen. Der nächste «Meilenstein» steht auch bereits an: Man will eine Satellitenflotte im Weltraum aufbauen, zur Überwachung von Gefechtsfeldern und Truppenbewegungen.
Ebenfalls aus München stammt das als DefenseTech-Startup bezeichnete Unternehmen ARX Robotics. Kürzlich habe man in der Region die größte europäische Produktionsstätte für autonome Verteidigungssysteme eröffnet. Damit fahre man die Produktion von Militär-Robotern hoch. Diese Expansion diene auch der Lieferung der «größten Flotte unbemannter Bodensysteme westlicher Bauart» in die Ukraine.
Rüstung boomt und scheint ein Zukunftsmarkt zu sein. Die Hersteller und Vermarkter betonen, mit ihren Aktivitäten und Produkten solle die europäische Verteidigungsfähigkeit erhöht werden. Ihre Strategien sollten sogar «zum Schutz demokratischer Strukturen beitragen».
Dieser Beitrag ist zuerst auf Transition News erschienen.
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@ 4ba8e86d:89d32de4
2025-04-21 02:10:55Seu teclado não deve se conectar à internet. Privacidade em primeiro lugar. Sempre. Estamos desenvolvendo um teclado moderno que respeita totalmente sua privacidade e segurança. O FUTO Keyboard é 100% offline e 100% privado, oferecendo todos os recursos essenciais que você espera de um teclado atual — incluindo digitação por deslizamento, entrada de voz offline, correção automática inteligente, temas personalizáveis e sugestões preditivas de texto. Nosso objetivo é simples: criar um teclado eficiente e funcional, sem comprometer a privacidade do usuário. Este projeto é um fork do LatinIME, o teclado open-source oficial do Android.
Atenção: o FUTO Keyboard está atualmente em fase alfa. Está trabalhando para torná-lo estável e confiável, mas durante esse período você pode encontrar bugs, travamentos ou recursos ainda não implementados.
Configurações
Idiomas e Modelos – Adicione novos idiomas, dicionários, modelos de entrada de voz, transformadores e layouts associados.
Linguagens e Modelos
O menu no qual você adiciona novos idiomas, bem como dicionários, modelos de entrada de voz, modelos de transformadores e layouts associados a eles.
Adicionar idioma.
Alguns idiomas exigem o download de um dicionário. Se você também quiser um modelo de entrada de voz para um idioma específico, precisará baixá-lo também. Cada idioma já possui uma seleção de layouts de teclado associados; você pode escolher qual(is) layout(s) deseja adicionar ao adicionar o idioma. https://video.nostr.build/c775288b7a8ee8d75816af0c7a25f2aa0b4ecc99973fd442b2badc308fa38109.mp4
Mudar idioma.
Existem duas maneiras de alternar o idioma. A primeira é pressionando o ícone do globo na Barra de Ações, localizada próximo ao canto superior esquerdo do teclado. A segunda é pressionando longamente ou deslizando a barra de espaço; você pode personalizar o comportamento de troca de idioma da barra de espaço acessando Configurações -> Teclado e Digitação -> Teclas de Pressão Longa e Barra de Espaço -> Comportamento da Barra de Espaço . Você também pode atribuir o ícone do globo como a Tecla de Ação para que fique ao lado da barra de espaço, que pode ser acessada no menu Todas as Ações pressionando a tecla de reticências (...) no canto superior esquerdo do teclado e, em seguida, acessando Editar Ações. https://video.nostr.build/ed6f7f63a9c203cd59f46419ef54a4b8b442f070f802a688ca7d682bd6811bcb.mp4
Adicionar dicionário.
Alguns idiomas têm um dicionário integrado, mas a maioria não. Se o idioma que você está instalando não tiver um dicionário integrado, você pode iniciar a instalação em nosso site acessando Idiomas e Modelos -> Dicionário (no idioma que você está instalando) -> Explorar -> Baixar (em nosso site). https://video.nostr.build/3b1e09289953b658a9cef33c41bd711095556bc48290cb2ed066d4d0a5186371.mp4
Habilitar digitação multilíngue.
Você pode habilitar a digitação multilíngue para um ou mais idiomas acessando Idiomas e modelos e marcando a caixa Digitação multilíngue no(s) idioma(s) para os quais deseja habilitar a digitação multilíngue. https://video.nostr.build/29f683410626219499787bd63058d159719553f8e33a9f3c659c51c375a682fb.mp4
Criar layout personalizado.
Se desejar criar seu próprio layout personalizado para um idioma específico, você pode fazê-lo ativando Configurações do Desenvolvedor -> Layouts Personalizados -> Criar novo layout . Mais informações sobre layouts personalizados podem ser encontradas https://github.com/futo-org/futo-keyboard-layouts . A personalização das configurações de pressionamento longo tecla por tecla ainda não é suportada, mas está em processo de implementação. https://video.nostr.build/b5993090e28794d0305424dd352ca83760bb87002c57930e80513de5917fad8d.mp4
Teclado e Digitação – Personalize o comportamento das teclas, o tamanho do teclado e outras preferências de digitação.
Previsão de texto.
O menu no qual você define suas preferências para correção automática e sugestões personalizadas. Modelo de Linguagem do Transformador Você pode fazer com que o teclado preveja a próxima palavra que você digitará ou faça correções automáticas mais inteligentes, que usam um modelo de linguagem Transformer pré-treinado com base em conjuntos de dados disponíveis publicamente, ativando o Transformer LM . Observação: atualmente, isso funciona apenas em inglês, mas estamos trabalhando para torná-lo compatível com outros idiomas. Ajuste fino do transformador Você pode fazer com que o teclado memorize o que você digita e quais sugestões você seleciona, o que treina o modelo de idioma (enquanto o telefone estiver inativo) para prever quais palavras sugerir e corrigir automaticamente enquanto você digita, ativando o ajuste fino do Transformer . Observação: este é o seu modelo de idioma pessoal e o FUTO não visualiza nem armazena nenhum dos seus dados. https://video.nostr.build/688354a63bdc48a9dd3f8605854b5631ac011009c6105f93cfa0b52b46bc40d3.mp4
Previsão de texto.
O menu no qual você define suas preferências para correção automática e sugestões personalizadas. Modelo de Linguagem do Transformador Você pode fazer com que o teclado preveja a próxima palavra que você digitará ou faça correções automáticas mais inteligentes, que usam um modelo de linguagem Transformer pré-treinado com base em conjuntos de dados disponíveis publicamente, ativando o Transformer LM . Observação: atualmente, isso funciona apenas em inglês, mas estamos trabalhando para torná-lo compatível com outros idiomas.
Ajuste fino do transformador.
Você pode fazer com que o teclado memorize o que você digita e quais sugestões você seleciona, o que treina o modelo de idioma (enquanto o telefone estiver inativo) para prever quais palavras sugerir e corrigir automaticamente enquanto você digita, ativando o ajuste fino do Transformer . Observação: este é o seu modelo de idioma pessoal e o FUTO não visualiza nem armazena nenhum dos seus dados.
Força do Modelo de Linguagem do Transformador.
Você pode fazer com que a correção automática se comporte mais como o teclado AOSP ou mais como a rede neural acessando Parâmetros avançados -> Intensidade do LM do transformador e arrastando o controle deslizante para um valor menor (o que tornará o comportamento da correção automática mais parecido com o teclado AOSP) ou um valor maior (o que tornará a correção automática mais dependente da rede neural). Limiar de correção automática Você pode alterar o limite da correção automática para que ela ocorra com mais ou menos frequência acessando Parâmetros avançados -> Limite de correção automática e arrastando o controle deslizante para um valor menor (o que fará com que a correção automática ocorra com mais frequência, mas também corrija erros com mais frequência) ou um valor maior (o que fará com que a correção automática ocorra com menos frequência, mas também corrija erros com menos frequência). https://video.nostr.build/ea9c100081acfcab60343c494a91f789ef8143c92343522ec34c714913631cf7.mp4
Lista negra de palavras.
Você pode colocar sugestões de palavras na lista negra, o que impedirá que o teclado continue sugerindo palavras na lista negra, acessando Sugestões na lista negra e adicionando as palavras que você gostaria de colocar na lista negra.
Palavras ofensivas.
Você pode bloquear palavras ofensivas, como palavrões comuns, acessando Sugestões na Lista Negra e marcando a opção Bloquear Palavras Ofensivas . Observação: a opção Bloquear Palavras Ofensivas está ativada por padrão. https://video.nostr.build/ee72f3940b9789bbea222c95ee74d646aae1a0f3bf658ef8114c6f7942bb50f5.mp4
Correção automática.
Você pode ativar a capacidade de corrigir automaticamente palavras digitadas incorretamente ao pressionar a barra de espaço ou digitar pontuação ativando a Correção automática.
Sugestões de correção.
Você pode ativar a capacidade de exibir palavras sugeridas enquanto digita marcando a opção Mostrar sugestões de correção.
Sugestões de palavras.
Você pode ativar a capacidade de aprender com suas comunicações e dados digitados para melhorar as sugestões ativando as Sugestões personalizadas . Observação: desativar as Sugestões personalizadas também desativa o ajuste fino do Transformer. https://video.nostr.build/2c22d109b9192eac8fe4533b3f8e3e1b5896dfd043817bd460c48a5b989b7a2f.mp4
Entrada de Voz – Configure a entrada de voz offline, incluindo a duração e a conversão de fala em texto.
Entrada de voz.
O menu no qual você define suas preferências de entrada de voz, como duração da entrada e configurações de conversão de fala em texto. Entrada de voz integrada Você pode desabilitar a entrada de voz integrada do teclado e, em vez disso, usar o provedor de entrada de voz de um aplicativo externo desativando a opção Desabilitar entrada de voz integrada. https://video.nostr.build/68916e5b338a9f999f45aa1828a6e05ccbf8def46da9516c0f516b40ca8c827b.mp4
Sons de indicação.
Você pode habilitar a capacidade de reproduzir sons ao iniciar e cancelar a entrada de voz ativando Sons de indicação. https://video.nostr.build/7f5fb6a6173c4db18945e138146fe65444e40953d85cee1f09c1a21d236d21f5.mp4
Progresso Detalhado.
Você pode habilitar a capacidade de exibir informações detalhadas, como indicar que o microfone está sendo usado, ativando Progresso detalhado. https://video.nostr.build/8ac2bb6bdd6e7f8bd4b45da423e782c152a2b4320f2e090cbb99fd5c78e8f44f.mp4
Microfone Bluetooth.
Você pode fazer com que a entrada de voz prefira automaticamente seu microfone Bluetooth em vez do microfone integrado, ativando Preferir microfone Bluetooth. https://video.nostr.build/c11404aa6fec2dda71ceb3aaee916c6761b3015fef9575a352de66b7310dad07.mp4
Foco de áudio.
Você pode fazer com que a entrada de voz pause automaticamente vídeos ou músicas quando ela estiver ativada, ativando o Foco de Áudio. https://video.nostr.build/4ac82af53298733d0c5013ef28befb8b2adeb4a4949604308317e124b6431d40.mp4
Supressão de Símbolos.
Por padrão, a entrada de voz transcreve apenas texto básico e pontuação. Você pode desativar a opção "Suprimir símbolos" para liberar a entrada de voz da transcrição de caracteres especiais (por exemplo, @, $ ou %). Observação: Isso não afeta a forma como a entrada de voz interpreta palavras literais (por exemplo, "vírgula", "ponto final"). https://video.nostr.build/10de49c5a9e35508caa14b66da28fae991a5ac8eabad9b086959fba18c07f8f3.mp4
Entrada de voz de formato longo.
Você pode desativar o limite padrão de 30 segundos para entrada de voz ativando a opção Entrada de voz longa . Observação: a qualidade da saída pode ser prejudicada com entradas longas. https://video.nostr.build/f438ee7a42939a5a3e6d6c4471905f836f038495eb3a00b39d9996d0e552c200.mp4
Parada automática em silêncio.
Você pode fazer com que a entrada de voz pare automaticamente quando o silêncio for detectado, ativando a opção Parar automaticamente ao silenciar . Observação: se houver muito ruído de fundo, pode ser necessário interromper manualmente a entrada de voz. Ative também a entrada de voz longa para evitar a interrupção após 30 segundos. https://video.nostr.build/056567696d513add63f6dd254c0a3001530917e05e792de80c12796d43958671.mp4
Dicionário Pessoal – Adicione palavras personalizadas para que o teclado aprenda e sugira com mais precisão.
Dicionário Pessoal.
O menu no qual você cria seu dicionário pessoal de palavras que o teclado irá lembrar e sugerir. Adicionar ao dicionário Você pode adicionar uma palavra ou frase ao seu dicionário pessoal pressionando o ícone de adição na tela "Dicionário pessoal" . Você também pode criar um atalho para ela no campo "Atalho" ao adicionar a palavra ou frase. https://video.nostr.build/dec41c666b9f2276cc20d9096e3a9b542b570afd1f679d8d0e8c43c8ea46bfcb.mp4
Excluir do dicionário.
Você pode excluir uma palavra ou frase do seu dicionário pessoal clicando nessa palavra ou frase e clicando no ícone de lixeira no canto superior direito. https://video.nostr.build/aca25643b5c7ead4c5d522709af4bc337911e49c4743b97dc75f6b877449143e.mp4
Tema – Escolha entre os temas disponíveis ou personalize a aparência do teclado conforme seu gosto.
Tema.
O menu no qual você seleciona seu tema preferido para o teclado. Alterar tema Você pode escolher entre uma variedade de temas para o teclado, incluindo Modo Escuro, Modo Claro, Automático Dinâmico, Escuro Dinâmico, Claro Dinâmico, Material AOSP Escuro, Material AOSP Claro, Roxo Escuro AMOLED, Girassol, Queda de Neve, Cinza Aço, Esmeralda, Algodão Doce, Luz do Mar Profundo, Escuro do Mar Profundo, Gradiente 1, Tema FUTO VI ou Tema Construção . A possibilidade de personalizar seu tema será disponibilizada em breve. https://video.nostr.build/90c8de72f08cb0d8c40ac2fba2fd39451ff63ec1592ddd2629d0891c104bc61e.mp4
Fronteiras Principais.
Você pode habilitar as bordas das teclas rolando para baixo até o final e ativando Bordas das teclas . https://video.nostr.build/fa2087d68ce3fb2d3adb84cc2ec19c4d5383beb8823a4b6d1d85378ab3507ab1.mp4
Site oficial https://keyboard.futo.org/
Baixar no fdroid. https://app.futo.org/fdroid/repo/
Para instalar através do Obtainium , basta ir em Adicionar Aplicativo e colar esta URL do repositório: https://github.com/futo-org/android-keyboard
A adição pode demorar um pouco dependendo da velocidade da sua internet, pois o APK precisa ser baixado.
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@ 6e64b83c:94102ee8
2025-04-20 21:09:09Prerequisites
- Install Citrine on your Android device:
- Visit https://github.com/greenart7c3/Citrine/releases
- Download the latest release using:
- zap.store
- Obtainium
- F-Droid
- Or download the APK directly
-
Note: You may need to enable "Install from Unknown Sources" in your Android settings
-
Domain Requirements:
- If you don't have a domain, purchase one
- If you have a domain not on Cloudflare, consider transferring it to Cloudflare for free SSL certificates and cloudflared support
Setting Up Citrine
- Open the Citrine app
- Start the server
- You'll see it running on
ws://127.0.0.1:4869
(local network only) - Go to settings and paste your npub into "Accept events signed by" inbox and press + button. This would prevent others from publishing events into your personal relay.
Installing Required Tools
- Install Termux from Google Play Store
- Open Termux and run:
bash pkg update && pkg install wget wget https://github.com/cloudflare/cloudflared/releases/latest/download/cloudflared-linux-arm64.deb dpkg -i cloudflared-linux-arm64.deb
Cloudflare Authentication
- Run the authentication command:
bash cloudflared tunnel login
- Follow the instructions:
- Copy the provided URL to your browser
- Log in to your Cloudflare account
- If the URL expires, copy it again after logging in
Creating the Tunnel
- Create a new tunnel:
bash cloudflared tunnel create <TUNNEL_NAME>
- Choose any name you prefer for your tunnel
-
Copy the tunnel ID after creating the tunnel
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Create and configure the tunnel config:
bash touch ~/.cloudflared/config.yml nano ~/.cloudflared/config.yml
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Add this configuration (replace placeholders): ```yaml tunnel:
credentials-file: /data/data/com.termux/files/home/.cloudflared/ .json ingress: - hostname: nostr.yourdomain.com service: ws://localhost:4869
- service: http_status:404 ```
- Note: In nano editor:
CTRL+O
and Enter to saveCTRL+X
to exit
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Note: Check the credentials file path in the logs
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Validate your configuration:
bash cloudflared tunnel validate
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Start the tunnel:
bash cloudflared tunnel run my-relay
Preventing Android from Killing the Tunnel
Run these commands to maintain tunnel stability:
bash date && apt install termux-tools && termux-setup-storage && termux-wake-lock echo "nameserver 1.1.1.1" > $PREFIX/etc/resolv.conf
Tip: You can open multiple Termux sessions by swiping from the left edge of the screen while keeping your tunnel process running.
Updating Your Outbox Model Relays
Once your relay is running and accessible via your domain, you'll want to update your relay list in the Nostr network. This ensures other clients know about your relay and can connect to it.
- Create a kind 10002 event with your relay list:
- Include your new relay with write permissions
- Include other relays you want to read from
- Example format:
json { "kind": 10002, "tags": [ ["r", "wss://your-relay-domain.com", "write"], ["r", "wss://eden.nostr.land/", "read"], ["r", "wss://nos.lol/", "read"], ["r", "wss://nostr.bitcoiner.social/", "read"], ["r", "wss://nostr.mom/", "read"], ["r", "wss://relay.primal.net/", "read"], ["r", "wss://nostr.wine/", "read"], ["r", "wss://relay.damus.io/", "read"], ["r", "wss://relay.nostr.band/", "read"], ["r", "wss://relay.snort.social/", "read"] ], "content": "" }
Save it to a file called
event.json
Note: Add or remove any relays you want. Check your existing 10002 relays from the following URL: https://nostr.band/?q=by%3Anpub1dejts0qlva8mqzjlrxqkc2tmvs2t7elszky5upxaf3jha9qs9m5q605uc4+++kind%3A10002, Change the
npub1xxx
part with your own npub, and VIEW JSON from menu to see the raw event.- Sign and publish the event:
- Use a Nostr client that supports kind 10002 events
-
Or use the
nak
(https://github.com/fiatjaf/nak) command-line tool:bash cat event.json | nak event --sec <your-private-key> wss://relay1.com wss://relay2.com
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Verify the event was published:
- Check if your relay list is visible on other relays
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Use the
nak
tool to fetch your kind 10002 events:bash nak req -k 10002 -a <your-pubkey> wss://relay1.com wss://relay2.com
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Testing your relay:
- Try connecting to your relay using different Nostr clients
- Verify you can both read from and write to your relay
- Check if events are being properly stored and retrieved
- Tip: Use multiple clients to test different aspects of your relay
Note: If anyone in the community has a more efficient method of doing things like updating outbox relays, please share your insights in the comments. Your expertise would be greatly appreciated!
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@ c631e267:c2b78d3e
2025-02-07 19:42:11Nur wenn wir aufeinander zugehen, haben wir die Chance \ auf Überwindung der gegenseitigen Ressentiments! \ Dr. med. dent. Jens Knipphals
In Wolfsburg sollte es kürzlich eine Gesprächsrunde von Kritikern der Corona-Politik mit Oberbürgermeister Dennis Weilmann und Vertretern der Stadtverwaltung geben. Der Zahnarzt und langjährige Maßnahmenkritiker Jens Knipphals hatte diese Einladung ins Rathaus erwirkt und publiziert. Seine Motivation:
«Ich möchte die Spaltung der Gesellschaft überwinden. Dazu ist eine umfassende Aufarbeitung der Corona-Krise in der Öffentlichkeit notwendig.»
Schon früher hatte Knipphals Antworten von den Kommunalpolitikern verlangt, zum Beispiel bei öffentlichen Bürgerfragestunden. Für das erwartete Treffen im Rathaus formulierte er Fragen wie: Warum wurden fachliche Argumente der Kritiker ignoriert? Weshalb wurde deren Ausgrenzung, Diskreditierung und Entmenschlichung nicht entgegengetreten? In welcher Form übernehmen Rat und Verwaltung in Wolfsburg persönlich Verantwortung für die erheblichen Folgen der politischen Corona-Krise?
Der Termin fand allerdings nicht statt – der Bürgermeister sagte ihn kurz vorher wieder ab. Knipphals bezeichnete Weilmann anschließend als Wiederholungstäter, da das Stadtoberhaupt bereits 2022 zu einem Runden Tisch in der Sache eingeladen hatte, den es dann nie gab. Gegenüber Multipolar erklärte der Arzt, Weilmann wolle scheinbar eine öffentliche Aufarbeitung mit allen Mitteln verhindern. Er selbst sei «inzwischen absolut desillusioniert» und die einzige Lösung sei, dass die Verantwortlichen gingen.
Die Aufarbeitung der Plandemie beginne bei jedem von uns selbst, sei aber letztlich eine gesamtgesellschaftliche Aufgabe, schreibt Peter Frey, der den «Fall Wolfsburg» auch in seinem Blog behandelt. Diese Aufgabe sei indes deutlich größer, als viele glaubten. Erfreulicherweise sei der öffentliche Informationsraum inzwischen größer, trotz der weiterhin unverfrorenen Desinformations-Kampagnen der etablierten Massenmedien.
Frey erinnert daran, dass Dennis Weilmann mitverantwortlich für gravierende Grundrechtseinschränkungen wie die 2021 eingeführten 2G-Regeln in der Wolfsburger Innenstadt zeichnet. Es sei naiv anzunehmen, dass ein Funktionär einzig im Interesse der Bürger handeln würde. Als früherer Dezernent des Amtes für Wirtschaft, Digitalisierung und Kultur der Autostadt kenne Weilmann zum Beispiel die Verknüpfung von Fördergeldern mit politischen Zielsetzungen gut.
Wolfsburg wurde damals zu einem Modellprojekt des Bundesministeriums des Innern (BMI) und war Finalist im Bitkom-Wettbewerb «Digitale Stadt». So habe rechtzeitig vor der Plandemie das Projekt «Smart City Wolfsburg» anlaufen können, das der Stadt «eine Vorreiterrolle für umfassende Vernetzung und Datenerfassung» aufgetragen habe, sagt Frey. Die Vereinten Nationen verkauften dann derartige «intelligente» Überwachungs- und Kontrollmaßnahmen ebenso als Rettung in der Not wie das Magazin Forbes im April 2020:
«Intelligente Städte können uns helfen, die Coronavirus-Pandemie zu bekämpfen. In einer wachsenden Zahl von Ländern tun die intelligenten Städte genau das. Regierungen und lokale Behörden nutzen Smart-City-Technologien, Sensoren und Daten, um die Kontakte von Menschen aufzuspüren, die mit dem Coronavirus infiziert sind. Gleichzeitig helfen die Smart Cities auch dabei, festzustellen, ob die Regeln der sozialen Distanzierung eingehalten werden.»
Offensichtlich gibt es viele Aspekte zu bedenken und zu durchleuten, wenn es um die Aufklärung und Aufarbeitung der sogenannten «Corona-Pandemie» und der verordneten Maßnahmen geht. Frustration und Desillusion sind angesichts der Realitäten absolut verständlich. Gerade deswegen sind Initiativen wie die von Jens Knipphals so bewundernswert und so wichtig – ebenso wie eine seiner Kernthesen: «Wir müssen aufeinander zugehen, da hilft alles nichts».
Dieser Beitrag ist zuerst auf Transition News erschienen.
-
@ 3ffac3a6:2d656657
2025-04-15 14:49:31🏅 Como Criar um Badge Épico no Nostr com
nak
+ badges.pageRequisitos:
- Ter o
nak
instalado (https://github.com/fiatjaf/nak) - Ter uma chave privada Nostr (
nsec...
) - Acesso ao site https://badges.page
- Um relay ativo (ex:
wss://relay.primal.net
)
🔧 Passo 1 — Criar o badge em badges.page
- Acesse o site https://badges.page
-
Clique em "New Badge" no canto superior direito
-
Preencha os campos:
- Nome (ex:
Teste Épico
) - Descrição
-
Imagem e thumbnail
-
Após criar, você será redirecionado para a página do badge.
🔍 Passo 2 — Copiar o
naddr
do badgeNa barra de endereços, copie o identificador que aparece após
/a/
— este é o naddr do seu badge.Exemplo:
nostr:naddr1qq94getnw3jj63tsd93k7q3q8lav8fkgt8424rxamvk8qq4xuy9n8mltjtgztv2w44hc5tt9vetsxpqqqp6njkq3sd0
Copie:
naddr1qq94getnw3jj63tsd93k7q3q8lav8fkgt8424rxamvk8qq4xuy9n8mltjtgztv2w44hc5tt9vetsxpqqqp6njkq3sd0
🧠 Passo 3 — Decodificar o naddr com
nak
Abra seu terminal (ou Cygwin no Windows) e rode:
bash nak decode naddr1qq94getnw3jj63tsd93k7q3q8lav8fkgt8424rxamvk8qq4xuy9n8mltjtgztv2w44hc5tt9vetsxpqqqp6njkq3sd0
Você verá algo assim:
json { "pubkey": "3ffac3a6c859eaaa8cdddb2c7002a6e10b33efeb92d025b14ead6f8a2d656657", "kind": 30009, "identifier": "Teste-Epico" }
Grave o campo
"identifier"
— nesse caso: Teste-Epico
🛰️ Passo 4 — Consultar o evento no relay
Agora vamos pegar o evento do badge no relay:
bash nak req -d "Teste-Epico" wss://relay.primal.net
Você verá o conteúdo completo do evento do badge, algo assim:
json { "kind": 30009, "tags": [["d", "Teste-Epico"], ["name", "Teste Épico"], ...] }
💥 Passo 5 — Minerar o evento como "épico" (PoW 31)
Agora vem a mágica: minerar com proof-of-work (PoW 31) para que o badge seja classificado como épico!
bash nak req -d "Teste-Epico" wss://relay.primal.net | nak event --pow 31 --sec nsec1SEU_NSEC_AQUI wss://relay.primal.net wss://nos.lol wss://relay.damus.io
Esse comando: - Resgata o evento original - Gera um novo com PoW de dificuldade 31 - Assina com sua chave privada
nsec
- E publica nos relays wss://relay.primal.net, wss://nos.lol e wss://relay.damus.io⚠️ Substitua
nsec1SEU_NSEC_AQUI
pela sua chave privada Nostr.
✅ Resultado
Se tudo der certo, o badge será atualizado com um evento de PoW mais alto e aparecerá como "Epic" no site!
- Ter o
-
@ a95c6243:d345522c
2025-01-31 20:02:25Im Augenblick wird mit größter Intensität, großer Umsicht \ das deutsche Volk belogen. \ Olaf Scholz im FAZ-Interview
Online-Wahlen stärken die Demokratie, sind sicher, und 61 Prozent der Wahlberechtigten sprechen sich für deren Einführung in Deutschland aus. Das zumindest behauptet eine aktuelle Umfrage, die auch über die Agentur Reuters Verbreitung in den Medien gefunden hat. Demnach würden außerdem 45 Prozent der Nichtwähler bei der Bundestagswahl ihre Stimme abgeben, wenn sie dies zum Beispiel von Ihrem PC, Tablet oder Smartphone aus machen könnten.
Die telefonische Umfrage unter gut 1000 wahlberechtigten Personen sei repräsentativ, behauptet der Auftraggeber – der Digitalverband Bitkom. Dieser präsentiert sich als eingetragener Verein mit einer beeindruckenden Liste von Mitgliedern, die Software und IT-Dienstleistungen anbieten. Erklärtes Vereinsziel ist es, «Deutschland zu einem führenden Digitalstandort zu machen und die digitale Transformation der deutschen Wirtschaft und Verwaltung voranzutreiben».
Durchgeführt hat die Befragung die Bitkom Servicegesellschaft mbH, also alles in der Familie. Die gleiche Erhebung hatte der Verband übrigens 2021 schon einmal durchgeführt. Damals sprachen sich angeblich sogar 63 Prozent für ein derartiges «Demokratie-Update» aus – die Tendenz ist demgemäß fallend. Dennoch orakelt mancher, der Gang zur Wahlurne gelte bereits als veraltet.
Die spanische Privat-Uni mit Globalisten-Touch, IE University, berichtete Ende letzten Jahres in ihrer Studie «European Tech Insights», 67 Prozent der Europäer befürchteten, dass Hacker Wahlergebnisse verfälschen könnten. Mehr als 30 Prozent der Befragten glaubten, dass künstliche Intelligenz (KI) bereits Wahlentscheidungen beeinflusst habe. Trotzdem würden angeblich 34 Prozent der unter 35-Jährigen einer KI-gesteuerten App vertrauen, um in ihrem Namen für politische Kandidaten zu stimmen.
Wie dauerhaft wird wohl das Ergebnis der kommenden Bundestagswahl sein? Diese Frage stellt sich angesichts der aktuellen Entwicklung der Migrations-Debatte und der (vorübergehend) bröckelnden «Brandmauer» gegen die AfD. Das «Zustrombegrenzungsgesetz» der Union hat das Parlament heute Nachmittag überraschenderweise abgelehnt. Dennoch muss man wohl kein ausgesprochener Pessimist sein, um zu befürchten, dass die Entscheidungen der Bürger von den selbsternannten Verteidigern der Demokratie künftig vielleicht nicht respektiert werden, weil sie nicht gefallen.
Bundesweit wird jetzt zu «Brandmauer-Demos» aufgerufen, die CDU gerät unter Druck und es wird von Übergriffen auf Parteibüros und Drohungen gegen Mitarbeiter berichtet. Sicherheitsbehörden warnen vor Eskalationen, die Polizei sei «für ein mögliches erhöhtes Aufkommen von Straftaten gegenüber Politikern und gegen Parteigebäude sensibilisiert».
Der Vorwand «unzulässiger Einflussnahme» auf Politik und Wahlen wird als Argument schon seit einiger Zeit aufgebaut. Der Manipulation schuldig befunden wird neben Putin und Trump auch Elon Musk, was lustigerweise ausgerechnet Bill Gates gerade noch einmal bekräftigt und als «völlig irre» bezeichnet hat. Man stelle sich die Diskussionen um die Gültigkeit von Wahlergebnissen vor, wenn es Online-Verfahren zur Stimmabgabe gäbe. In der Schweiz wird «E-Voting» seit einigen Jahren getestet, aber wohl bisher mit wenig Erfolg.
Die politische Brandstiftung der letzten Jahre zahlt sich immer mehr aus. Anstatt dringende Probleme der Menschen zu lösen – zu denen auch in Deutschland die weit verbreitete Armut zählt –, hat die Politik konsequent polarisiert und sich auf Ausgrenzung und Verhöhnung großer Teile der Bevölkerung konzentriert. Basierend auf Ideologie und Lügen werden abweichende Stimmen unterdrückt und kriminalisiert, nicht nur und nicht erst in diesem Augenblick. Die nächsten Wochen dürften ausgesprochen spannend werden.
Dieser Beitrag ist zuerst auf Transition News erschienen.
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@ a95c6243:d345522c
2025-01-24 20:59:01Menschen tun alles, egal wie absurd, \ um ihrer eigenen Seele nicht zu begegnen. \ Carl Gustav Jung
«Extremer Reichtum ist eine Gefahr für die Demokratie», sagen über die Hälfte der knapp 3000 befragten Millionäre aus G20-Staaten laut einer Umfrage der «Patriotic Millionaires». Ferner stellte dieser Zusammenschluss wohlhabender US-Amerikaner fest, dass 63 Prozent jener Millionäre den Einfluss von Superreichen auf US-Präsident Trump als Bedrohung für die globale Stabilität ansehen.
Diese Besorgnis haben 370 Millionäre und Milliardäre am Dienstag auch den in Davos beim WEF konzentrierten Privilegierten aus aller Welt übermittelt. In einem offenen Brief forderten sie die «gewählten Führer» auf, die Superreichen – also sie selbst – zu besteuern, um «die zersetzenden Auswirkungen des extremen Reichtums auf unsere Demokratien und die Gesellschaft zu bekämpfen». Zum Beispiel kontrolliere eine handvoll extrem reicher Menschen die Medien, beeinflusse die Rechtssysteme in unzulässiger Weise und verwandele Recht in Unrecht.
Schon 2019 beanstandete der bekannte Historiker und Schriftsteller Ruthger Bregman an einer WEF-Podiumsdiskussion die Steuervermeidung der Superreichen. Die elitäre Veranstaltung bezeichnete er als «Feuerwehr-Konferenz, bei der man nicht über Löschwasser sprechen darf.» Daraufhin erhielt Bregman keine Einladungen nach Davos mehr. Auf seine Aussagen machte der Schweizer Aktivist Alec Gagneux aufmerksam, der sich seit Jahrzehnten kritisch mit dem WEF befasst. Ihm wurde kürzlich der Zutritt zu einem dreiteiligen Kurs über das WEF an der Volkshochschule Region Brugg verwehrt.
Nun ist die Erkenntnis, dass mit Geld politischer Einfluss einhergeht, alles andere als neu. Und extremer Reichtum macht die Sache nicht wirklich besser. Trotzdem hat man über Initiativen wie Patriotic Millionaires oder Taxmenow bisher eher selten etwas gehört, obwohl es sie schon lange gibt. Auch scheint es kein Problem, wenn ein Herr Gates fast im Alleingang versucht, globale Gesundheits-, Klima-, Ernährungs- oder Bevölkerungspolitik zu betreiben – im Gegenteil. Im Jahr, als der Milliardär Donald Trump zum zweiten Mal ins Weiße Haus einzieht, ist das Echo in den Gesinnungsmedien dagegen enorm – und uniform, wer hätte das gedacht.
Der neue US-Präsident hat jedoch «Davos geerdet», wie Achgut es nannte. In seiner kurzen Rede beim Weltwirtschaftsforum verteidigte er seine Politik und stellte klar, er habe schlicht eine «Revolution des gesunden Menschenverstands» begonnen. Mit deutlichen Worten sprach er unter anderem von ersten Maßnahmen gegen den «Green New Scam», und von einem «Erlass, der jegliche staatliche Zensur beendet»:
«Unsere Regierung wird die Äußerungen unserer eigenen Bürger nicht mehr als Fehlinformation oder Desinformation bezeichnen, was die Lieblingswörter von Zensoren und derer sind, die den freien Austausch von Ideen und, offen gesagt, den Fortschritt verhindern wollen.»
Wie der «Trumpismus» letztlich einzuordnen ist, muss jeder für sich selbst entscheiden. Skepsis ist definitiv angebracht, denn «einer von uns» sind weder der Präsident noch seine auserwählten Teammitglieder. Ob sie irgendeinen Sumpf trockenlegen oder Staatsverbrechen aufdecken werden oder was aus WHO- und Klimaverträgen wird, bleibt abzuwarten.
Das WHO-Dekret fordert jedenfalls die Übertragung der Gelder auf «glaubwürdige Partner», die die Aktivitäten übernehmen könnten. Zufällig scheint mit «Impfguru» Bill Gates ein weiterer Harris-Unterstützer kürzlich das Lager gewechselt zu haben: Nach einem gemeinsamen Abendessen zeigte er sich «beeindruckt» von Trumps Interesse an der globalen Gesundheit.
Mit dem Projekt «Stargate» sind weitere dunkle Wolken am Erwartungshorizont der Fangemeinde aufgezogen. Trump hat dieses Joint Venture zwischen den Konzernen OpenAI, Oracle, und SoftBank als das «größte KI-Infrastrukturprojekt der Geschichte» angekündigt. Der Stein des Anstoßes: Oracle-CEO Larry Ellison, der auch Fan von KI-gestützter Echtzeit-Überwachung ist, sieht einen weiteren potenziellen Einsatz der künstlichen Intelligenz. Sie könne dazu dienen, Krebserkrankungen zu erkennen und individuelle mRNA-«Impfstoffe» zur Behandlung innerhalb von 48 Stunden zu entwickeln.
Warum bitte sollten sich diese superreichen «Eliten» ins eigene Fleisch schneiden und direkt entgegen ihren eigenen Interessen handeln? Weil sie Menschenfreunde, sogenannte Philanthropen sind? Oder vielleicht, weil sie ein schlechtes Gewissen haben und ihre Schuld kompensieren müssen? Deswegen jedenfalls brauchen «Linke» laut Robert Willacker, einem deutschen Politikberater mit brasilianischen Wurzeln, rechte Parteien – ein ebenso überraschender wie humorvoller Erklärungsansatz.
Wenn eine Krähe der anderen kein Auge aushackt, dann tut sie das sich selbst noch weniger an. Dass Millionäre ernsthaft ihre eigene Besteuerung fordern oder Machteliten ihren eigenen Einfluss zugunsten anderer einschränken würden, halte ich für sehr unwahrscheinlich. So etwas glaube ich erst, wenn zum Beispiel die Rüstungsindustrie sich um Friedensverhandlungen bemüht, die Pharmalobby sich gegen institutionalisierte Korruption einsetzt, Zentralbanken ihre CBDC-Pläne für Bitcoin opfern oder der ÖRR die Abschaffung der Rundfunkgebühren fordert.
Dieser Beitrag ist zuerst auf Transition News erschienen.
-
@ e3ba5e1a:5e433365
2025-04-15 11:03:15Prelude
I wrote this post differently than any of my others. It started with a discussion with AI on an OPSec-inspired review of separation of powers, and evolved into quite an exciting debate! I asked Grok to write up a summary in my overall writing style, which it got pretty well. I've decided to post it exactly as-is. Ultimately, I think there are two solid ideas driving my stance here:
- Perfect is the enemy of the good
- Failure is the crucible of success
Beyond that, just some hard-core belief in freedom, separation of powers, and operating from self-interest.
Intro
Alright, buckle up. I’ve been chewing on this idea for a while, and it’s time to spit it out. Let’s look at the U.S. government like I’d look at a codebase under a cybersecurity audit—OPSEC style, no fluff. Forget the endless debates about what politicians should do. That’s noise. I want to talk about what they can do, the raw powers baked into the system, and why we should stop pretending those powers are sacred. If there’s a hole, either patch it or exploit it. No half-measures. And yeah, I’m okay if the whole thing crashes a bit—failure’s a feature, not a bug.
The Filibuster: A Security Rule with No Teeth
You ever see a firewall rule that’s more theater than protection? That’s the Senate filibuster. Everyone acts like it’s this untouchable guardian of democracy, but here’s the deal: a simple majority can torch it any day. It’s not a law; it’s a Senate preference, like choosing tabs over spaces. When people call killing it the “nuclear option,” I roll my eyes. Nuclear? It’s a button labeled “press me.” If a party wants it gone, they’ll do it. So why the dance?
I say stop playing games. Get rid of the filibuster. If you’re one of those folks who thinks it’s the only thing saving us from tyranny, fine—push for a constitutional amendment to lock it in. That’s a real patch, not a Post-it note. Until then, it’s just a vulnerability begging to be exploited. Every time a party threatens to nuke it, they’re admitting it’s not essential. So let’s stop pretending and move on.
Supreme Court Packing: Because Nine’s Just a Number
Here’s another fun one: the Supreme Court. Nine justices, right? Sounds official. Except it’s not. The Constitution doesn’t say nine—it’s silent on the number. Congress could pass a law tomorrow to make it 15, 20, or 42 (hitchhiker’s reference, anyone?). Packing the court is always on the table, and both sides know it. It’s like a root exploit just sitting there, waiting for someone to log in.
So why not call the bluff? If you’re in power—say, Trump’s back in the game—say, “I’m packing the court unless we amend the Constitution to fix it at nine.” Force the issue. No more shadowboxing. And honestly? The court’s got way too much power anyway. It’s not supposed to be a super-legislature, but here we are, with justices’ ideologies driving the bus. That’s a bug, not a feature. If the court weren’t such a kingmaker, packing it wouldn’t even matter. Maybe we should be talking about clipping its wings instead of just its size.
The Executive Should Go Full Klingon
Let’s talk presidents. I’m not saying they should wear Klingon armor and start shouting “Qapla’!”—though, let’s be real, that’d be awesome. I’m saying the executive should use every scrap of power the Constitution hands them. Enforce the laws you agree with, sideline the ones you don’t. If Congress doesn’t like it, they’ve got tools: pass new laws, override vetoes, or—here’s the big one—cut the budget. That’s not chaos; that’s the system working as designed.
Right now, the real problem isn’t the president overreaching; it’s the bureaucracy. It’s like a daemon running in the background, eating CPU and ignoring the user. The president’s supposed to be the one steering, but the administrative state’s got its own agenda. Let the executive flex, push the limits, and force Congress to check it. Norms? Pfft. The Constitution’s the spec sheet—stick to it.
Let the System Crash
Here’s where I get a little spicy: I’m totally fine if the government grinds to a halt. Deadlock isn’t a disaster; it’s a feature. If the branches can’t agree, let the president veto, let Congress starve the budget, let enforcement stall. Don’t tell me about “essential services.” Nothing’s so critical it can’t take a breather. Shutdowns force everyone to the table—debate, compromise, or expose who’s dropping the ball. If the public loses trust? Good. They’ll vote out the clowns or live with the circus they elected.
Think of it like a server crash. Sometimes you need a hard reboot to clear the cruft. If voters keep picking the same bad admins, well, the country gets what it deserves. Failure’s the best teacher—way better than limping along on autopilot.
States Are the Real MVPs
If the feds fumble, states step up. Right now, states act like junior devs waiting for the lead engineer to sign off. Why? Federal money. It’s a leash, and it’s tight. Cut that cash, and states will remember they’re autonomous. Some will shine, others will tank—looking at you, California. And I’m okay with that. Let people flee to better-run states. No bailouts, no excuses. States are like competing startups: the good ones thrive, the bad ones pivot or die.
Could it get uneven? Sure. Some states might turn into sci-fi utopias while others look like a post-apocalyptic vidya game. That’s the point—competition sorts it out. Citizens can move, markets adjust, and failure’s a signal to fix your act.
Chaos Isn’t the Enemy
Yeah, this sounds messy. States ignoring federal law, external threats poking at our seams, maybe even a constitutional crisis. I’m not scared. The Supreme Court’s there to referee interstate fights, and Congress sets the rules for state-to-state play. But if it all falls apart? Still cool. States can sort it without a babysitter—it’ll be ugly, but freedom’s worth it. External enemies? They’ll either unify us or break us. If we can’t rally, we don’t deserve the win.
Centralizing power to avoid this is like rewriting your app in a single thread to prevent race conditions—sure, it’s simpler, but you’re begging for a deadlock. Decentralized chaos lets states experiment, lets people escape, lets markets breathe. States competing to cut regulations to attract businesses? That’s a race to the bottom for red tape, but a race to the top for innovation—workers might gripe, but they’ll push back, and the tension’s healthy. Bring it—let the cage match play out. The Constitution’s checks are enough if we stop coddling the system.
Why This Matters
I’m not pitching a utopia. I’m pitching a stress test. The U.S. isn’t a fragile porcelain doll; it’s a rugged piece of hardware built to take some hits. Let it fail a little—filibuster, court, feds, whatever. Patch the holes with amendments if you want, or lean into the grind. Either way, stop fearing the crash. It’s how we debug the republic.
So, what’s your take? Ready to let the system rumble, or got a better way to secure the code? Hit me up—I’m all ears.
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@ 91bea5cd:1df4451c
2025-04-15 06:27:28Básico
bash lsblk # Lista todos os diretorios montados.
Para criar o sistema de arquivos:
bash mkfs.btrfs -L "ThePool" -f /dev/sdx
Criando um subvolume:
bash btrfs subvolume create SubVol
Montando Sistema de Arquivos:
bash mount -o compress=zlib,subvol=SubVol,autodefrag /dev/sdx /mnt
Lista os discos formatados no diretório:
bash btrfs filesystem show /mnt
Adiciona novo disco ao subvolume:
bash btrfs device add -f /dev/sdy /mnt
Lista novamente os discos do subvolume:
bash btrfs filesystem show /mnt
Exibe uso dos discos do subvolume:
bash btrfs filesystem df /mnt
Balancea os dados entre os discos sobre raid1:
bash btrfs filesystem balance start -dconvert=raid1 -mconvert=raid1 /mnt
Scrub é uma passagem por todos os dados e metadados do sistema de arquivos e verifica as somas de verificação. Se uma cópia válida estiver disponível (perfis de grupo de blocos replicados), a danificada será reparada. Todas as cópias dos perfis replicados são validadas.
iniciar o processo de depuração :
bash btrfs scrub start /mnt
ver o status do processo de depuração Btrfs em execução:
bash btrfs scrub status /mnt
ver o status do scrub Btrfs para cada um dos dispositivos
bash btrfs scrub status -d / data btrfs scrub cancel / data
Para retomar o processo de depuração do Btrfs que você cancelou ou pausou:
btrfs scrub resume / data
Listando os subvolumes:
bash btrfs subvolume list /Reports
Criando um instantâneo dos subvolumes:
Aqui, estamos criando um instantâneo de leitura e gravação chamado snap de marketing do subvolume de marketing.
bash btrfs subvolume snapshot /Reports/marketing /Reports/marketing-snap
Além disso, você pode criar um instantâneo somente leitura usando o sinalizador -r conforme mostrado. O marketing-rosnap é um instantâneo somente leitura do subvolume de marketing
bash btrfs subvolume snapshot -r /Reports/marketing /Reports/marketing-rosnap
Forçar a sincronização do sistema de arquivos usando o utilitário 'sync'
Para forçar a sincronização do sistema de arquivos, invoque a opção de sincronização conforme mostrado. Observe que o sistema de arquivos já deve estar montado para que o processo de sincronização continue com sucesso.
bash btrfs filsystem sync /Reports
Para excluir o dispositivo do sistema de arquivos, use o comando device delete conforme mostrado.
bash btrfs device delete /dev/sdc /Reports
Para sondar o status de um scrub, use o comando scrub status com a opção -dR .
bash btrfs scrub status -dR / Relatórios
Para cancelar a execução do scrub, use o comando scrub cancel .
bash $ sudo btrfs scrub cancel / Reports
Para retomar ou continuar com uma depuração interrompida anteriormente, execute o comando de cancelamento de depuração
bash sudo btrfs scrub resume /Reports
mostra o uso do dispositivo de armazenamento:
btrfs filesystem usage /data
Para distribuir os dados, metadados e dados do sistema em todos os dispositivos de armazenamento do RAID (incluindo o dispositivo de armazenamento recém-adicionado) montados no diretório /data , execute o seguinte comando:
sudo btrfs balance start --full-balance /data
Pode demorar um pouco para espalhar os dados, metadados e dados do sistema em todos os dispositivos de armazenamento do RAID se ele contiver muitos dados.
Opções importantes de montagem Btrfs
Nesta seção, vou explicar algumas das importantes opções de montagem do Btrfs. Então vamos começar.
As opções de montagem Btrfs mais importantes são:
**1. acl e noacl
**ACL gerencia permissões de usuários e grupos para os arquivos/diretórios do sistema de arquivos Btrfs.
A opção de montagem acl Btrfs habilita ACL. Para desabilitar a ACL, você pode usar a opção de montagem noacl .
Por padrão, a ACL está habilitada. Portanto, o sistema de arquivos Btrfs usa a opção de montagem acl por padrão.
**2. autodefrag e noautodefrag
**Desfragmentar um sistema de arquivos Btrfs melhorará o desempenho do sistema de arquivos reduzindo a fragmentação de dados.
A opção de montagem autodefrag permite a desfragmentação automática do sistema de arquivos Btrfs.
A opção de montagem noautodefrag desativa a desfragmentação automática do sistema de arquivos Btrfs.
Por padrão, a desfragmentação automática está desabilitada. Portanto, o sistema de arquivos Btrfs usa a opção de montagem noautodefrag por padrão.
**3. compactar e compactar-forçar
**Controla a compactação de dados no nível do sistema de arquivos do sistema de arquivos Btrfs.
A opção compactar compacta apenas os arquivos que valem a pena compactar (se compactar o arquivo economizar espaço em disco).
A opção compress-force compacta todos os arquivos do sistema de arquivos Btrfs, mesmo que a compactação do arquivo aumente seu tamanho.
O sistema de arquivos Btrfs suporta muitos algoritmos de compactação e cada um dos algoritmos de compactação possui diferentes níveis de compactação.
Os algoritmos de compactação suportados pelo Btrfs são: lzo , zlib (nível 1 a 9) e zstd (nível 1 a 15).
Você pode especificar qual algoritmo de compactação usar para o sistema de arquivos Btrfs com uma das seguintes opções de montagem:
- compress=algoritmo:nível
- compress-force=algoritmo:nível
Para obter mais informações, consulte meu artigo Como habilitar a compactação do sistema de arquivos Btrfs .
**4. subvol e subvolid
**Estas opções de montagem são usadas para montar separadamente um subvolume específico de um sistema de arquivos Btrfs.
A opção de montagem subvol é usada para montar o subvolume de um sistema de arquivos Btrfs usando seu caminho relativo.
A opção de montagem subvolid é usada para montar o subvolume de um sistema de arquivos Btrfs usando o ID do subvolume.
Para obter mais informações, consulte meu artigo Como criar e montar subvolumes Btrfs .
**5. dispositivo
A opção de montagem de dispositivo** é usada no sistema de arquivos Btrfs de vários dispositivos ou RAID Btrfs.
Em alguns casos, o sistema operacional pode falhar ao detectar os dispositivos de armazenamento usados em um sistema de arquivos Btrfs de vários dispositivos ou RAID Btrfs. Nesses casos, você pode usar a opção de montagem do dispositivo para especificar os dispositivos que deseja usar para o sistema de arquivos de vários dispositivos Btrfs ou RAID.
Você pode usar a opção de montagem de dispositivo várias vezes para carregar diferentes dispositivos de armazenamento para o sistema de arquivos de vários dispositivos Btrfs ou RAID.
Você pode usar o nome do dispositivo (ou seja, sdb , sdc ) ou UUID , UUID_SUB ou PARTUUID do dispositivo de armazenamento com a opção de montagem do dispositivo para identificar o dispositivo de armazenamento.
Por exemplo,
- dispositivo=/dev/sdb
- dispositivo=/dev/sdb,dispositivo=/dev/sdc
- dispositivo=UUID_SUB=490a263d-eb9a-4558-931e-998d4d080c5d
- device=UUID_SUB=490a263d-eb9a-4558-931e-998d4d080c5d,device=UUID_SUB=f7ce4875-0874-436a-b47d-3edef66d3424
**6. degraded
A opção de montagem degradada** permite que um RAID Btrfs seja montado com menos dispositivos de armazenamento do que o perfil RAID requer.
Por exemplo, o perfil raid1 requer a presença de 2 dispositivos de armazenamento. Se um dos dispositivos de armazenamento não estiver disponível em qualquer caso, você usa a opção de montagem degradada para montar o RAID mesmo que 1 de 2 dispositivos de armazenamento esteja disponível.
**7. commit
A opção commit** mount é usada para definir o intervalo (em segundos) dentro do qual os dados serão gravados no dispositivo de armazenamento.
O padrão é definido como 30 segundos.
Para definir o intervalo de confirmação para 15 segundos, você pode usar a opção de montagem commit=15 (digamos).
**8. ssd e nossd
A opção de montagem ssd** informa ao sistema de arquivos Btrfs que o sistema de arquivos está usando um dispositivo de armazenamento SSD, e o sistema de arquivos Btrfs faz a otimização SSD necessária.
A opção de montagem nossd desativa a otimização do SSD.
O sistema de arquivos Btrfs detecta automaticamente se um SSD é usado para o sistema de arquivos Btrfs. Se um SSD for usado, a opção de montagem de SSD será habilitada. Caso contrário, a opção de montagem nossd é habilitada.
**9. ssd_spread e nossd_spread
A opção de montagem ssd_spread** tenta alocar grandes blocos contínuos de espaço não utilizado do SSD. Esse recurso melhora o desempenho de SSDs de baixo custo (baratos).
A opção de montagem nossd_spread desativa o recurso ssd_spread .
O sistema de arquivos Btrfs detecta automaticamente se um SSD é usado para o sistema de arquivos Btrfs. Se um SSD for usado, a opção de montagem ssd_spread será habilitada. Caso contrário, a opção de montagem nossd_spread é habilitada.
**10. descarte e nodiscard
Se você estiver usando um SSD que suporte TRIM enfileirado assíncrono (SATA rev3.1), a opção de montagem de descarte** permitirá o descarte de blocos de arquivos liberados. Isso melhorará o desempenho do SSD.
Se o SSD não suportar TRIM enfileirado assíncrono, a opção de montagem de descarte prejudicará o desempenho do SSD. Nesse caso, a opção de montagem nodiscard deve ser usada.
Por padrão, a opção de montagem nodiscard é usada.
**11. norecovery
Se a opção de montagem norecovery** for usada, o sistema de arquivos Btrfs não tentará executar a operação de recuperação de dados no momento da montagem.
**12. usebackuproot e nousebackuproot
Se a opção de montagem usebackuproot for usada, o sistema de arquivos Btrfs tentará recuperar qualquer raiz de árvore ruim/corrompida no momento da montagem. O sistema de arquivos Btrfs pode armazenar várias raízes de árvore no sistema de arquivos. A opção de montagem usebackuproot** procurará uma boa raiz de árvore e usará a primeira boa que encontrar.
A opção de montagem nousebackuproot não verificará ou recuperará raízes de árvore inválidas/corrompidas no momento da montagem. Este é o comportamento padrão do sistema de arquivos Btrfs.
**13. space_cache, space_cache=version, nospace_cache e clear_cache
A opção de montagem space_cache** é usada para controlar o cache de espaço livre. O cache de espaço livre é usado para melhorar o desempenho da leitura do espaço livre do grupo de blocos do sistema de arquivos Btrfs na memória (RAM).
O sistema de arquivos Btrfs suporta 2 versões do cache de espaço livre: v1 (padrão) e v2
O mecanismo de cache de espaço livre v2 melhora o desempenho de sistemas de arquivos grandes (tamanho de vários terabytes).
Você pode usar a opção de montagem space_cache=v1 para definir a v1 do cache de espaço livre e a opção de montagem space_cache=v2 para definir a v2 do cache de espaço livre.
A opção de montagem clear_cache é usada para limpar o cache de espaço livre.
Quando o cache de espaço livre v2 é criado, o cache deve ser limpo para criar um cache de espaço livre v1 .
Portanto, para usar o cache de espaço livre v1 após a criação do cache de espaço livre v2 , as opções de montagem clear_cache e space_cache=v1 devem ser combinadas: clear_cache,space_cache=v1
A opção de montagem nospace_cache é usada para desabilitar o cache de espaço livre.
Para desabilitar o cache de espaço livre após a criação do cache v1 ou v2 , as opções de montagem nospace_cache e clear_cache devem ser combinadas: clear_cache,nosapce_cache
**14. skip_balance
Por padrão, a operação de balanceamento interrompida/pausada de um sistema de arquivos Btrfs de vários dispositivos ou RAID Btrfs será retomada automaticamente assim que o sistema de arquivos Btrfs for montado. Para desabilitar a retomada automática da operação de equilíbrio interrompido/pausado em um sistema de arquivos Btrfs de vários dispositivos ou RAID Btrfs, você pode usar a opção de montagem skip_balance .**
**15. datacow e nodatacow
A opção datacow** mount habilita o recurso Copy-on-Write (CoW) do sistema de arquivos Btrfs. É o comportamento padrão.
Se você deseja desabilitar o recurso Copy-on-Write (CoW) do sistema de arquivos Btrfs para os arquivos recém-criados, monte o sistema de arquivos Btrfs com a opção de montagem nodatacow .
**16. datasum e nodatasum
A opção datasum** mount habilita a soma de verificação de dados para arquivos recém-criados do sistema de arquivos Btrfs. Este é o comportamento padrão.
Se você não quiser que o sistema de arquivos Btrfs faça a soma de verificação dos dados dos arquivos recém-criados, monte o sistema de arquivos Btrfs com a opção de montagem nodatasum .
Perfis Btrfs
Um perfil Btrfs é usado para informar ao sistema de arquivos Btrfs quantas cópias dos dados/metadados devem ser mantidas e quais níveis de RAID devem ser usados para os dados/metadados. O sistema de arquivos Btrfs contém muitos perfis. Entendê-los o ajudará a configurar um RAID Btrfs da maneira que você deseja.
Os perfis Btrfs disponíveis são os seguintes:
single : Se o perfil único for usado para os dados/metadados, apenas uma cópia dos dados/metadados será armazenada no sistema de arquivos, mesmo se você adicionar vários dispositivos de armazenamento ao sistema de arquivos. Assim, 100% do espaço em disco de cada um dos dispositivos de armazenamento adicionados ao sistema de arquivos pode ser utilizado.
dup : Se o perfil dup for usado para os dados/metadados, cada um dos dispositivos de armazenamento adicionados ao sistema de arquivos manterá duas cópias dos dados/metadados. Assim, 50% do espaço em disco de cada um dos dispositivos de armazenamento adicionados ao sistema de arquivos pode ser utilizado.
raid0 : No perfil raid0 , os dados/metadados serão divididos igualmente em todos os dispositivos de armazenamento adicionados ao sistema de arquivos. Nesta configuração, não haverá dados/metadados redundantes (duplicados). Assim, 100% do espaço em disco de cada um dos dispositivos de armazenamento adicionados ao sistema de arquivos pode ser usado. Se, em qualquer caso, um dos dispositivos de armazenamento falhar, todo o sistema de arquivos será corrompido. Você precisará de pelo menos dois dispositivos de armazenamento para configurar o sistema de arquivos Btrfs no perfil raid0 .
raid1 : No perfil raid1 , duas cópias dos dados/metadados serão armazenadas nos dispositivos de armazenamento adicionados ao sistema de arquivos. Nesta configuração, a matriz RAID pode sobreviver a uma falha de unidade. Mas você pode usar apenas 50% do espaço total em disco. Você precisará de pelo menos dois dispositivos de armazenamento para configurar o sistema de arquivos Btrfs no perfil raid1 .
raid1c3 : No perfil raid1c3 , três cópias dos dados/metadados serão armazenadas nos dispositivos de armazenamento adicionados ao sistema de arquivos. Nesta configuração, a matriz RAID pode sobreviver a duas falhas de unidade, mas você pode usar apenas 33% do espaço total em disco. Você precisará de pelo menos três dispositivos de armazenamento para configurar o sistema de arquivos Btrfs no perfil raid1c3 .
raid1c4 : No perfil raid1c4 , quatro cópias dos dados/metadados serão armazenadas nos dispositivos de armazenamento adicionados ao sistema de arquivos. Nesta configuração, a matriz RAID pode sobreviver a três falhas de unidade, mas você pode usar apenas 25% do espaço total em disco. Você precisará de pelo menos quatro dispositivos de armazenamento para configurar o sistema de arquivos Btrfs no perfil raid1c4 .
raid10 : No perfil raid10 , duas cópias dos dados/metadados serão armazenadas nos dispositivos de armazenamento adicionados ao sistema de arquivos, como no perfil raid1 . Além disso, os dados/metadados serão divididos entre os dispositivos de armazenamento, como no perfil raid0 .
O perfil raid10 é um híbrido dos perfis raid1 e raid0 . Alguns dos dispositivos de armazenamento formam arrays raid1 e alguns desses arrays raid1 são usados para formar um array raid0 . Em uma configuração raid10 , o sistema de arquivos pode sobreviver a uma única falha de unidade em cada uma das matrizes raid1 .
Você pode usar 50% do espaço total em disco na configuração raid10 . Você precisará de pelo menos quatro dispositivos de armazenamento para configurar o sistema de arquivos Btrfs no perfil raid10 .
raid5 : No perfil raid5 , uma cópia dos dados/metadados será dividida entre os dispositivos de armazenamento. Uma única paridade será calculada e distribuída entre os dispositivos de armazenamento do array RAID.
Em uma configuração raid5 , o sistema de arquivos pode sobreviver a uma única falha de unidade. Se uma unidade falhar, você pode adicionar uma nova unidade ao sistema de arquivos e os dados perdidos serão calculados a partir da paridade distribuída das unidades em execução.
Você pode usar 1 00x(N-1)/N % do total de espaços em disco na configuração raid5 . Aqui, N é o número de dispositivos de armazenamento adicionados ao sistema de arquivos. Você precisará de pelo menos três dispositivos de armazenamento para configurar o sistema de arquivos Btrfs no perfil raid5 .
raid6 : No perfil raid6 , uma cópia dos dados/metadados será dividida entre os dispositivos de armazenamento. Duas paridades serão calculadas e distribuídas entre os dispositivos de armazenamento do array RAID.
Em uma configuração raid6 , o sistema de arquivos pode sobreviver a duas falhas de unidade ao mesmo tempo. Se uma unidade falhar, você poderá adicionar uma nova unidade ao sistema de arquivos e os dados perdidos serão calculados a partir das duas paridades distribuídas das unidades em execução.
Você pode usar 100x(N-2)/N % do espaço total em disco na configuração raid6 . Aqui, N é o número de dispositivos de armazenamento adicionados ao sistema de arquivos. Você precisará de pelo menos quatro dispositivos de armazenamento para configurar o sistema de arquivos Btrfs no perfil raid6 .
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@ c631e267:c2b78d3e
2025-01-18 09:34:51Die grauenvollste Aussicht ist die der Technokratie – \ einer kontrollierenden Herrschaft, \ die durch verstümmelte und verstümmelnde Geister ausgeübt wird. \ Ernst Jünger
«Davos ist nicht mehr sexy», das Weltwirtschaftsforum (WEF) mache Davos kaputt, diese Aussagen eines Einheimischen las ich kürzlich in der Handelszeitung. Während sich einige vor Ort enorm an der «teuersten Gewerbeausstellung der Welt» bereicherten, würden die negativen Begleiterscheinungen wie Wohnungsnot und Niedergang der lokalen Wirtschaft immer deutlicher.
Nächsten Montag beginnt in dem Schweizer Bergdorf erneut ein Jahrestreffen dieses elitären Clubs der Konzerne, bei dem man mit hochrangigen Politikern aus aller Welt und ausgewählten Vertretern der Systemmedien zusammenhocken wird. Wie bereits in den vergangenen vier Jahren wird die Präsidentin der EU-Kommission, Ursula von der Leyen, in Begleitung von Klaus Schwab ihre Grundsatzansprache halten.
Der deutsche WEF-Gründer hatte bei dieser Gelegenheit immer höchst lobende Worte für seine Landsmännin: 2021 erklärte er sich «stolz, dass Europa wieder unter Ihrer Führung steht» und 2022 fand er es bemerkenswert, was sie erreicht habe angesichts des «erstaunlichen Wandels», den die Welt in den vorangegangenen zwei Jahren erlebt habe; es gebe nun einen «neuen europäischen Geist».
Von der Leyens Handeln während der sogenannten Corona-«Pandemie» lobte Schwab damals bereits ebenso, wie es diese Woche das Karlspreis-Direktorium tat, als man der Beschuldigten im Fall Pfizergate die diesjährige internationale Auszeichnung «für Verdienste um die europäische Einigung» verlieh. Außerdem habe sie die EU nicht nur gegen den «Aggressor Russland», sondern auch gegen die «innere Bedrohung durch Rassisten und Demagogen» sowie gegen den Klimawandel verteidigt.
Jene Herausforderungen durch «Krisen epochalen Ausmaßes» werden indes aus dem Umfeld des WEF nicht nur herbeigeredet – wie man alljährlich zur Zeit des Davoser Treffens im Global Risks Report nachlesen kann, der zusammen mit dem Versicherungskonzern Zurich erstellt wird. Seit die Globalisten 2020/21 in der Praxis gesehen haben, wie gut eine konzertierte und konsequente Angst-Kampagne funktionieren kann, geht es Schlag auf Schlag. Sie setzen alles daran, Schwabs goldenes Zeitfenster des «Great Reset» zu nutzen.
Ziel dieses «großen Umbruchs» ist die totale Kontrolle der Technokraten über die Menschen unter dem Deckmantel einer globalen Gesundheitsfürsorge. Wie aber könnte man so etwas erreichen? Ein Mittel dazu ist die «kreative Zerstörung». Weitere unabdingbare Werkzeug sind die Einbindung, ja Gleichschaltung der Medien und der Justiz.
Ein «Great Mental Reset» sei die Voraussetzung dafür, dass ein Großteil der Menschen Einschränkungen und Manipulationen wie durch die Corona-Maßnahmen praktisch kritik- und widerstandslos hinnehme, sagt der Mediziner und Molekulargenetiker Michael Nehls. Er meint damit eine regelrechte Umprogrammierung des Gehirns, wodurch nach und nach unsere Individualität und unser soziales Bewusstsein eliminiert und durch unreflektierten Konformismus ersetzt werden.
Der aktuelle Zustand unserer Gesellschaften ist auch für den Schweizer Rechtsanwalt Philipp Kruse alarmierend. Durch den Umgang mit der «Pandemie» sieht er die Grundlagen von Recht und Vernunft erschüttert, die Rechtsstaatlichkeit stehe auf dem Prüfstand. Seiner dringenden Mahnung an alle Bürger, die Prinzipien von Recht und Freiheit zu verteidigen, kann ich mich nur anschließen.
Dieser Beitrag ist zuerst auf Transition News erschienen.
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@ 91bea5cd:1df4451c
2025-04-15 06:23:35Um bom gerenciamento de senhas deve ser simples e seguir a filosofia do Unix. Organizado em hierarquia e fácil de passar de um computador para outro.
E por isso não é recomendável o uso de aplicativos de terceiros que tenham acesso a suas chaves(senhas) em seus servidores, tampouco as opções nativas dos navegadores, que também pertencem a grandes empresas que fazem um grande esforço para ter acesso a nossas informações.
Recomendação
- pass
- Qtpass (gerenciador gráfico)
Com ele seus dados são criptografados usando sua chave gpg e salvo em arquivos organizados por pastas de forma hierárquica, podendo ser integrado a um serviço git de sua escolha ou copiado facilmente de um local para outro.
Uso
O seu uso é bem simples.
Configuração:
pass git init
Para ver:
pass Email/example.com
Copiar para área de transferência (exige xclip):
pass -c Email/example.com
Para inserir:
pass insert Email/example0.com
Para inserir e gerar senha:
pass generate Email/example1.com
Para inserir e gerar senha sem símbolos:
pass generate --no-symbols Email/example1.com
Para inserir, gerar senha e copiar para área de transferência :
pass generate -c Email/example1.com
Para remover:
pass rm Email/example.com
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@ a95c6243:d345522c
2025-01-13 10:09:57Ich begann, Social Media aufzubauen, \ um den Menschen eine Stimme zu geben. \ Mark Zuckerberg
Sind euch auch die Tränen gekommen, als ihr Mark Zuckerbergs Wendehals-Deklaration bezüglich der Meinungsfreiheit auf seinen Portalen gehört habt? Rührend, oder? Während er früher die offensichtliche Zensur leugnete und später die Regierung Biden dafür verantwortlich machte, will er nun angeblich «die Zensur auf unseren Plattformen drastisch reduzieren».
«Purer Opportunismus» ob des anstehenden Regierungswechsels wäre als Klassifizierung viel zu kurz gegriffen. Der jetzige Schachzug des Meta-Chefs ist genauso Teil einer kühl kalkulierten Business-Strategie, wie es die 180 Grad umgekehrte Praxis vorher war. Social Media sind ein höchst lukratives Geschäft. Hinzu kommt vielleicht noch ein bisschen verkorkstes Ego, weil derartig viel Einfluss und Geld sicher auch auf die Psyche schlagen. Verständlich.
«Es ist an der Zeit, zu unseren Wurzeln der freien Meinungsäußerung auf Facebook und Instagram zurückzukehren. Ich begann, Social Media aufzubauen, um den Menschen eine Stimme zu geben», sagte Zuckerberg.
Welche Wurzeln? Hat der Mann vergessen, dass er von der Überwachung, dem Ausspionieren und dem Ausverkauf sämtlicher Daten und digitaler Spuren sowie der Manipulation seiner «Kunden» lebt? Das ist knallharter Kommerz, nichts anderes. Um freie Meinungsäußerung geht es bei diesem Geschäft ganz sicher nicht, und das war auch noch nie so. Die Wurzeln von Facebook liegen in einem Projekt des US-Militärs mit dem Namen «LifeLog». Dessen Ziel war es, «ein digitales Protokoll vom Leben eines Menschen zu erstellen».
Der Richtungswechsel kommt allerdings nicht überraschend. Schon Anfang Dezember hatte Meta-Präsident Nick Clegg von «zu hoher Fehlerquote bei der Moderation» von Inhalten gesprochen. Bei der Gelegenheit erwähnte er auch, dass Mark sehr daran interessiert sei, eine aktive Rolle in den Debatten über eine amerikanische Führungsrolle im technologischen Bereich zu spielen.
Während Milliardärskollege und Big Tech-Konkurrent Elon Musk bereits seinen Posten in der kommenden Trump-Regierung in Aussicht hat, möchte Zuckerberg also nicht nur seine Haut retten – Trump hatte ihn einmal einen «Feind des Volkes» genannt und ihm lebenslange Haft angedroht –, sondern am liebsten auch mitspielen. KI-Berater ist wohl die gewünschte Funktion, wie man nach einem Treffen Trump-Zuckerberg hörte. An seine Verhaftung dachte vermutlich auch ein weiterer Multimilliardär mit eigener Social Media-Plattform, Pavel Durov, als er Zuckerberg jetzt kritisierte und gleichzeitig warnte.
Politik und Systemmedien drehen jedenfalls durch – was zu viel ist, ist zu viel. Etwas weniger Zensur und mehr Meinungsfreiheit würden die Freiheit der Bürger schwächen und seien potenziell vernichtend für die Menschenrechte. Zuckerberg setze mit dem neuen Kurs die Demokratie aufs Spiel, das sei eine «Einladung zum nächsten Völkermord», ernsthaft. Die Frage sei, ob sich die EU gegen Musk und Zuckerberg behaupten könne, Brüssel müsse jedenfalls hart durchgreifen.
Auch um die Faktenchecker macht man sich Sorgen. Für die deutsche Nachrichtenagentur dpa und die «Experten» von Correctiv, die (noch) Partner für Fact-Checking-Aktivitäten von Facebook sind, sei das ein «lukratives Geschäftsmodell». Aber möglicherweise werden die Inhalte ohne diese vermeintlichen Korrektoren ja sogar besser. Anders als Meta wollen jedoch Scholz, Faeser und die Tagesschau keine Fehler zugeben und zum Beispiel Correctiv-Falschaussagen einräumen.
Bei derlei dramatischen Befürchtungen wundert es nicht, dass der öffentliche Plausch auf X zwischen Elon Musk und AfD-Chefin Alice Weidel von 150 EU-Beamten überwacht wurde, falls es irgendwelche Rechtsverstöße geben sollte, die man ihnen ankreiden könnte. Auch der Deutsche Bundestag war wachsam. Gefunden haben dürften sie nichts. Das Ganze war eher eine Show, viel Wind wurde gemacht, aber letztlich gab es nichts als heiße Luft.
Das Anbiedern bei Donald Trump ist indes gerade in Mode. Die Weltgesundheitsorganisation (WHO) tut das auch, denn sie fürchtet um Spenden von über einer Milliarde Dollar. Eventuell könnte ja Elon Musk auch hier künftig aushelfen und der Organisation sowie deren größtem privaten Förderer, Bill Gates, etwas unter die Arme greifen. Nachdem Musks KI-Projekt xAI kürzlich von BlackRock & Co. sechs Milliarden eingestrichen hat, geht da vielleicht etwas.
Dieser Beitrag ist zuerst auf Transition News erschienen.
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@ 91bea5cd:1df4451c
2025-04-15 06:19:19O que é Tahoe-LAFS?
Bem-vindo ao Tahoe-LAFS_, o primeiro sistema de armazenamento descentralizado com
- Segurança independente do provedor * .
Tahoe-LAFS é um sistema que ajuda você a armazenar arquivos. Você executa um cliente Programa no seu computador, que fala com um ou mais servidores de armazenamento em outros computadores. Quando você diz ao seu cliente para armazenar um arquivo, ele irá criptografar isso Arquivo, codifique-o em múltiplas peças, depois espalhe essas peças entre Vários servidores. As peças são todas criptografadas e protegidas contra Modificações. Mais tarde, quando você pede ao seu cliente para recuperar o arquivo, ele irá Encontre as peças necessárias, verifique se elas não foram corrompidas e remontadas Eles, e descriptografar o resultado.
O cliente cria mais peças (ou "compartilhamentos") do que acabará por precisar, então Mesmo que alguns servidores falhem, você ainda pode recuperar seus dados. Corrompido Os compartilhamentos são detectados e ignorados, de modo que o sistema pode tolerar o lado do servidor Erros no disco rígido. Todos os arquivos são criptografados (com uma chave exclusiva) antes Uploading, então mesmo um operador de servidor mal-intencionado não pode ler seus dados. o A única coisa que você pede aos servidores é que eles podem (geralmente) fornecer o Compartilha quando você os solicita: você não está confiando sobre eles para Confidencialidade, integridade ou disponibilidade absoluta.
O que é "segurança independente do provedor"?
Todo vendedor de serviços de armazenamento na nuvem irá dizer-lhe que o seu serviço é "seguro". Mas o que eles significam com isso é algo fundamentalmente diferente Do que queremos dizer. O que eles significam por "seguro" é que depois de ter dado Eles o poder de ler e modificar seus dados, eles tentam muito difícil de não deixar Esse poder seja abusado. Isso acaba por ser difícil! Insetos, Configurações incorretas ou erro do operador podem acidentalmente expor seus dados para Outro cliente ou para o público, ou pode corromper seus dados. Criminosos Ganho rotineiramente de acesso ilícito a servidores corporativos. Ainda mais insidioso é O fato de que os próprios funcionários às vezes violam a privacidade do cliente De negligência, avareza ou mera curiosidade. O mais consciencioso de Esses prestadores de serviços gastam consideráveis esforços e despesas tentando Mitigar esses riscos.
O que queremos dizer com "segurança" é algo diferente. * O provedor de serviços Nunca tem a capacidade de ler ou modificar seus dados em primeiro lugar: nunca. * Se você usa Tahoe-LAFS, então todas as ameaças descritas acima não são questões para você. Não só é fácil e barato para o provedor de serviços Manter a segurança de seus dados, mas na verdade eles não podem violar sua Segurança se eles tentaram. Isto é o que chamamos de * independente do fornecedor segurança*.
Esta garantia está integrada naturalmente no sistema de armazenamento Tahoe-LAFS e Não exige que você execute um passo de pré-criptografia manual ou uma chave complicada gestão. (Afinal, ter que fazer operações manuais pesadas quando Armazenar ou acessar seus dados anularia um dos principais benefícios de Usando armazenamento em nuvem em primeiro lugar: conveniência.)
Veja como funciona:
Uma "grade de armazenamento" é constituída por uma série de servidores de armazenamento. Um servidor de armazenamento Tem armazenamento direto em anexo (tipicamente um ou mais discos rígidos). Um "gateway" Se comunica com os nós de armazenamento e os usa para fornecer acesso ao Rede sobre protocolos como HTTP (S), SFTP ou FTP.
Observe que você pode encontrar "cliente" usado para se referir aos nós do gateway (que atuam como Um cliente para servidores de armazenamento) e também para processos ou programas que se conectam a Um nó de gateway e operações de execução na grade - por exemplo, uma CLI Comando, navegador da Web, cliente SFTP ou cliente FTP.
Os usuários não contam com servidores de armazenamento para fornecer * confidencialidade * nem
- Integridade * para seus dados - em vez disso, todos os dados são criptografados e Integridade verificada pelo gateway, para que os servidores não possam ler nem Modifique o conteúdo dos arquivos.
Os usuários dependem de servidores de armazenamento para * disponibilidade *. O texto cifrado é Codificado por apagamento em partes
N
distribuídas em pelo menosH
distintas Servidores de armazenamento (o valor padrão paraN
é 10 e paraH
é 7) então Que pode ser recuperado de qualquerK
desses servidores (o padrão O valor deK
é 3). Portanto, apenas a falha doH-K + 1
(com o Padrões, 5) servidores podem tornar os dados indisponíveis.No modo de implantação típico, cada usuário executa seu próprio gateway sozinho máquina. Desta forma, ela confia em sua própria máquina para a confidencialidade e Integridade dos dados.
Um modo de implantação alternativo é que o gateway é executado em uma máquina remota e O usuário se conecta ao HTTPS ou SFTP. Isso significa que o operador de O gateway pode visualizar e modificar os dados do usuário (o usuário * depende de * o Gateway para confidencialidade e integridade), mas a vantagem é que a O usuário pode acessar a grade Tahoe-LAFS com um cliente que não possui o Software de gateway instalado, como um quiosque de internet ou celular.
Controle de acesso
Existem dois tipos de arquivos: imutáveis e mutáveis. Quando você carrega um arquivo Para a grade de armazenamento, você pode escolher o tipo de arquivo que será no grade. Os arquivos imutáveis não podem ser modificados quando foram carregados. UMA O arquivo mutable pode ser modificado por alguém com acesso de leitura e gravação. Um usuário Pode ter acesso de leitura e gravação a um arquivo mutable ou acesso somente leitura, ou não Acesso a ele.
Um usuário que tenha acesso de leitura e gravação a um arquivo mutable ou diretório pode dar Outro acesso de leitura e gravação do usuário a esse arquivo ou diretório, ou eles podem dar Acesso somente leitura para esse arquivo ou diretório. Um usuário com acesso somente leitura Para um arquivo ou diretório pode dar acesso a outro usuário somente leitura.
Ao vincular um arquivo ou diretório a um diretório pai, você pode usar um Link de leitura-escrita ou um link somente de leitura. Se você usar um link de leitura e gravação, então Qualquer pessoa que tenha acesso de leitura e gravação ao diretório pai pode obter leitura-escrita Acesso à criança e qualquer pessoa que tenha acesso somente leitura ao pai O diretório pode obter acesso somente leitura à criança. Se você usar uma leitura somente Link, qualquer pessoa que tenha lido-escrito ou acesso somente leitura ao pai O diretório pode obter acesso somente leitura à criança.
================================================== ==== Usando Tahoe-LAFS com uma rede anônima: Tor, I2P ================================================== ====
. `Visão geral '
. `Casos de uso '
.
Software Dependencies
_#.
Tor
#.I2P
. `Configuração de conexão '
. `Configuração de Anonimato '
#.
Anonimato do cliente ' #.
Anonimato de servidor, configuração manual ' #. `Anonimato de servidor, configuração automática '. `Problemas de desempenho e segurança '
Visão geral
Tor é uma rede anonimização usada para ajudar a esconder a identidade da Internet Clientes e servidores. Consulte o site do Tor Project para obter mais informações: Https://www.torproject.org/
I2P é uma rede de anonimato descentralizada que se concentra no anonimato de ponta a ponta Entre clientes e servidores. Consulte o site I2P para obter mais informações: Https://geti2p.net/
Casos de uso
Existem três casos de uso potenciais para Tahoe-LAFS do lado do cliente:
-
O usuário deseja sempre usar uma rede de anonimato (Tor, I2P) para proteger Seu anonimato quando se conecta às redes de armazenamento Tahoe-LAFS (seja ou Não os servidores de armazenamento são anônimos).
-
O usuário não se preocupa em proteger seu anonimato, mas eles desejam se conectar a Servidores de armazenamento Tahoe-LAFS que são acessíveis apenas através de Tor Hidden Services ou I2P.
-
Tor é usado apenas se uma sugestão de conexão do servidor usar
tor:
. Essas sugestões Geralmente tem um endereço.onion
. -
I2P só é usado se uma sugestão de conexão do servidor usa
i2p:
. Essas sugestões Geralmente têm um endereço.i2p
. -
O usuário não se preocupa em proteger seu anonimato ou para se conectar a um anonimato Servidores de armazenamento. Este documento não é útil para você ... então pare de ler.
Para servidores de armazenamento Tahoe-LAFS existem três casos de uso:
-
O operador deseja proteger o anonimato fazendo seu Tahoe Servidor acessível apenas em I2P, através de Tor Hidden Services, ou ambos.
-
O operador não * requer * anonimato para o servidor de armazenamento, mas eles Quer que ele esteja disponível tanto no TCP / IP roteado publicamente quanto através de um Rede de anonimização (I2P, Tor Hidden Services). Uma possível razão para fazer Isso é porque ser alcançável através de uma rede de anonimato é um Maneira conveniente de ignorar NAT ou firewall que impede roteios públicos Conexões TCP / IP ao seu servidor (para clientes capazes de se conectar a Tais servidores). Outro é o que torna o seu servidor de armazenamento acessível Através de uma rede de anonimato pode oferecer uma melhor proteção para sua Clientes que usam essa rede de anonimato para proteger seus anonimato.
-
O operador do servidor de armazenamento não se preocupa em proteger seu próprio anonimato nem Para ajudar os clientes a proteger o deles. Pare de ler este documento e execute Seu servidor de armazenamento Tahoe-LAFS usando TCP / IP com roteamento público.
Veja esta página do Tor Project para obter mais informações sobre Tor Hidden Services: Https://www.torproject.org/docs/hidden-services.html.pt
Veja esta página do Projeto I2P para obter mais informações sobre o I2P: Https://geti2p.net/en/about/intro
Dependências de software
Tor
Os clientes que desejam se conectar a servidores baseados em Tor devem instalar o seguinte.
-
Tor (tor) deve ser instalado. Veja aqui: Https://www.torproject.org/docs/installguide.html.en. No Debian / Ubuntu, Use
apt-get install tor
. Você também pode instalar e executar o navegador Tor Agrupar. -
Tahoe-LAFS deve ser instalado com o
[tor]
"extra" habilitado. Isso vai Instaletxtorcon
::
Pip install tahoe-lafs [tor]
Os servidores Tor-configurados manualmente devem instalar Tor, mas não precisam
Txtorcon
ou o[tor]
extra. Configuração automática, quando Implementado, vai precisar destes, assim como os clientes.I2P
Os clientes que desejam se conectar a servidores baseados em I2P devem instalar o seguinte. Tal como acontece com Tor, os servidores baseados em I2P configurados manualmente precisam do daemon I2P, mas Não há bibliotecas especiais de apoio Tahoe-side.
-
I2P deve ser instalado. Veja aqui: Https://geti2p.net/en/download
-
A API SAM deve estar habilitada.
-
Inicie o I2P.
- Visite http://127.0.0.1:7657/configclients no seu navegador.
- Em "Configuração do Cliente", marque a opção "Executar no Startup?" Caixa para "SAM Ponte de aplicação ".
- Clique em "Salvar Configuração do Cliente".
-
Clique no controle "Iniciar" para "ponte de aplicação SAM" ou reinicie o I2P.
-
Tahoe-LAFS deve ser instalado com o
[i2p]
extra habilitado, para obterTxi2p
::
Pip install tahoe-lafs [i2p]
Tor e I2P
Os clientes que desejam se conectar a servidores baseados em Tor e I2P devem instalar tudo acima. Em particular, Tahoe-LAFS deve ser instalado com ambos Extras habilitados ::
Pip install tahoe-lafs [tor, i2p]
Configuração de conexão
Consulte: ref:
Connection Management
para uma descrição do[tor]
e
[I2p]
seções detahoe.cfg
. Estes controlam como o cliente Tahoe Conecte-se a um daemon Tor / I2P e, assim, faça conexões com Tor / I2P-baseadas Servidores.As seções
[tor]
e[i2p]
só precisam ser modificadas para serem usadas de forma incomum Configurações ou para habilitar a configuração automática do servidor.A configuração padrão tentará entrar em contato com um daemon local Tor / I2P Ouvindo as portas usuais (9050/9150 para Tor, 7656 para I2P). Enquanto Há um daemon em execução no host local e o suporte necessário Bibliotecas foram instaladas, os clientes poderão usar servidores baseados em Tor Sem qualquer configuração especial.
No entanto, note que esta configuração padrão não melhora a Anonimato: as conexões TCP normais ainda serão feitas em qualquer servidor que Oferece um endereço regular (cumpre o segundo caso de uso do cliente acima, não o terceiro). Para proteger o anonimato, os usuários devem configurar o
[Connections]
da seguinte maneira:[Conexões] Tcp = tor
Com isso, o cliente usará Tor (em vez de um IP-address -reviração de conexão direta) para alcançar servidores baseados em TCP.
Configuração de anonimato
Tahoe-LAFS fornece uma configuração "flag de segurança" para indicar explicitamente Seja necessário ou não a privacidade do endereço IP para um nó ::
[nó] Revelar-IP-address = (booleano, opcional)
Quando
revelar-IP-address = False
, Tahoe-LAFS se recusará a iniciar se algum dos As opções de configuração emtahoe.cfg
revelariam a rede do nó localização:-
[Conexões] tcp = tor
é necessário: caso contrário, o cliente faria Conexões diretas para o Introdução, ou qualquer servidor baseado em TCP que aprende Do Introdutor, revelando seu endereço IP para esses servidores e um Rede de espionagem. Com isso, Tahoe-LAFS só fará Conexões de saída através de uma rede de anonimato suportada. -
Tub.location
deve ser desativado ou conter valores seguros. este O valor é anunciado para outros nós através do Introdutor: é como um servidor Anuncia sua localização para que os clientes possam se conectar a ela. No modo privado, ele É um erro para incluir umtcp:
dica notub.location
. Modo privado Rejeita o valor padrão detub.location
(quando a chave está faltando Inteiramente), que éAUTO
, que usaifconfig
para adivinhar o nó Endereço IP externo, o que o revelaria ao servidor e a outros clientes.
Esta opção é ** crítica ** para preservar o anonimato do cliente (cliente Caso de uso 3 de "Casos de uso", acima). Também é necessário preservar uma Anonimato do servidor (caso de uso do servidor 3).
Esse sinalizador pode ser configurado (para falso), fornecendo o argumento
--hide-ip
para Os comandoscreate-node
,create-client
oucreate-introducer
.Observe que o valor padrão de
revelar-endereço IP
é verdadeiro, porque Infelizmente, esconder o endereço IP do nó requer software adicional para ser Instalado (conforme descrito acima) e reduz o desempenho.Anonimato do cliente
Para configurar um nó de cliente para anonimato,
tahoe.cfg
** deve ** conter o Seguindo as bandeiras de configuração ::[nó] Revelar-IP-address = False Tub.port = desativado Tub.location = desativado
Uma vez que o nodo Tahoe-LAFS foi reiniciado, ele pode ser usado anonimamente (cliente Caso de uso 3).
Anonimato do servidor, configuração manual
Para configurar um nó de servidor para ouvir em uma rede de anonimato, devemos primeiro Configure Tor para executar um "Serviço de cebola" e encaminhe as conexões de entrada para o Porto Tahoe local. Então, configuramos Tahoe para anunciar o endereço
.onion
Aos clientes. Também configuramos Tahoe para não fazer conexões TCP diretas.- Decida em um número de porta de escuta local, chamado PORT. Isso pode ser qualquer não utilizado Porta de cerca de 1024 até 65535 (dependendo do kernel / rede do host Config). Nós diremos a Tahoe para escutar nesta porta, e nós diremos a Tor para Encaminhe as conexões de entrada para ele.
- Decida em um número de porta externo, chamado VIRTPORT. Isso será usado no Localização anunciada e revelada aos clientes. Pode ser qualquer número de 1 Para 65535. Pode ser o mesmo que PORT, se quiser.
- Decida em um "diretório de serviço oculto", geralmente em
/ var / lib / tor / NAME
. Pediremos a Tor para salvar o estado do serviço de cebola aqui, e Tor irá Escreva o endereço.onion
aqui depois que ele for gerado.
Em seguida, faça o seguinte:
-
Crie o nó do servidor Tahoe (com
tahoe create-node
), mas não ** não ** Lança-o ainda. -
Edite o arquivo de configuração Tor (normalmente em
/ etc / tor / torrc
). Precisamos adicionar Uma seção para definir o serviço oculto. Se nossa PORT for 2000, VIRTPORT é 3000, e estamos usando/ var / lib / tor / tahoe
como o serviço oculto Diretório, a seção deve se parecer com ::HiddenServiceDir / var / lib / tor / tahoe HiddenServicePort 3000 127.0.0.1:2000
-
Reinicie Tor, com
systemctl restart tor
. Aguarde alguns segundos. -
Leia o arquivo
hostname
no diretório de serviço oculto (por exemplo,/ Var / lib / tor / tahoe / hostname
). Este será um endereço.onion
, comoU33m4y7klhz3b.onion
. Ligue para esta CEBOLA. -
Edite
tahoe.cfg
para configurartub.port
para usarTcp: PORT: interface = 127.0.0.1
etub.location
para usarTor: ONION.onion: VIRTPORT
. Usando os exemplos acima, isso seria ::[nó] Revelar-endereço IP = falso Tub.port = tcp: 2000: interface = 127.0.0.1 Tub.location = tor: u33m4y7klhz3b.onion: 3000 [Conexões] Tcp = tor
-
Inicie o servidor Tahoe com
tahoe start $ NODEDIR
A seção
tub.port
fará com que o servidor Tahoe ouça no PORT, mas Ligue o soquete de escuta à interface de loopback, que não é acessível Do mundo exterior (mas * é * acessível pelo daemon Tor local). Então o A seçãotcp = tor
faz com que Tahoe use Tor quando se conecta ao Introdução, escondendo o endereço IP. O nó se anunciará a todos Clientes que usam `tub.location``, então os clientes saberão que devem usar o Tor Para alcançar este servidor (e não revelar seu endereço IP através do anúncio). Quando os clientes se conectam ao endereço da cebola, seus pacotes serão Atravessar a rede de anonimato e eventualmente aterrar no Tor local Daemon, que então estabelecerá uma conexão com PORT no localhost, que é Onde Tahoe está ouvindo conexões.Siga um processo similar para construir um servidor Tahoe que escuta no I2P. o O mesmo processo pode ser usado para ouvir tanto o Tor como o I2P (
tub.location = Tor: ONION.onion: VIRTPORT, i2p: ADDR.i2p
). Também pode ouvir tanto Tor como TCP simples (caso de uso 2), comtub.port = tcp: PORT
,tub.location = Tcp: HOST: PORT, tor: ONION.onion: VIRTPORT
eanonymous = false
(e omite A configuraçãotcp = tor
, já que o endereço já está sendo transmitido através de O anúncio de localização).Anonimato do servidor, configuração automática
Para configurar um nó do servidor para ouvir em uma rede de anonimato, crie o Nó com a opção
--listen = tor
. Isso requer uma configuração Tor que Ou lança um novo daemon Tor, ou tem acesso à porta de controle Tor (e Autoridade suficiente para criar um novo serviço de cebola). Nos sistemas Debian / Ubuntu, façaApt install tor
, adicione-se ao grupo de controle comadduser YOURUSERNAME debian-tor
e, em seguida, inicie sessão e faça o login novamente: se osgroups
O comando incluidebian-tor
na saída, você deve ter permissão para Use a porta de controle de domínio unix em/ var / run / tor / control
.Esta opção irá definir
revelar-IP-address = False
e[connections] tcp = Tor
. Ele alocará as portas necessárias, instruirá Tor para criar a cebola Serviço (salvando a chave privada em algum lugar dentro de NODEDIR / private /), obtenha O endereço.onion
e preenchatub.port
etub.location
corretamente.Problemas de desempenho e segurança
Se você estiver executando um servidor que não precisa ser Anônimo, você deve torná-lo acessível através de uma rede de anonimato ou não? Ou você pode torná-lo acessível * ambos * através de uma rede de anonimato E como um servidor TCP / IP rastreável publicamente?
Existem várias compensações efetuadas por esta decisão.
Penetração NAT / Firewall
Fazer com que um servidor seja acessível via Tor ou I2P o torna acessível (por Clientes compatíveis com Tor / I2P) mesmo que existam NAT ou firewalls que impeçam Conexões TCP / IP diretas para o servidor.
Anonimato
Tornar um servidor Tahoe-LAFS acessível * somente * via Tor ou I2P pode ser usado para Garanta que os clientes Tahoe-LAFS usem Tor ou I2P para se conectar (Especificamente, o servidor só deve anunciar endereços Tor / I2P no Chave de configuração
tub.location
). Isso evita que os clientes mal configurados sejam Desingonizando-se acidentalmente, conectando-se ao seu servidor através de A Internet rastreável.Claramente, um servidor que está disponível como um serviço Tor / I2P * e * a O endereço TCP regular não é anônimo: o endereço do .on e o real O endereço IP do servidor é facilmente vinculável.
Além disso, a interação, através do Tor, com um Tor Oculto pode ser mais Protegido da análise do tráfego da rede do que a interação, através do Tor, Com um servidor TCP / IP com rastreamento público
** XXX há um documento mantido pelos desenvolvedores de Tor que comprovem ou refutam essa crença? Se assim for, precisamos ligar a ele. Caso contrário, talvez devêssemos explicar mais aqui por que pensamos isso? **
Linkability
A partir de 1.12.0, o nó usa uma única chave de banheira persistente para saída Conexões ao Introdutor e conexões de entrada para o Servidor de Armazenamento (E Helper). Para os clientes, uma nova chave Tub é criada para cada servidor de armazenamento Nós aprendemos sobre, e essas chaves são * não * persistiram (então elas mudarão cada uma delas Tempo que o cliente reinicia).
Clientes que atravessam diretórios (de rootcap para subdiretório para filecap) são É provável que solicitem os mesmos índices de armazenamento (SIs) na mesma ordem de cada vez. Um cliente conectado a vários servidores irá pedir-lhes todos para o mesmo SI em Quase ao mesmo tempo. E dois clientes que compartilham arquivos ou diretórios Irá visitar os mesmos SI (em várias ocasiões).
Como resultado, as seguintes coisas são vinculáveis, mesmo com
revelar-endereço IP = Falso
:- Servidores de armazenamento podem vincular reconhecer várias conexões do mesmo Cliente ainda não reiniciado. (Observe que o próximo recurso de Contabilidade pode Faz com que os clientes apresentem uma chave pública persistente do lado do cliente quando Conexão, que será uma ligação muito mais forte).
- Os servidores de armazenamento provavelmente podem deduzir qual cliente está acessando dados, por Olhando as SIs sendo solicitadas. Vários servidores podem conciliar Determine que o mesmo cliente está falando com todos eles, mesmo que o TubIDs são diferentes para cada conexão.
- Os servidores de armazenamento podem deduzir quando dois clientes diferentes estão compartilhando dados.
- O Introdutor pode entregar diferentes informações de servidor para cada um Cliente subscrito, para particionar clientes em conjuntos distintos de acordo com Quais as conexões do servidor que eles eventualmente fazem. Para clientes + nós de servidor, ele Também pode correlacionar o anúncio do servidor com o cliente deduzido identidade.
atuação
Um cliente que se conecta a um servidor Tahoe-LAFS com rastreamento público através de Tor Incorrem em latência substancialmente maior e, às vezes, pior Mesmo cliente se conectando ao mesmo servidor através de um TCP / IP rastreável normal conexão. Quando o servidor está em um Tor Hidden Service, ele incorre ainda mais Latência e, possivelmente, ainda pior rendimento.
Conectando-se a servidores Tahoe-LAFS que são servidores I2P incorrem em maior latência E pior rendimento também.
Efeitos positivos e negativos em outros usuários Tor
O envio de seu tráfego Tahoe-LAFS sobre o Tor adiciona tráfego de cobertura para outros Tor usuários que também estão transmitindo dados em massa. Então isso é bom para Eles - aumentando seu anonimato.
No entanto, torna o desempenho de outros usuários do Tor Sessões - por exemplo, sessões ssh - muito pior. Isso é porque Tor Atualmente não possui nenhuma prioridade ou qualidade de serviço Recursos, para que as teclas de Ssh de outra pessoa possam ter que esperar na fila Enquanto o conteúdo do arquivo em massa é transmitido. O atraso adicional pode Tornar as sessões interativas de outras pessoas inutilizáveis.
Ambos os efeitos são duplicados se você carregar ou baixar arquivos para um Tor Hidden Service, em comparação com se você carregar ou baixar arquivos Over Tor para um servidor TCP / IP com rastreamento público
Efeitos positivos e negativos em outros usuários do I2P
Enviar seu tráfego Tahoe-LAFS ao I2P adiciona tráfego de cobertura para outros usuários do I2P Que também estão transmitindo dados. Então, isso é bom para eles - aumentando sua anonimato. Não prejudicará diretamente o desempenho de outros usuários do I2P Sessões interativas, porque a rede I2P possui vários controles de congestionamento e Recursos de qualidade de serviço, como priorizar pacotes menores.
No entanto, se muitos usuários estão enviando tráfego Tahoe-LAFS ao I2P e não tiverem Seus roteadores I2P configurados para participar de muito tráfego, então o I2P A rede como um todo sofrerá degradação. Cada roteador Tahoe-LAFS que usa o I2P tem Seus próprios túneis de anonimato que seus dados são enviados. Em média, um O nó Tahoe-LAFS requer 12 outros roteadores I2P para participar de seus túneis.
Portanto, é importante que o seu roteador I2P esteja compartilhando a largura de banda com outros Roteadores, para que você possa retornar enquanto usa o I2P. Isso nunca prejudicará a Desempenho de seu nó Tahoe-LAFS, porque seu roteador I2P sempre Priorize seu próprio tráfego.
=========================
Como configurar um servidor
Muitos nós Tahoe-LAFS são executados como "servidores", o que significa que eles fornecem serviços para Outras máquinas (isto é, "clientes"). Os dois tipos mais importantes são os Introdução e Servidores de armazenamento.
Para ser útil, os servidores devem ser alcançados pelos clientes. Os servidores Tahoe podem ouvir Em portas TCP e anunciar sua "localização" (nome do host e número da porta TCP) Para que os clientes possam se conectar a eles. Eles também podem ouvir os serviços de cebola "Tor" E portas I2P.
Os servidores de armazenamento anunciam sua localização ao anunciá-lo ao Introdutivo, Que então transmite a localização para todos os clientes. Então, uma vez que a localização é Determinado, você não precisa fazer nada de especial para entregá-lo.
O próprio apresentador possui uma localização, que deve ser entregue manualmente a todos Servidores de armazenamento e clientes. Você pode enviá-lo para os novos membros do seu grade. Esta localização (juntamente com outros identificadores criptográficos importantes) é Escrito em um arquivo chamado
private / introducer.furl
no Presenter's Diretório básico, e deve ser fornecido como o argumento--introducer =
paraTahoe create-node
outahoe create-node
.O primeiro passo ao configurar um servidor é descobrir como os clientes irão alcançar. Então você precisa configurar o servidor para ouvir em algumas portas, e Depois configure a localização corretamente.
Configuração manual
Cada servidor tem duas configurações em seu arquivo
tahoe.cfg
:tub.port
, eTub.location
. A "porta" controla o que o nó do servidor escuta: isto Geralmente é uma porta TCP.A "localização" controla o que é anunciado para o mundo exterior. Isto é um "Sugestão de conexão foolscap", e inclui tanto o tipo de conexão (Tcp, tor ou i2p) e os detalhes da conexão (nome do host / endereço, porta número). Vários proxies, gateways e redes de privacidade podem ser Envolvido, então não é incomum para
tub.port
etub.location
para olhar diferente.Você pode controlar diretamente a configuração
tub.port
etub.location
Configurações, fornecendo--port =
e--location =
ao executartahoe Create-node
.Configuração automática
Em vez de fornecer
--port = / - location =
, você pode usar--listen =
. Os servidores podem ouvir em TCP, Tor, I2P, uma combinação desses ou nenhum. O argumento--listen =
controla quais tipos de ouvintes o novo servidor usará.--listen = none
significa que o servidor não deve ouvir nada. Isso não Faz sentido para um servidor, mas é apropriado para um nó somente cliente. o O comandotahoe create-client
inclui automaticamente--listen = none
.--listen = tcp
é o padrão e liga uma porta de escuta TCP padrão. Usar--listen = tcp
requer um argumento--hostname =
também, que será Incorporado no local anunciado do nó. Descobrimos que os computadores Não pode determinar de forma confiável seu nome de host acessível externamente, então, em vez de Ter o servidor adivinhar (ou escanear suas interfaces para endereços IP Isso pode ou não ser apropriado), a criação de nó requer que o usuário Forneça o nome do host.--listen = tor
conversará com um daemon Tor local e criará uma nova "cebola" Servidor "(que se parece comalzrgrdvxct6c63z.onion
).
--listen = i2p` conversará com um daemon I2P local e criará um novo servidor endereço. Consulte: doc:
anonymity-configuration` para obter detalhes.Você pode ouvir nos três usando
--listen = tcp, tor, i2p
.Cenários de implantação
A seguir, alguns cenários sugeridos para configurar servidores usando Vários transportes de rede. Estes exemplos não incluem a especificação de um Apresentador FURL que normalmente você gostaria quando provisionamento de armazenamento Nós. Para estes e outros detalhes de configuração, consulte : Doc:
configuration
.. `Servidor possui um nome DNS público '
.
Servidor possui um endereço público IPv4 / IPv6
_.
O servidor está por trás de um firewall com encaminhamento de porta
_.
Usando o I2P / Tor para evitar o encaminhamento da porta
_O servidor possui um nome DNS público
O caso mais simples é o local onde o host do servidor está diretamente conectado ao Internet, sem um firewall ou caixa NAT no caminho. A maioria dos VPS (Virtual Private Servidor) e servidores colocados são assim, embora alguns fornecedores bloqueiem Muitas portas de entrada por padrão.
Para esses servidores, tudo o que você precisa saber é o nome do host externo. O sistema O administrador irá dizer-lhe isso. O principal requisito é que este nome de host Pode ser pesquisado no DNS, e ele será mapeado para um endereço IPv4 ou IPv6 que Alcançará a máquina.
Se o seu nome de host for
example.net
, então você criará o introdutor como esta::Tahoe create-introducer --hostname example.com ~ / introducer
Ou um servidor de armazenamento como ::
Tahoe create-node --hostname = example.net
Estes irão alocar uma porta TCP (por exemplo, 12345), atribuir
tub.port
para serTcp: 12345
etub.location
serãotcp: example.com: 12345
.Idealmente, isso também deveria funcionar para hosts compatíveis com IPv6 (onde o nome DNS Fornece um registro "AAAA", ou ambos "A" e "AAAA"). No entanto Tahoe-LAFS O suporte para IPv6 é novo e ainda pode ter problemas. Por favor, veja o ingresso
# 867
_ para detalhes... _ # 867: https://tahoe-lafs.org/trac/tahoe-lafs/ticket/867
O servidor possui um endereço público IPv4 / IPv6
Se o host tiver um endereço IPv4 (público) rotativo (por exemplo,
203.0.113.1```), mas Nenhum nome DNS, você precisará escolher uma porta TCP (por exemplo,
3457``) e usar o Segue::Tahoe create-node --port = tcp: 3457 - localização = tcp: 203.0.113.1: 3457
--port
é uma "string de especificação de ponto de extremidade" que controla quais locais Porta em que o nó escuta.--location
é a "sugestão de conexão" que ele Anuncia para outros, e descreve as conexões de saída que essas Os clientes irão fazer, por isso precisa trabalhar a partir da sua localização na rede.Os nós Tahoe-LAFS escutam em todas as interfaces por padrão. Quando o host é Multi-homed, você pode querer fazer a ligação de escuta ligar apenas a uma Interface específica, adicionando uma opção
interface =
ao--port =
argumento::Tahoe create-node --port = tcp: 3457: interface = 203.0.113.1 - localização = tcp: 203.0.113.1: 3457
Se o endereço público do host for IPv6 em vez de IPv4, use colchetes para Envolva o endereço e altere o tipo de nó de extremidade para
tcp6
::Tahoe create-node --port = tcp6: 3457 - localização = tcp: [2001: db8 :: 1]: 3457
Você pode usar
interface =
para vincular a uma interface IPv6 específica também, no entanto Você deve fazer uma barra invertida - escapar dos dois pontos, porque, de outra forma, eles são interpretados Como delimitadores pelo idioma de especificação do "ponto final" torcido. o--location =
argumento não precisa de dois pontos para serem escapados, porque eles são Envolto pelos colchetes ::Tahoe create-node --port = tcp6: 3457: interface = 2001 \: db8 \: \: 1 --location = tcp: [2001: db8 :: 1]: 3457
Para hosts somente IPv6 com registros DNS AAAA, se o simples
--hostname =
A configuração não funciona, eles podem ser informados para ouvir especificamente Porta compatível com IPv6 com este ::Tahoe create-node --port = tcp6: 3457 - localização = tcp: example.net: 3457
O servidor está por trás de um firewall com encaminhamento de porta
Para configurar um nó de armazenamento por trás de um firewall com encaminhamento de porta, você irá precisa saber:
- Endereço IPv4 público do roteador
- A porta TCP que está disponível de fora da sua rede
- A porta TCP que é o destino de encaminhamento
- Endereço IPv4 interno do nó de armazenamento (o nó de armazenamento em si é
Desconhece esse endereço e não é usado durante
tahoe create-node
, Mas o firewall deve ser configurado para enviar conexões para isso)
Os números de porta TCP internos e externos podem ser iguais ou diferentes Dependendo de como o encaminhamento da porta está configurado. Se é mapear portas 1-para-1, eo endereço IPv4 público do firewall é 203.0.113.1 (e Talvez o endereço IPv4 interno do nó de armazenamento seja 192.168.1.5), então Use um comando CLI como este ::
Tahoe create-node --port = tcp: 3457 - localização = tcp: 203.0.113.1: 3457
Se no entanto, o firewall / NAT-box encaminha a porta externa * 6656 * para o interno Porta 3457, então faça isso ::
Tahoe create-node --port = tcp: 3457 - localização = tcp: 203.0.113.1: 6656
Usando o I2P / Tor para evitar o encaminhamento da porta
Os serviços de cebola I2P e Tor, entre outras excelentes propriedades, também fornecem NAT Penetração sem encaminhamento de porta, nomes de host ou endereços IP. Então, configurando Um servidor que escuta apenas no Tor é simples ::
Tahoe create-node --listen = tor
Para mais informações sobre o uso de Tahoe-LAFS com I2p e Tor veja : Doc:
anonymity-configuration
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@ a95c6243:d345522c
2025-01-03 20:26:47Was du bist hängt von drei Faktoren ab: \ Was du geerbt hast, \ was deine Umgebung aus dir machte \ und was du in freier Wahl \ aus deiner Umgebung und deinem Erbe gemacht hast. \ Aldous Huxley
Das brave Mitmachen und Mitlaufen in einem vorgegebenen, recht engen Rahmen ist gewiss nicht neu, hat aber gerade wieder mal Konjunktur. Dies kann man deutlich beobachten, eigentlich egal, in welchem gesellschaftlichen Bereich man sich umschaut. Individualität ist nur soweit angesagt, wie sie in ein bestimmtes Schema von «Diversität» passt, und Freiheit verkommt zur Worthülse – nicht erst durch ein gewisses Buch einer gewissen ehemaligen Regierungschefin.
Erklärungsansätze für solche Entwicklungen sind bekannt, und praktisch alle haben etwas mit Massenpsychologie zu tun. Der Herdentrieb, also der Trieb der Menschen, sich – zum Beispiel aus Unsicherheit oder Bequemlichkeit – lieber der Masse anzuschließen als selbstständig zu denken und zu handeln, ist einer der Erklärungsversuche. Andere drehen sich um Macht, Propaganda, Druck und Angst, also den gezielten Einsatz psychologischer Herrschaftsinstrumente.
Aber wollen die Menschen überhaupt Freiheit? Durch Gespräche im privaten Umfeld bin ich diesbezüglich in der letzten Zeit etwas skeptisch geworden. Um die Jahreswende philosophiert man ja gerne ein wenig über das Erlebte und über die Erwartungen für die Zukunft. Dabei hatte ich hin und wieder den Eindruck, die totalitären Anwandlungen unserer «Repräsentanten» kämen manchen Leuten gerade recht.
«Desinformation» ist so ein brisantes Thema. Davor müsse man die Menschen doch schützen, hörte ich. Jemand müsse doch zum Beispiel diese ganzen merkwürdigen Inhalte in den Social Media filtern – zur Ukraine, zum Klima, zu Gesundheitsthemen oder zur Migration. Viele wüssten ja gar nicht einzuschätzen, was richtig und was falsch ist, sie bräuchten eine Führung.
Freiheit bedingt Eigenverantwortung, ohne Zweifel. Eventuell ist es einigen tatsächlich zu anspruchsvoll, die Verantwortung für das eigene Tun und Lassen zu übernehmen. Oder die persönliche Freiheit wird nicht als ausreichend wertvolles Gut angesehen, um sich dafür anzustrengen. In dem Fall wäre die mangelnde Selbstbestimmung wohl das kleinere Übel. Allerdings fehlt dann gemäß Aldous Huxley ein Teil der Persönlichkeit. Letztlich ist natürlich alles eine Frage der Abwägung.
Sind viele Menschen möglicherweise schon so «eingenordet», dass freiheitliche Ambitionen gar nicht für eine ganze Gruppe, ein Kollektiv, verfolgt werden können? Solche Gedanken kamen mir auch, als ich mir kürzlich diverse Talks beim viertägigen Hacker-Kongress des Chaos Computer Clubs (38C3) anschaute. Ich war nicht nur überrascht, sondern reichlich erschreckt angesichts der in weiten Teilen mainstream-geformten Inhalte, mit denen ein dankbares Publikum beglückt wurde. Wo ich allgemein hellere Köpfe erwartet hatte, fand ich Konformismus und enthusiastisch untermauerte Narrative.
Gibt es vielleicht so etwas wie eine Herdenimmunität gegen Indoktrination? Ich denke, ja, zumindest eine gestärkte Widerstandsfähigkeit. Was wir brauchen, sind etwas gesunder Menschenverstand, offene Informationskanäle und der Mut, sich freier auch zwischen den Herden zu bewegen. Sie tun das bereits, aber sagen Sie es auch dieses Jahr ruhig weiter.
Dieser Beitrag ist zuerst auf Transition News erschienen.
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@ a95c6243:d345522c
2025-01-01 17:39:51Heute möchte ich ein Gedicht mit euch teilen. Es handelt sich um eine Ballade des österreichischen Lyrikers Johann Gabriel Seidl aus dem 19. Jahrhundert. Mir sind diese Worte fest in Erinnerung, da meine Mutter sie perfekt rezitieren konnte, auch als die Kräfte schon langsam schwanden.
Dem originalen Titel «Die Uhr» habe ich für mich immer das Wort «innere» hinzugefügt. Denn der Zeitmesser – hier vermutliche eine Taschenuhr – symbolisiert zwar in dem Kontext das damalige Zeitempfinden und die Umbrüche durch die industrielle Revolution, sozusagen den Zeitgeist und das moderne Leben. Aber der Autor setzt sich philosophisch mit der Zeit auseinander und gibt seinem Werk auch eine klar spirituelle Dimension.
Das Ticken der Uhr und die Momente des Glücks und der Trauer stehen sinnbildlich für das unaufhaltsame Fortschreiten und die Vergänglichkeit des Lebens. Insofern könnte man bei der Uhr auch an eine Sonnenuhr denken. Der Rhythmus der Ereignisse passt uns vielleicht nicht immer in den Kram.
Was den Takt pocht, ist durchaus auch das Herz, unser «inneres Uhrwerk». Wenn dieses Meisterwerk einmal stillsteht, ist es unweigerlich um uns geschehen. Hoffentlich können wir dann dankbar sagen: «Ich habe mein Bestes gegeben.»
Ich trage, wo ich gehe, stets eine Uhr bei mir; \ Wieviel es geschlagen habe, genau seh ich an ihr. \ Es ist ein großer Meister, der künstlich ihr Werk gefügt, \ Wenngleich ihr Gang nicht immer dem törichten Wunsche genügt.
Ich wollte, sie wäre rascher gegangen an manchem Tag; \ Ich wollte, sie hätte manchmal verzögert den raschen Schlag. \ In meinen Leiden und Freuden, in Sturm und in der Ruh, \ Was immer geschah im Leben, sie pochte den Takt dazu.
Sie schlug am Sarge des Vaters, sie schlug an des Freundes Bahr, \ Sie schlug am Morgen der Liebe, sie schlug am Traualtar. \ Sie schlug an der Wiege des Kindes, sie schlägt, will's Gott, noch oft, \ Wenn bessere Tage kommen, wie meine Seele es hofft.
Und ward sie auch einmal träger, und drohte zu stocken ihr Lauf, \ So zog der Meister immer großmütig sie wieder auf. \ Doch stände sie einmal stille, dann wär's um sie geschehn, \ Kein andrer, als der sie fügte, bringt die Zerstörte zum Gehn.
Dann müßt ich zum Meister wandern, der wohnt am Ende wohl weit, \ Wohl draußen, jenseits der Erde, wohl dort in der Ewigkeit! \ Dann gäb ich sie ihm zurücke mit dankbar kindlichem Flehn: \ Sieh, Herr, ich hab nichts verdorben, sie blieb von selber stehn.
Johann Gabriel Seidl (1804-1875)
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@ 9223d2fa:b57e3de7
2025-04-15 05:30:00136 steps
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@ a95c6243:d345522c
2024-12-21 09:54:49Falls du beim Lesen des Titels dieses Newsletters unwillkürlich an positive Neuigkeiten aus dem globalen polit-medialen Irrenhaus oder gar aus dem wirtschaftlichen Umfeld gedacht hast, darf ich dich beglückwünschen. Diese Assoziation ist sehr löblich, denn sie weist dich als unverbesserlichen Optimisten aus. Leider muss ich dich diesbezüglich aber enttäuschen. Es geht hier um ein anderes Thema, allerdings sehr wohl ein positives, wie ich finde.
Heute ist ein ganz besonderer Tag: die Wintersonnenwende. Genau gesagt hat heute morgen um 10:20 Uhr Mitteleuropäischer Zeit (MEZ) auf der Nordhalbkugel unseres Planeten der astronomische Winter begonnen. Was daran so außergewöhnlich ist? Der kürzeste Tag des Jahres war gestern, seit heute werden die Tage bereits wieder länger! Wir werden also jetzt jeden Tag ein wenig mehr Licht haben.
Für mich ist dieses Ereignis immer wieder etwas kurios: Es beginnt der Winter, aber die Tage werden länger. Das erscheint mir zunächst wie ein Widerspruch, denn meine spontanen Assoziationen zum Winter sind doch eher Kälte und Dunkelheit, relativ zumindest. Umso erfreulicher ist der emotionale Effekt, wenn dann langsam die Erkenntnis durchsickert: Ab jetzt wird es schon wieder heller!
Natürlich ist es kalt im Winter, mancherorts mehr als anderswo. Vielleicht jedoch nicht mehr lange, wenn man den Klimahysterikern glauben wollte. Mindestens letztes Jahr hat Väterchen Frost allerdings gleich zu Beginn seiner Saison – und passenderweise während des globalen Überhitzungsgipfels in Dubai – nochmal richtig mit der Faust auf den Tisch gehauen. Schnee- und Eischaos sind ja eigentlich in der Agenda bereits nicht mehr vorgesehen. Deswegen war man in Deutschland vermutlich in vorauseilendem Gehorsam schon nicht mehr darauf vorbereitet und wurde glatt lahmgelegt.
Aber ich schweife ab. Die Aussicht auf nach und nach mehr Licht und damit auch Wärme stimmt mich froh. Den Zusammenhang zwischen beidem merkt man in Andalusien sehr deutlich. Hier, wo die Häuser im Winter arg auskühlen, geht man zum Aufwärmen raus auf die Straße oder auf den Balkon. Die Sonne hat auch im Winter eine erfreuliche Kraft. Und da ist jede Minute Gold wert.
Außerdem ist mir vor Jahren so richtig klar geworden, warum mir das südliche Klima so sehr gefällt. Das liegt nämlich nicht nur an der Sonne als solcher, oder der Wärme – das liegt vor allem am Licht. Ohne Licht keine Farben, das ist der ebenso simple wie gewaltige Unterschied zwischen einem deprimierenden matschgraubraunen Winter und einem fröhlichen bunten. Ein großes Stück Lebensqualität.
Mir gefällt aber auch die Symbolik dieses Tages: Licht aus der Dunkelheit, ein Wendepunkt, ein Neuanfang, neue Möglichkeiten, Übergang zu neuer Aktivität. In der winterlichen Stille keimt bereits neue Lebendigkeit. Und zwar in einem Zyklus, das wird immer wieder so geschehen. Ich nehme das gern als ein Stück Motivation, es macht mir Hoffnung und gibt mir Energie.
Übrigens ist parallel am heutigen Tag auf der südlichen Halbkugel Sommeranfang. Genau im entgegengesetzten Rhythmus, sich ergänzend, wie Yin und Yang. Das alles liegt an der Schrägstellung der Erdachse, die ist nämlich um 23,4º zur Umlaufbahn um die Sonne geneigt. Wir erinnern uns, gell?
Insofern bleibt eindeutig festzuhalten, dass “schräg sein” ein willkommener, wichtiger und positiver Wert ist. Mit anderen Worten: auch ungewöhnlich, eigenartig, untypisch, wunderlich, kauzig, … ja sogar irre, spinnert oder gar “quer” ist in Ordnung. Das schließt das Denken mit ein.
In diesem Sinne wünsche ich euch allen urige Weihnachtstage!
Dieser Beitrag ist letztes Jahr in meiner Denkbar erschienen.
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@ 23202132:eab3af30
2025-04-14 20:23:40A MixPay é uma plataforma gratuita que permite o recebimento de pagamentos em criptomoedas de forma prática e eficiente. Com a popularidade crescente das criptomoedas, essa modalidade de pagamento está se tornando cada vez mais comum em diversas partes do mundo, incluindo o Brasil, onde alguns municípios, como Rolante, no Rio Grande do Sul, já possuem estabelecimentos que aceitam pagamentos em criptoativos.
Veja um exemplo prático no YouTube https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=FPJ5LqQ19CY
Por que aceitar pagamentos em criptomoedas?
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Para mais informações acesse https://mixpay.me
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@ a95c6243:d345522c
2024-12-13 19:30:32Das Betriebsklima ist das einzige Klima, \ das du selbst bestimmen kannst. \ Anonym
Eine Strategie zur Anpassung an den Klimawandel hat das deutsche Bundeskabinett diese Woche beschlossen. Da «Wetterextreme wie die immer häufiger auftretenden Hitzewellen und Starkregenereignisse» oft desaströse Auswirkungen auf Mensch und Umwelt hätten, werde eine Anpassung an die Folgen des Klimawandels immer wichtiger. «Klimaanpassungsstrategie» nennt die Regierung das.
Für die «Vorsorge vor Klimafolgen» habe man nun erstmals klare Ziele und messbare Kennzahlen festgelegt. So sei der Erfolg überprüfbar, und das solle zu einer schnelleren Bewältigung der Folgen führen. Dass sich hinter dem Begriff Klimafolgen nicht Folgen des Klimas, sondern wohl «Folgen der globalen Erwärmung» verbergen, erklärt den Interessierten die Wikipedia. Dabei ist das mit der Erwärmung ja bekanntermaßen so eine Sache.
Die Zunahme schwerer Unwetterereignisse habe gezeigt, so das Ministerium, wie wichtig eine frühzeitige und effektive Warnung der Bevölkerung sei. Daher solle es eine deutliche Anhebung der Nutzerzahlen der sogenannten Nina-Warn-App geben.
Die ARD spurt wie gewohnt und setzt die Botschaft zielsicher um. Der Artikel beginnt folgendermaßen:
«Die Flut im Ahrtal war ein Schock für das ganze Land. Um künftig besser gegen Extremwetter gewappnet zu sein, hat die Bundesregierung eine neue Strategie zur Klimaanpassung beschlossen. Die Warn-App Nina spielt eine zentrale Rolle. Der Bund will die Menschen in Deutschland besser vor Extremwetter-Ereignissen warnen und dafür die Reichweite der Warn-App Nina deutlich erhöhen.»
Die Kommunen würden bei ihren «Klimaanpassungsmaßnahmen» vom Zentrum KlimaAnpassung unterstützt, schreibt das Umweltministerium. Mit dessen Aufbau wurden das Deutsche Institut für Urbanistik gGmbH, welches sich stark für Smart City-Projekte engagiert, und die Adelphi Consult GmbH beauftragt.
Adelphi beschreibt sich selbst als «Europas führender Think-and-Do-Tank und eine unabhängige Beratung für Klima, Umwelt und Entwicklung». Sie seien «global vernetzte Strateg*innen und weltverbessernde Berater*innen» und als «Vorreiter der sozial-ökologischen Transformation» sei man mit dem Deutschen Nachhaltigkeitspreis ausgezeichnet worden, welcher sich an den Zielen der Agenda 2030 orientiere.
Über die Warn-App mit dem niedlichen Namen Nina, die möglichst jeder auf seinem Smartphone installieren soll, informiert das Bundesamt für Bevölkerungsschutz und Katastrophenhilfe (BBK). Gewarnt wird nicht nur vor Extrem-Wetterereignissen, sondern zum Beispiel auch vor Waffengewalt und Angriffen, Strom- und anderen Versorgungsausfällen oder Krankheitserregern. Wenn man die Kategorie Gefahreninformation wählt, erhält man eine Dosis von ungefähr zwei Benachrichtigungen pro Woche.
Beim BBK erfahren wir auch einiges über die empfohlenen Systemeinstellungen für Nina. Der Benutzer möge zum Beispiel den Zugriff auf die Standortdaten «immer zulassen», und zwar mit aktivierter Funktion «genauen Standort verwenden». Die Datennutzung solle unbeschränkt sein, auch im Hintergrund. Außerdem sei die uneingeschränkte Akkunutzung zu aktivieren, der Energiesparmodus auszuschalten und das Stoppen der App-Aktivität bei Nichtnutzung zu unterbinden.
Dass man so dramatische Ereignisse wie damals im Ahrtal auch anders bewerten kann als Regierungen und Systemmedien, hat meine Kollegin Wiltrud Schwetje anhand der Tragödie im spanischen Valencia gezeigt. Das Stichwort «Agenda 2030» taucht dabei in einem Kontext auf, der wenig mit Nachhaltigkeitspreisen zu tun hat.
Dieser Beitrag ist zuerst auf Transition News erschienen.
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@ 0fa80bd3:ea7325de
2025-04-09 21:19:39DAOs promised decentralization. They offered a system where every member could influence a project's direction, where money and power were transparently distributed, and decisions were made through voting. All of it recorded immutably on the blockchain, free from middlemen.
But something didn’t work out. In practice, most DAOs haven’t evolved into living, self-organizing organisms. They became something else: clubs where participation is unevenly distributed. Leaders remained - only now without formal titles. They hold influence through control over communications, task framing, and community dynamics. Centralization still exists, just wrapped in a new package.
But there's a second, less obvious problem. Crowds can’t create strategy. In DAOs, people vote for what "feels right to the majority." But strategy isn’t about what feels good - it’s about what’s necessary. Difficult, unpopular, yet forward-looking decisions often fail when put to a vote. A founder’s vision is a risk. But in healthy teams, it’s that risk that drives progress. In DAOs, risk is almost always diluted until it becomes something safe and vague.
Instead of empowering leaders, DAOs often neutralize them. This is why many DAOs resemble consensus machines. Everyone talks, debates, and participates, but very little actually gets done. One person says, “Let’s jump,” and five others respond, “Let’s discuss that first.” This dynamic might work for open forums, but not for action.
Decentralization works when there’s trust and delegation, not just voting. Until DAOs develop effective systems for assigning roles, taking ownership, and acting with flexibility, they will keep losing ground to old-fashioned startups led by charismatic founders with a clear vision.
We’ve seen this in many real-world cases. Take MakerDAO, one of the most mature and technically sophisticated DAOs. Its governance token (MKR) holders vote on everything from interest rates to protocol upgrades. While this has allowed for transparency and community involvement, the process is often slow and bureaucratic. Complex proposals stall. Strategic pivots become hard to implement. And in 2023, a controversial proposal to allocate billions to real-world assets passed only narrowly, after months of infighting - highlighting how vision and execution can get stuck in the mud of distributed governance.
On the other hand, Uniswap DAO, responsible for the largest decentralized exchange, raised governance participation only after launching a delegation system where token holders could choose trusted representatives. Still, much of the activity is limited to a small group of active contributors. The vast majority of token holders remain passive. This raises the question: is it really community-led, or just a formalized power structure with lower transparency?
Then there’s ConstitutionDAO, an experiment that went viral. It raised over $40 million in days to try and buy a copy of the U.S. Constitution. But despite the hype, the DAO failed to win the auction. Afterwards, it struggled with refund logistics, communication breakdowns, and confusion over governance. It was a perfect example of collective enthusiasm without infrastructure or planning - proof that a DAO can raise capital fast but still lack cohesion.
Not all efforts have failed. Projects like Gitcoin DAO have made progress by incentivizing small, individual contributions. Their quadratic funding mechanism rewards projects based on the number of contributors, not just the size of donations, helping to elevate grassroots initiatives. But even here, long-term strategy often falls back on a core group of organizers rather than broad community consensus.
The pattern is clear: when the stakes are low or the tasks are modular, DAOs can coordinate well. But when bold moves are needed—when someone has to take responsibility and act under uncertainty DAOs often freeze. In the name of consensus, they lose momentum.
That’s why the organization of the future can’t rely purely on decentralization. It must encourage individual initiative and the ability to take calculated risks. People need to see their contribution not just as a vote, but as a role with clear actions and expected outcomes. When the situation demands, they should be empowered to act first and present the results to the community afterwards allowing for both autonomy and accountability. That’s not a flaw in the system. It’s how real progress happens.
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@ c066aac5:6a41a034
2025-04-05 16:58:58I’m drawn to extremities in art. The louder, the bolder, the more outrageous, the better. Bold art takes me out of the mundane into a whole new world where anything and everything is possible. Having grown up in the safety of the suburban midwest, I was a bit of a rebellious soul in search of the satiation that only came from the consumption of the outrageous. My inclination to find bold art draws me to NOSTR, because I believe NOSTR can be the place where the next generation of artistic pioneers go to express themselves. I also believe that as much as we are able, were should invite them to come create here.
My Background: A Small Side Story
My father was a professional gamer in the 80s, back when there was no money or glory in the avocation. He did get a bit of spotlight though after the fact: in the mid 2000’s there were a few parties making documentaries about that era of gaming as well as current arcade events (namely 2007’sChasing GhostsandThe King of Kong: A Fistful of Quarters). As a result of these documentaries, there was a revival in the arcade gaming scene. My family attended events related to the documentaries or arcade gaming and I became exposed to a lot of things I wouldn’t have been able to find. The producer ofThe King of Kong: A Fistful of Quarters had previously made a documentary calledNew York Dollwhich was centered around the life of bassist Arthur Kane. My 12 year old mind was blown: The New York Dolls were a glam-punk sensation dressed in drag. The music was from another planet. Johnny Thunders’ guitar playing was like Chuck Berry with more distortion and less filter. Later on I got to meet the Galaga record holder at the time, Phil Day, in Ottumwa Iowa. Phil is an Australian man of high intellect and good taste. He exposed me to great creators such as Nick Cave & The Bad Seeds, Shakespeare, Lou Reed, artists who created things that I had previously found inconceivable.
I believe this time period informed my current tastes and interests, but regrettably I think it also put coals on the fire of rebellion within. I stopped taking my parents and siblings seriously, the Christian faith of my family (which I now hold dearly to) seemed like a mundane sham, and I felt I couldn’t fit in with most people because of my avant-garde tastes. So I write this with the caveat that there should be a way to encourage these tastes in children without letting them walk down the wrong path. There is nothing inherently wrong with bold art, but I’d advise parents to carefully find ways to cultivate their children’s tastes without completely shutting them down and pushing them away as a result. My parents were very loving and patient during this time; I thank God for that.
With that out of the way, lets dive in to some bold artists:
Nicolas Cage: Actor
There is an excellent video by Wisecrack on Nicolas Cage that explains him better than I will, which I will linkhere. Nicolas Cage rejects the idea that good acting is tied to mere realism; all of his larger than life acting decisions are deliberate choices. When that clicked for me, I immediately realized the man is a genius. He borrows from Kabuki and German Expressionism, art forms that rely on exaggeration to get the message across. He has even created his own acting style, which he calls Nouveau Shamanic. He augments his imagination to go from acting to being. Rather than using the old hat of method acting, he transports himself to a new world mentally. The projects he chooses to partake in are based on his own interests or what he considers would be a challenge (making a bad script good for example). Thus it doesn’t matter how the end result comes out; he has already achieved his goal as an artist. Because of this and because certain directors don’t know how to use his talents, he has a noticeable amount of duds in his filmography. Dig around the duds, you’ll find some pure gold. I’d personally recommend the filmsPig, Joe, Renfield, and his Christmas film The Family Man.
Nick Cave: Songwriter
What a wild career this man has had! From the apocalyptic mayhem of his band The Birthday Party to the pensive atmosphere of his albumGhosteen, it seems like Nick Cave has tried everything. I think his secret sauce is that he’s always working. He maintains an excellent newsletter calledThe Red Hand Files, he has written screenplays such asLawless, he has written books, he has made great film scores such asThe Assassination of Jesse James by the Coward Robert Ford, the man is religiously prolific. I believe that one of the reasons he is prolific is that he’s not afraid to experiment. If he has an idea, he follows it through to completion. From the albumMurder Ballads(which is comprised of what the title suggests) to his rejected sequel toGladiator(Gladiator: Christ Killer), he doesn’t seem to be afraid to take anything on. This has led to some over the top works as well as some deeply personal works. Albums likeSkeleton TreeandGhosteenwere journeys through the grief of his son’s death. The Boatman’s Callis arguably a better break-up album than anything Taylor Swift has put out. He’s not afraid to be outrageous, he’s not afraid to offend, but most importantly he’s not afraid to be himself. Works I’d recommend include The Birthday Party’sLive 1981-82, Nick Cave & The Bad Seeds’The Boatman’s Call, and the filmLawless.
Jim Jarmusch: Director
I consider Jim’s films to be bold almost in an ironic sense: his works are bold in that they are, for the most part, anti-sensational. He has a rule that if his screenplays are criticized for a lack of action, he makes them even less eventful. Even with sensational settings his films feel very close to reality, and they demonstrate the beauty of everyday life. That's what is bold about his art to me: making the sensational grounded in reality while making everyday reality all the more special. Ghost Dog: The Way of the Samurai is about a modern-day African-American hitman who strictly follows the rules of the ancient Samurai, yet one can resonate with the humanity of a seemingly absurd character. Only Lovers Left Aliveis a vampire love story, but in the middle of a vampire romance one can see their their own relationships in a new deeply human light. Jim’s work reminds me that art reflects life, and that there is sacred beauty in seemingly mundane everyday life. I personally recommend his filmsPaterson,Down by Law, andCoffee and Cigarettes.
NOSTR: We Need Bold Art
NOSTR is in my opinion a path to a better future. In a world creeping slowly towards everything apps, I hope that the protocol where the individual owns their data wins over everything else. I love freedom and sovereignty. If NOSTR is going to win the race of everything apps, we need more than Bitcoin content. We need more than shirtless bros paying for bananas in foreign countries and exercising with girls who have seductive accents. Common people cannot see themselves in such a world. NOSTR needs to catch the attention of everyday people. I don’t believe that this can be accomplished merely by introducing more broadly relevant content; people are searching for content that speaks to them. I believe that NOSTR can and should attract artists of all kinds because NOSTR is one of the few places on the internet where artists can express themselves fearlessly. Getting zaps from NOSTR’s value-for-value ecosystem has far less friction than crowdfunding a creative project or pitching investors that will irreversibly modify an artist’s vision. Having a place where one can post their works without fear of censorship should be extremely enticing. Having a place where one can connect with fellow humans directly as opposed to a sea of bots should seem like the obvious solution. If NOSTR can become a safe haven for artists to express themselves and spread their work, I believe that everyday people will follow. The banker whose stressful job weighs on them will suddenly find joy with an original meme made by a great visual comedian. The programmer for a healthcare company who is drowning in hopeless mundanity could suddenly find a new lust for life by hearing the song of a musician who isn’t afraid to crowdfund their their next project by putting their lighting address on the streets of the internet. The excel guru who loves independent film may find that NOSTR is the best way to support non corporate movies. My closing statement: continue to encourage the artists in your life as I’m sure you have been, but while you’re at it give them the purple pill. You may very well be a part of building a better future.
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@ a95c6243:d345522c
2024-12-06 18:21:15Die Ungerechtigkeit ist uns nur in dem Falle angenehm,\ dass wir Vorteile aus ihr ziehen;\ in jedem andern hegt man den Wunsch,\ dass der Unschuldige in Schutz genommen werde.\ Jean-Jacques Rousseau
Politiker beteuern jederzeit, nur das Beste für die Bevölkerung zu wollen – nicht von ihr. Auch die zahlreichen unsäglichen «Corona-Maßnahmen» waren angeblich zu unserem Schutz notwendig, vor allem wegen der «besonders vulnerablen Personen». Daher mussten alle möglichen Restriktionen zwangsweise und unter Umgehung der Parlamente verordnet werden.
Inzwischen hat sich immer deutlicher herausgestellt, dass viele jener «Schutzmaßnahmen» den gegenteiligen Effekt hatten, sie haben den Menschen und den Gesellschaften enorm geschadet. Nicht nur haben die experimentellen Geninjektionen – wie erwartet – massive Nebenwirkungen, sondern Maskentragen schadet der Psyche und der Entwicklung (nicht nur unserer Kinder) und «Lockdowns und Zensur haben Menschen getötet».
Eine der wichtigsten Waffen unserer «Beschützer» ist die Spaltung der Gesellschaft. Die tiefen Gräben, die Politiker, Lobbyisten und Leitmedien praktisch weltweit ausgehoben haben, funktionieren leider nahezu in Perfektion. Von ihren persönlichen Erfahrungen als Kritikerin der Maßnahmen berichtete kürzlich eine Schweizerin im Interview mit Transition News. Sie sei schwer enttäuscht und verspüre bis heute eine Hemmschwelle und ein seltsames Unwohlsein im Umgang mit «Geimpften».
Menschen, die aufrichtig andere schützen wollten, werden von einer eindeutig politischen Justiz verfolgt, verhaftet und angeklagt. Dazu zählen viele Ärzte, darunter Heinrich Habig, Bianca Witzschel und Walter Weber. Über den aktuell laufenden Prozess gegen Dr. Weber hat Transition News mehrfach berichtet (z.B. hier und hier). Auch der Selbstschutz durch Verweigerung der Zwangs-Covid-«Impfung» bewahrt nicht vor dem Knast, wie Bundeswehrsoldaten wie Alexander Bittner erfahren mussten.
Die eigentlich Kriminellen schützen sich derweil erfolgreich selber, nämlich vor der Verantwortung. Die «Impf»-Kampagne war «das größte Verbrechen gegen die Menschheit». Trotzdem stellt man sich in den USA gerade die Frage, ob der scheidende Präsident Joe Biden nach seinem Sohn Hunter möglicherweise auch Anthony Fauci begnadigen wird – in diesem Fall sogar präventiv. Gibt es überhaupt noch einen Rest Glaubwürdigkeit, den Biden verspielen könnte?
Der Gedanke, den ehemaligen wissenschaftlichen Chefberater des US-Präsidenten und Direktor des National Institute of Allergy and Infectious Diseases (NIAID) vorsorglich mit einem Schutzschild zu versehen, dürfte mit der vergangenen Präsidentschaftswahl zu tun haben. Gleich mehrere Personalentscheidungen des designierten Präsidenten Donald Trump lassen Leute wie Fauci erneut in den Fokus rücken.
Das Buch «The Real Anthony Fauci» des nominierten US-Gesundheitsministers Robert F. Kennedy Jr. erschien 2021 und dreht sich um die Machenschaften der Pharma-Lobby in der öffentlichen Gesundheit. Das Vorwort zur rumänischen Ausgabe des Buches schrieb übrigens Călin Georgescu, der Überraschungssieger der ersten Wahlrunde der aktuellen Präsidentschaftswahlen in Rumänien. Vielleicht erklärt diese Verbindung einen Teil der Panik im Wertewesten.
In Rumänien selber gab es gerade einen Paukenschlag: Das bisherige Ergebnis wurde heute durch das Verfassungsgericht annuliert und die für Sonntag angesetzte Stichwahl kurzfristig abgesagt – wegen angeblicher «aggressiver russischer Einmischung». Thomas Oysmüller merkt dazu an, damit sei jetzt in der EU das Tabu gebrochen, Wahlen zu verbieten, bevor sie etwas ändern können.
Unsere Empörung angesichts der Historie von Maßnahmen, die die Falschen beschützen und für die meisten von Nachteil sind, müsste enorm sein. Die Frage ist, was wir damit machen. Wir sollten nach vorne schauen und unsere Energie clever einsetzen. Abgesehen von der Umgehung von jeglichem «Schutz vor Desinformation und Hassrede» (sprich: Zensur) wird es unsere wichtigste Aufgabe sein, Gräben zu überwinden.
Dieser Beitrag ist zuerst auf Transition News erschienen.
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@ 3ffac3a6:2d656657
2025-04-05 04:55:12O Impacto do Namoro com Pelé na Carreira de Xuxa Meneghel
Disclaimer:
Esse texto foi totalmente escrito pelo ChatGPT, eu apenas pedi que ele fizesse uma pesquisa sobre o tema.
Introdução: O relacionamento entre Xuxa Meneghel e Pelé, que durou cerca de seis anos (início dos anos 1980 até 1986), foi um dos mais comentados da década de 1980 (Xuxa e Pelé: um romance que se tornou inesquecível... | VEJA). Xuxa tinha apenas 17 anos quando começou a namorar o já consagrado “Rei do Futebol”, então com 40 anos (A história da foto de revista que gerou o namoro de Pelé e Xuxa) (Xuxa e Pelé: um romance que se tornou inesquecível... | VEJA). Esse romance altamente midiático não só atiçou a curiosidade do público, como também alavancou a carreira de Xuxa de forma significativa. A seguir, detalhamos como o namoro aumentou a visibilidade da apresentadora, quais oportunidades profissionais podem ter tido influência direta de Pelé, o papel da revista Manchete e de outras mídias na promoção de sua imagem, se o relacionamento contribuiu para Xuxa conquistar espaços na TV (como o programa Clube da Criança e, posteriormente, na Rede Globo) e como mídia e público percebiam o casal – tudo embasado em fontes da época, entrevistas e biografias.
Aumento da Visibilidade Midiática nos Anos 1980
O namoro com Pelé catapultou Xuxa a um novo patamar de fama. Até então uma modelo em começo de carreira, Xuxa “se tornou famosa ao aparecer ao lado do esportista de maior status do Brasil” (Pelé viveu com Xuxa um namoro intenso afetado por fofocas e indiscrições). A partir do momento em que o relacionamento se tornou público, ela passou a estampar capas de revistas com frequência e a ser assunto constante na imprensa. Em 20 de dezembro de 1980, a jovem apareceu na capa da revista Manchete ao lado de Pelé e outras modelos – um ensaio fotográfico que marcou o primeiro encontro dos dois e deu início à enorme atenção midiática em torno de Xuxa (Xuxa e Pelé: o relacionamento que ficou cravado na história da imprensa brasileira) (Xuxa e Pelé: o relacionamento que ficou cravado na história da imprensa brasileira). Não por acaso, “naquele ano, ela foi capa de mais de cem revistas” (Xuxa está em paz - revista piauí), um indicativo claro de como sua visibilidade explodiu após começar a namorar Pelé. Jornais, revistas de celebridades e programas de fofoca passaram a segui-los de perto; o casal virou sensação nacional, comparado até ao “Casal 20” (dupla glamourosa de uma série de TV americana) pelo seu alto perfil na mídia (Xuxa e Pelé: um romance que se tornou inesquecível... | VEJA).
Essa exposição intensa colocou Xuxa não apenas sob os holofotes do público, mas também a inseriu nos bastidores do entretenimento. Como namorada de Pelé – um dos homens mais conhecidos do mundo – Xuxa passou a frequentar eventos de gala, festas e bastidores de programas, onde conheceu figuras influentes do meio artístico e televisivo. Os fotógrafos os seguiam em eventos como bailes de carnaval e inaugurações, registrando cada aparição pública do casal. Com Pelé ao seu lado, Xuxa ganhou trânsito livre em círculos antes inacessíveis para uma modelo iniciante, construindo uma rede de contatos valiosa nos meios de comunicação. De fato, naquele início dos anos 80, “os dois eram perseguidos por fotógrafos, apareciam em capas de revistas e até faziam publicidade juntos” (Pelé viveu com Xuxa um namoro intenso afetado por fofocas e indiscrições) – evidência de que Xuxa, graças ao namoro, transitava tanto na frente quanto por trás das câmeras com muito mais facilidade. Em suma, o relacionamento conferiu a ela um grau de notoriedade nacional que provavelmente demoraria anos para conquistar de outra forma, preparando o terreno para os passos seguintes de sua carreira.
Influência Direta de Pelé nas Oportunidades Profissionais de Xuxa
Além do aumento geral da fama, há casos específicos em que Pelé influenciou diretamente oportunidades profissionais para Xuxa. Um exemplo contundente é o filme “Amor Estranho Amor” (1982) – longa de teor erótico no qual Xuxa atuou no início da carreira. Segundo relatos da própria apresentadora, foi Pelé quem a incentivou a aceitar participar desse filme (Pelé e Xuxa: um estranho amor que durou seis anos - 29/12/2022 - Celebridades - F5). Na época ainda em início de trajetória, Xuxa acabou convencida pelo namorado de que aquela oportunidade poderia ser benéfica. Anos mais tarde, ela revelaria arrependimento pela escolha desse papel, mas o fato reforça que Pelé teve influência ativa em decisões profissionais de Xuxa no começo de sua jornada.
Outra área de influência direta foram as publicidades e campanhas comerciais. Graças ao prestígio de Pelé, Xuxa recebeu convites para estrelar anúncios ao lado do então namorado. Já em 1981, por exemplo, os dois gravaram juntos comerciais para uma empresa imobiliária, aparecendo como casal em campanhas de TV daquele Natal (pelas Imóveis Francisco Xavier, um case famoso entre colecionadores de propagandas da época) (Xuxa e Pelé: Natal de 1981 na Publicidade Imobiliária | TikTok) (Xuxa com Pelé em comercial de imobiliária em dezembro de 1981). Assim, Xuxa obteve espaço em campanhas publicitárias que dificilmente envolveriam uma modelo desconhecida – mas que, com a “namorada do Pelé” no elenco, ganhavam apelo extra. Isso evidencia que Pelé abriu portas também no mercado publicitário, dando a Xuxa oportunidades de trabalho e renda enquanto sua própria imagem pública se consolidava.
Ademais, a presença de Pelé ao lado de Xuxa em diversos editoriais e ensaios fotográficos serviu para elevá-la de modelo anônima a personalidade conhecida. Revistas e jornais buscavam os dois para sessões de fotos e entrevistas, sabendo do interesse do público pelo casal. As capas conjuntas em publicações de grande circulação (como Manchete e outras) não só aumentaram a exposição de Xuxa, mas também conferiram a ela certa credibilidade midiática por associação. Em outras palavras, estar ao lado de um ícone como Pelé funcionou como um “selo de aprovação” implícito, deixando editores e produtores mais propensos a convidá-la para projetos. Vale lembrar que “ao longo dos seis anos de relacionamento, [eles] posaram para várias capas da Manchete”, com a revista acompanhando de perto cada fase do namoro (A história da foto de revista que gerou o namoro de Pelé e Xuxa). Essa recorrência nas bancas solidificou o rosto e o nome de Xuxa na indústria do entretenimento.
Por fim, é importante notar que nem todas as influências de Pelé foram positivas para a carreira dela – algumas foram tentativas de direcionamento. A própria Xuxa contou que, quando surgiu a oportunidade de ela ir para a TV Globo em 1986, Pelé desencorajou a mudança. Ele sugeriu que Xuxa permanecesse na TV Manchete, dizendo que “ser a primeira [na Globo] é muito difícil; melhor ficar onde está”, o que ela interpretou como falta de apoio dele à sua ascensão (Xuxa e Pelé: o relacionamento que ficou cravado na história da imprensa brasileira). Esse episódio mostra que Pelé tentou influenciar também os rumos que Xuxa tomaria, embora, nesse caso, ela tenha decidido seguir sua intuição profissional e aceitar o desafio na Globo – escolha que se revelaria acertada. Em resumo, Pelé atuou sim como facilitador de várias oportunidades profissionais para Xuxa (de filmes a comerciais e visibilidade editorial), mas ela soube trilhar seu caminho a partir daí, inclusive contrariando conselhos dele quando necessário.
Papel da Revista Manchete e Outras Mídias na Promoção de Xuxa
A revista Manchete teve um papel central na ascensão de Xuxa durante o relacionamento com Pelé. Foi justamente num ensaio para a Manchete que os dois se conheceram, em dezembro de 1980 (Xuxa e Pelé: o relacionamento que ficou cravado na história da imprensa brasileira), e a partir daí a publicação tornou-se uma espécie oficiosa de cronista do romance. A Manchete era uma das revistas mais populares do Brasil naquela época e, ao perceber o interesse do público pelo casal, passou a trazê-los frequentemente em suas páginas. De fato, a revista que agiu como "cupido" do casal “contava detalhes do romance a cada edição”, alimentando a curiosidade nacional sobre a vida de Pelé e sua jovem namorada (A história da foto de revista que gerou o namoro de Pelé e Xuxa). As capas exibindo Xuxa e Pelé juntos (em cenários que iam da praia a eventos sociais) viraram chamariz nas bancas e contribuíram enormemente para fixar a imagem de Xuxa na mente do público.
(A história da foto de revista que gerou o namoro de Pelé e Xuxa) Capa da revista Manchete (20 de dezembro de 1980) mostrando Pelé ao centro com Xuxa (à esquerda) e outras modelos. A partir desse ensaio fotográfico, a revista passou a acompanhar de perto o romance, impulsionando a imagem de Xuxa nacionalmente. (A história da foto de revista que gerou o namoro de Pelé e Xuxa) (Xuxa e Pelé: o relacionamento que ficou cravado na história da imprensa brasileira)
Além da Manchete, outras mídias impressas também surfaram no interesse pelo casal e ajudaram a moldar a imagem de Xuxa. Revistas de celebridades e colunas sociais publicavam notas e fotos frequentes, ora exaltando o glamour do par, ora especulando sobre fofocas. Xuxa, que pouco antes era desconhecida fora do circuito da moda, tornou-se figura constante em revistas semanais como Contigo! e Amiga (dedicadas à vida dos famosos), assim como em jornais de grande circulação. Esse bombardeio de aparições – entrevistas, fotos e manchetes – construiu a persona pública de Xuxa simultaneamente como modelo desejada e namorada devotada. A promoção de sua imagem tinha um tom deliberadamente positivo nas revistas: enfatizava-se sua beleza, juventude e sorte por ter sido “escolhida” pelo rei Pelé. Em contrapartida, eventuais polêmicas (como cenas ousadas que ela fez no cinema ou rumores de crises no namoro) eram administradas pela própria mídia de maneira a preservar o encanto em torno de Xuxa, que já despontava como uma espécie de Cinderella moderna na narrativa do entretenimento brasileiro.
Cabe destacar que a conexão de Xuxa com a Manchete não ficou só nas páginas da revista, mas transbordou para a televisão, já que a Rede Manchete (canal de TV fundado em 1983) pertencia ao mesmo grupo empresarial. Essa sinergia mídia impressa/televisão beneficiou Xuxa: quando a Rede Manchete buscava uma apresentadora para seu novo programa infantil em 1983, Xuxa – já famosa pelas capas de revista – foi convidada para o posto (Xuxa está em paz - revista piauí). Ou seja, a exposição na revista Manchete serviu de vitrine para que os executivos da emissora homônima apostassem nela na TV. Outras mídias também legitimaram sua transição de modelo para apresentadora, publicando matérias sobre sua simpatia com as crianças e seu carisma diante das câmeras, preparando o público para aceitar Xuxa em um novo papel. Assim, o período do relacionamento com Pelé viu a mídia – liderada pela revista Manchete – construir e promover intensamente a imagem de Xuxa, pavimentando o caminho para suas conquistas seguintes.
O Relacionamento e a Conquista de Espaços na TV: Clube da Criança e Rede Globo
O namoro com Pelé coincidiu com a entrada de Xuxa na televisão e possivelmente facilitou essa transição. Em 1983, a recém-inaugurada Rede Manchete lançou o “Clube da Criança”, primeiro programa infantil de auditório da emissora, e Xuxa foi escolhida como apresentadora. Há indícios de que sua fama prévia – alavancada pelo relacionamento – foi decisiva nessa escolha. Conforme relatos, o diretor Maurício Sherman (responsável pelo projeto) estava de olho em Xuxa por sua notoriedade e carisma, chegando a dizer que ela reunia “a sensualidade de Marilyn Monroe, o sorriso de Doris Day e um quê de Peter Pan” (Xuxa está em paz - revista piauí) – uma combinação que poderia funcionar bem num programa infantil. Xuxa inicialmente hesitou em aceitar, talvez pelo contraste entre sua imagem de modelo sensual e o universo infantil, mas acabou assinando contrato com a Manchete (Clube da Criança – Wikipédia, a enciclopédia livre). Assim, aos 20 anos de idade, ela estreava como apresentadora de TV, em grande parte graças à visibilidade e confiança que o nome “Xuxa” (já famoso por ser namorada do Pelé) passava aos produtores.
Não há registro de que Pelé tenha intervindo diretamente para que Xuxa conseguisse o posto no Clube da Criança. Foi a própria rede Manchete – estimulada pelo burburinho em torno dela – que a “procurou e a convidou para apresentar” o programa (Xuxa está em paz - revista piauí). Porém, é inegável que, sem o destaque que Xuxa conquistara nos anos anteriores na imprensa (devido ao namoro), dificilmente uma emissora arriscaria colocar uma jovem inexperiente para comandar um show infantil nacional. Ou seja, o relacionamento criou as condições favoráveis para essa oportunidade surgir. Uma vez no ar, Xuxa rapidamente mostrou talento próprio: o Clube da Criança foi ganhando audiência e revelou a aptidão dela em se comunicar com o público infantil (Xuxa, Pantanal, Cavaleiros dos Zodíacos: lembre sucessos da TV ...). Ainda durante seu tempo na Manchete, Xuxa manteve-se nos holofotes tanto pela carreira quanto pelo namoro com Pelé – frequentemente um assunto alimentava o outro na mídia.
Em meados de 1986, já conhecida como a “Rainha dos Baixinhos” pelo sucesso junto às crianças, Xuxa recebeu uma proposta para se transferir para a Rede Globo, a principal emissora do país (A história da foto de revista que gerou o namoro de Pelé e Xuxa). Novamente, aqui o relacionamento com Pelé tem um papel indireto: por um lado, pode ter ajudado a construir a notoriedade que chamou a atenção da Globo; por outro, chegava ao fim exatamente nesse momento, marcando uma virada na vida dela. Após alguns anos de Clube da Criança, Xuxa decidiu dar um passo adiante. Ela mesma tomou a iniciativa de terminar o namoro com Pelé e aceitou o convite para fazer o “Xou da Xuxa” na Globo (A história da foto de revista que gerou o namoro de Pelé e Xuxa). Pelé, como mencionado, havia expressado reservas sobre essa mudança de emissora (Xuxa e Pelé: o relacionamento que ficou cravado na história da imprensa brasileira), mas sem sucesso em demovê-la. Com a benção do dono da Manchete, Adolpho Bloch (que a tratava “como filha” e apoiou seu crescimento) (Xuxa está em paz - revista piauí) (Xuxa está em paz - revista piauí), Xuxa partiu para a Globo levando sua diretora Marlene Mattos, e estreou em junho de 1986 o programa que a consagraria definitivamente.
É importante notar que, ao ingressar na Globo, Xuxa já não dependia mais da aura de “namorada do Pelé” – ela havia se firmado como apresentadora de sucesso por méritos próprios. Ainda assim, o relacionamento anterior continuou a ser parte de sua imagem pública: a mídia noticiou a mudança destacando que a namorada de Pelé chegara à Globo, e muitos espectadores tinham curiosidade sobre aquela moça cuja fama começara nos braços do ídolo do futebol. Em resumo, o namoro ajudou Xuxa a conquistar o primeiro grande espaço na TV (na Manchete), fornecendo-lhe exposição e credibilidade iniciais, enquanto sua ida para a Globo foi impulsionada principalmente pelo desempenho no Clube da Criança – algo que o prestígio conquistado durante o relacionamento tornou possível em primeiro lugar.
Percepção da Mídia e do Público sobre o Casal e a Imagem de Xuxa
Durante os anos de namoro, Pelé e Xuxa foram um prato cheio para a imprensa e objeto de variadas opiniões do público. De um lado, eram celebrados como “casal perfeito na mídia”, aparecendo sorridentes em eventos e capas, o que projetava uma imagem glamourosa e apaixonada (Pelé viveu com Xuxa um namoro intenso afetado por fofocas e indiscrições). Xuxa era frequentemente retratada como a bela jovem humilde que havia conquistado o coração do "rei", uma narrativa de conto de fadas que agradava muitos fãs. Pessoas próximas diziam na época: “Nossa, como ela está apaixonada, como ela está de quatro pelo Pelé”, segundo relembrou a própria Xuxa, indicando que sua dedicação ao namorado era visível e comentada (Xuxa e Pelé: um romance que se tornou inesquecível... | VEJA). Essa percepção de autenticidade nos sentimentos ajudou a humanizar Xuxa aos olhos do público, diferenciando-a de estereótipos de roupante ou interesse calculado.
Por outro lado, nem toda a atenção era positiva. Houve murmúrios maldosos e preconceituosos nos bastidores. Pelé e Xuxa formavam um casal interracial (ele negro, ela branca e bem mais jovem), o que, segundo a imprensa, “gerava olhares de reprovação dos conservadores” e até comentários racistas proferidos pelas costas (Pelé viveu com Xuxa um namoro intenso afetado por fofocas e indiscrições). Além disso, alguns duvidavam das intenções de Xuxa no relacionamento, insinuando que ela buscava ascensão social por meio de Pelé. Termos pejorativos como “maria-chuteira” (gíria para mulheres que namoram jogadores em busca de status) e “alpinista social” chegaram a ser associados a Xuxa por fofoqueiros da época (Pelé viveu com Xuxa um namoro intenso afetado por fofocas e indiscrições). Essa desconfiança lançava sombra sobre a imagem dela, pintando-a, aos olhos de alguns, como oportunista em vez de namorada dedicada. Xuxa teve de lidar com esse tipo de insinuação ao longo do namoro, buscando provar que seu amor era verdadeiro e que ela também tinha talentos e ambições próprias.
A mídia impressa, em geral, manteve uma postura favorável ao casal, explorando o romance como algo encantador. Mas não deixou de reportar as turbulências: sabia-se, por exemplo, das frequentes traições de Pelé, que Xuxa anos depois revelou ter suportado calada na época (Xuxa e Pelé: o relacionamento que ficou cravado na história da imprensa brasileira) (Xuxa e Pelé: o relacionamento que ficou cravado na história da imprensa brasileira). Essas infidelidades eram rumores correntes nos círculos de fofoca, embora Xuxa raramente comentasse publicamente enquanto estava com Pelé. O público, portanto, via um casal bonito e famoso, mas também acompanhava as especulações de crises e reconciliações pelos noticiários de celebridades. Cada aparição pública deles – fosse em um jogo de futebol, um evento beneficente ou nos camarotes do carnaval – era dissecada pelos repórteres, e cada declaração (ou silêncio) alimentava interpretações sobre o estado do relacionamento e sobre quem era Xuxa por trás da fama.
No saldo final, o namoro com Pelé influenciou profundamente a imagem pública de Xuxa. Inicialmente marcada como “a namorada do Rei” – posição que trazia tanto admiração quanto inveja – Xuxa soube aproveitar a visibilidade para mostrar carisma e trabalho, transformando-se em uma estrela por direito próprio. Ao se tornar apresentadora infantil de sucesso ainda durante o namoro, ela começou a dissociar sua imagem da de Pelé, provando que podia ser mais do que um apêndice de um astro do esporte. Quando o relacionamento terminou em 1986, Xuxa emergiu não caída em desgraça, mas sim pronta para reinar sozinha na TV. A mídia continuou a mencioná-la em referência a Pelé por algum tempo (era inevitável, dado o quão famoso o casal fora), mas cada vez mais o público passou a enxergá-la principalmente como a “Rainha dos Baixinhos”, a figura alegre das manhãs na TV Globo. Em entrevistas posteriores, Xuxa admitiu ter sentimentos mistos ao lembrar dessa fase: ela se ressentiu, por exemplo, de Pelé ter classificado o que viveram como “uma amizade colorida” em vez de namoro sério (Pelé e Xuxa: um estranho amor que durou seis anos - 29/12/2022 - Celebridades - F5) – frase do ex-jogador que a magoou e que veio a público muitos anos depois. Esse comentário retroativo de Pelé apenas reforçou o quanto a mídia e o público discutiram e dissecaram a natureza daquela relação.
Em conclusão, a percepção do casal Xuxa e Pelé oscilou entre o encanto e a controvérsia, mas inegavelmente manteve Xuxa nos trending topics de sua época (para usar um termo atual). A jovem modelo gaúcha ganhou projeção, prestígio e também enfrentou julgamentos enquanto esteve com Pelé. Tudo isso moldou sua imagem – de símbolo sexual e socialite em ascensão a profissional talentosa pronta para brilhar por conta própria. O relacionamento forneceu-lhe a plataforma e a armadura mediática; coube a Xuxa transformar essa visibilidade em uma carreira sólida, o que ela fez com maestria ao se tornar uma das maiores apresentadoras da história da TV brasileira.
Fontes: Entrevistas e depoimentos de Xuxa Meneghel (inclusive do livro Memórias, 2020), reportagens da época em revistas como Manchete, colunas sociais e jornais (compiladas em repositórios atuais), e biografias e retrospectivas sobre ambos os envolvidos (A história da foto de revista que gerou o namoro de Pelé e Xuxa) (Pelé viveu com Xuxa um namoro intenso afetado por fofocas e indiscrições) (Xuxa e Pelé: o relacionamento que ficou cravado na história da imprensa brasileira) (Xuxa e Pelé: um romance que se tornou inesquecível... | VEJA), entre outras. Essas fontes confirmam o papel catalisador que o namoro com Pelé teve nos primeiros passos da trajetória de Xuxa, bem como os desafios e oportunidades que surgiram dessa intensa exposição pública.
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@ a95c6243:d345522c
2024-11-29 19:45:43Konsum ist Therapie.
Wolfgang JoopUmweltbewusstes Verhalten und verantwortungsvoller Konsum zeugen durchaus von einer wünschenswerten Einstellung. Ob man deswegen allerdings einen grünen statt eines schwarzen Freitags braucht, darf getrost bezweifelt werden – zumal es sich um manipulatorische Konzepte handelt. Wie in der politischen Landschaft sind auch hier die Etiketten irgendwas zwischen nichtssagend und trügerisch.
Heute ist also wieder mal «Black Friday», falls Sie es noch nicht mitbekommen haben sollten. Eigentlich haben wir ja eher schon eine ganze «Black Week», der dann oft auch noch ein «Cyber Monday» folgt. Die Werbebranche wird nicht müde, immer neue Anlässe zu erfinden oder zu importieren, um uns zum Konsumieren zu bewegen. Und sie ist damit sehr erfolgreich.
Warum fallen wir auf derartige Werbetricks herein und kaufen im Zweifelsfall Dinge oder Mengen, die wir sicher nicht brauchen? Pure Psychologie, würde ich sagen. Rabattschilder triggern etwas in uns, was den Verstand in Stand-by versetzt. Zusätzlich beeinflussen uns alle möglichen emotionalen Reize und animieren uns zum Schnäppchenkauf.
Gedankenlosigkeit und Maßlosigkeit können besonders bei der Ernährung zu ernsten Problemen führen. Erst kürzlich hat mir ein Bekannter nach einer USA-Reise erzählt, dass es dort offenbar nicht unüblich ist, schon zum ausgiebigen Frühstück in einem Restaurant wenigstens einen Liter Cola zu trinken. Gerne auch mehr, um das Gratis-Nachfüllen des Bechers auszunutzen.
Kritik am schwarzen Freitag und dem unnötigen Konsum kommt oft von Umweltschützern. Neben Ressourcenverschwendung, hohem Energieverbrauch und wachsenden Müllbergen durch eine zunehmende Wegwerfmentalität kommt dabei in der Regel auch die «Klimakrise» auf den Tisch.
Die EU-Kommission lancierte 2015 den Begriff «Green Friday» im Kontext der überarbeiteten Rechtsvorschriften zur Kennzeichnung der Energieeffizienz von Elektrogeräten. Sie nutzte die Gelegenheit kurz vor dem damaligen schwarzen Freitag und vor der UN-Klimakonferenz COP21, bei der das Pariser Abkommen unterzeichnet werden sollte.
Heute wird ein grüner Freitag oft im Zusammenhang mit der Forderung nach «nachhaltigem Konsum» benutzt. Derweil ist die Europäische Union schon weit in ihr Geschäftsmodell des «Green New Deal» verstrickt. In ihrer Propaganda zum Klimawandel verspricht sie tatsächlich «Unterstützung der Menschen und Regionen, die von immer häufigeren Extremwetter-Ereignissen betroffen sind». Was wohl die Menschen in der Region um Valencia dazu sagen?
Ganz im Sinne des Great Reset propagierten die Vereinten Nationen seit Ende 2020 eine «grüne Erholung von Covid-19, um den Klimawandel zu verlangsamen». Der UN-Umweltbericht sah in dem Jahr einen Schwerpunkt auf dem Verbraucherverhalten. Änderungen des Konsumverhaltens des Einzelnen könnten dazu beitragen, den Klimaschutz zu stärken, hieß es dort.
Der Begriff «Schwarzer Freitag» wurde in den USA nicht erstmals für Einkäufe nach Thanksgiving verwendet – wie oft angenommen –, sondern für eine Finanzkrise. Jedoch nicht für den Börsencrash von 1929, sondern bereits für den Zusammenbruch des US-Goldmarktes im September 1869. Seitdem mussten die Menschen weltweit so einige schwarze Tage erleben.
Kürzlich sind die britischen Aufsichtsbehörden weiter von ihrer Zurückhaltung nach dem letzten großen Finanzcrash von 2008 abgerückt. Sie haben Regeln für den Bankensektor gelockert, womit sie «verantwortungsvolle Risikobereitschaft» unterstützen wollen. Man würde sicher zu schwarz sehen, wenn man hier ein grünes Wunder befürchten würde.
Dieser Beitrag ist zuerst auf Transition News erschienen.
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@ 04c915da:3dfbecc9
2025-03-26 20:54:33Capitalism is the most effective system for scaling innovation. The pursuit of profit is an incredibly powerful human incentive. Most major improvements to human society and quality of life have resulted from this base incentive. Market competition often results in the best outcomes for all.
That said, some projects can never be monetized. They are open in nature and a business model would centralize control. Open protocols like bitcoin and nostr are not owned by anyone and if they were it would destroy the key value propositions they provide. No single entity can or should control their use. Anyone can build on them without permission.
As a result, open protocols must depend on donation based grant funding from the people and organizations that rely on them. This model works but it is slow and uncertain, a grind where sustainability is never fully reached but rather constantly sought. As someone who has been incredibly active in the open source grant funding space, I do not think people truly appreciate how difficult it is to raise charitable money and deploy it efficiently.
Projects that can be monetized should be. Profitability is a super power. When a business can generate revenue, it taps into a self sustaining cycle. Profit fuels growth and development while providing projects independence and agency. This flywheel effect is why companies like Google, Amazon, and Apple have scaled to global dominance. The profit incentive aligns human effort with efficiency. Businesses must innovate, cut waste, and deliver value to survive.
Contrast this with non monetized projects. Without profit, they lean on external support, which can dry up or shift with donor priorities. A profit driven model, on the other hand, is inherently leaner and more adaptable. It is not charity but survival. When survival is tied to delivering what people want, scale follows naturally.
The real magic happens when profitable, sustainable businesses are built on top of open protocols and software. Consider the many startups building on open source software stacks, such as Start9, Mempool, and Primal, offering premium services on top of the open source software they build out and maintain. Think of companies like Block or Strike, which leverage bitcoin’s open protocol to offer their services on top. These businesses amplify the open software and protocols they build on, driving adoption and improvement at a pace donations alone could never match.
When you combine open software and protocols with profit driven business the result are lean, sustainable companies that grow faster and serve more people than either could alone. Bitcoin’s network, for instance, benefits from businesses that profit off its existence, while nostr will expand as developers monetize apps built on the protocol.
Capitalism scales best because competition results in efficiency. Donation funded protocols and software lay the groundwork, while market driven businesses build on top. The profit incentive acts as a filter, ensuring resources flow to what works, while open systems keep the playing field accessible, empowering users and builders. Together, they create a flywheel of innovation, growth, and global benefit.
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@ 04c915da:3dfbecc9
2025-03-25 17:43:44One of the most common criticisms leveled against nostr is the perceived lack of assurance when it comes to data storage. Critics argue that without a centralized authority guaranteeing that all data is preserved, important information will be lost. They also claim that running a relay will become prohibitively expensive. While there is truth to these concerns, they miss the mark. The genius of nostr lies in its flexibility, resilience, and the way it harnesses human incentives to ensure data availability in practice.
A nostr relay is simply a server that holds cryptographically verifiable signed data and makes it available to others. Relays are simple, flexible, open, and require no permission to run. Critics are right that operating a relay attempting to store all nostr data will be costly. What they miss is that most will not run all encompassing archive relays. Nostr does not rely on massive archive relays. Instead, anyone can run a relay and choose to store whatever subset of data they want. This keeps costs low and operations flexible, making relay operation accessible to all sorts of individuals and entities with varying use cases.
Critics are correct that there is no ironclad guarantee that every piece of data will always be available. Unlike bitcoin where data permanence is baked into the system at a steep cost, nostr does not promise that every random note or meme will be preserved forever. That said, in practice, any data perceived as valuable by someone will likely be stored and distributed by multiple entities. If something matters to someone, they will keep a signed copy.
Nostr is the Streisand Effect in protocol form. The Streisand effect is when an attempt to suppress information backfires, causing it to spread even further. With nostr, anyone can broadcast signed data, anyone can store it, and anyone can distribute it. Try to censor something important? Good luck. The moment it catches attention, it will be stored on relays across the globe, copied, and shared by those who find it worth keeping. Data deemed important will be replicated across servers by individuals acting in their own interest.
Nostr’s distributed nature ensures that the system does not rely on a single point of failure or a corporate overlord. Instead, it leans on the collective will of its users. The result is a network where costs stay manageable, participation is open to all, and valuable verifiable data is stored and distributed forever.
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@ a95c6243:d345522c
2024-11-08 20:02:32Und plötzlich weißt du:
Es ist Zeit, etwas Neues zu beginnen
und dem Zauber des Anfangs zu vertrauen.
Meister EckhartSchwarz, rot, gold leuchtet es im Kopf des Newsletters der deutschen Bundesregierung, der mir freitags ins Postfach flattert. Rot, gelb und grün werden daneben sicher noch lange vielzitierte Farben sein, auch wenn diese nie geleuchtet haben. Die Ampel hat sich gerade selber den Stecker gezogen – und hinterlässt einen wirtschaftlichen und gesellschaftlichen Trümmerhaufen.
Mit einem bemerkenswerten Timing hat die deutsche Regierungskoalition am Tag des «Comebacks» von Donald Trump in den USA endlich ihr Scheitern besiegelt. Während der eine seinen Sieg bei den Präsidentschaftswahlen feierte, erwachten die anderen jäh aus ihrer Selbsthypnose rund um Harris-Hype und Trump-Panik – mit teils erschreckenden Auswüchsen. Seit Mittwoch werden die Geschicke Deutschlands nun von einer rot-grünen Minderheitsregierung «geleitet» und man steuert auf Neuwahlen zu.
Das Kindergarten-Gehabe um zwei konkurrierende Wirtschaftsgipfel letzte Woche war bereits bezeichnend. In einem Strategiepapier gestand Finanzminister Lindner außerdem den «Absturz Deutschlands» ein und offenbarte, dass die wirtschaftlichen Probleme teilweise von der Ampel-Politik «vorsätzlich herbeigeführt» worden seien.
Lindner und weitere FDP-Minister wurden also vom Bundeskanzler entlassen. Verkehrs- und Digitalminister Wissing trat flugs aus der FDP aus; deshalb darf er nicht nur im Amt bleiben, sondern hat zusätzlich noch das Justizministerium übernommen. Und mit Jörg Kukies habe Scholz «seinen Lieblingsbock zum Obergärtner», sprich: Finanzminister befördert, meint Norbert Häring.
Es gebe keine Vertrauensbasis für die weitere Zusammenarbeit mit der FDP, hatte der Kanzler erklärt, Lindner habe zu oft sein Vertrauen gebrochen. Am 15. Januar 2025 werde er daher im Bundestag die Vertrauensfrage stellen, was ggf. den Weg für vorgezogene Neuwahlen freimachen würde.
Apropos Vertrauen: Über die Hälfte der Bundesbürger glauben, dass sie ihre Meinung nicht frei sagen können. Das ging erst kürzlich aus dem diesjährigen «Freiheitsindex» hervor, einer Studie, die die Wechselwirkung zwischen Berichterstattung der Medien und subjektivem Freiheitsempfinden der Bürger misst. «Beim Vertrauen in Staat und Medien zerreißt es uns gerade», kommentierte dies der Leiter des Schweizer Unternehmens Media Tenor, das die Untersuchung zusammen mit dem Institut für Demoskopie Allensbach durchführt.
«Die absolute Mehrheit hat absolut die Nase voll», titelte die Bild angesichts des «Ampel-Showdowns». Die Mehrheit wolle Neuwahlen und die Grünen sollten zuerst gehen, lasen wir dort.
Dass «Insolvenzminister» Robert Habeck heute seine Kandidatur für das Kanzleramt verkündet hat, kann nur als Teil der politmedialen Realitätsverweigerung verstanden werden. Wer allerdings denke, schlimmer als in Zeiten der Ampel könne es nicht mehr werden, sei reichlich optimistisch, schrieb Uwe Froschauer bei Manova. Und er kenne Friedrich Merz schlecht, der sich schon jetzt rhetorisch auf seine Rolle als oberster Feldherr Deutschlands vorbereite.
Was also tun? Der Schweizer Verein «Losdemokratie» will eine Volksinitiative lancieren, um die Bestimmung von Parlamentsmitgliedern per Los einzuführen. Das Losverfahren sorge für mehr Demokratie, denn als Alternative zum Wahlverfahren garantiere es eine breitere Beteiligung und repräsentativere Parlamente. Ob das ein Weg ist, sei dahingestellt.
In jedem Fall wird es notwendig sein, unsere Bemühungen um Freiheit und Selbstbestimmung zu verstärken. Mehr Unabhängigkeit von staatlichen und zentralen Institutionen – also die Suche nach dezentralen Lösungsansätzen – gehört dabei sicher zu den Möglichkeiten. Das gilt sowohl für jede/n Einzelne/n als auch für Entitäten wie die alternativen Medien.
Dieser Beitrag ist zuerst auf Transition News erschienen.
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@ b17fccdf:b7211155
2025-03-25 11:23:36Si vives en España, quizás hayas notado que no puedes acceder a ciertas páginas webs durante los fines de semana o en algunos días entre semana, entre ellas, la guía de MiniBolt.
Esto tiene una razón, por supuesto una solución, además de una conclusión. Sin entrar en demasiados detalles:
La razón
El bloqueo a Cloudflare, implementado desde hace casi dos meses por operadores de Internet (ISPs) en España (como Movistar, O2, DIGI, Pepephone, entre otros), se basa en una orden judicial emitida tras una demanda de LALIGA (Fútbol). Esta medida busca combatir la piratería en España, un problema que afecta directamente a dicha organización.
Aunque la intención original era restringir el acceso a dominios específicos que difundieran dicho contenido, Cloudflare emplea el protocolo ECH (Encrypted Client Hello), que oculta el nombre del dominio, el cual antes se transmitía en texto plano durante el proceso de establecimiento de una conexión TLS. Esta medida dificulta que las operadoras analicen el tráfico para aplicar bloqueos basados en dominios, lo que les obliga a recurrir a bloqueos más amplios por IP o rangos de IP para cumplir con la orden judicial.
Esta práctica tiene consecuencias graves, que han sido completamente ignoradas por quienes la ejecutan. Es bien sabido que una infraestructura de IP puede alojar numerosos dominios, tanto legítimos como no legítimos. La falta de un "ajuste fino" en los bloqueos provoca un perjuicio para terceros, restringiendo el acceso a muchos dominios legítimos que no tiene relación alguna con actividades ilícitas, pero que comparten las mismas IPs de Cloudflare con dominios cuestionables. Este es el caso de la web de MiniBolt y su dominio
minibolt.info
, los cuales utilizan Cloudflare como proxy para aprovechar las medidas de seguridad, privacidad, optimización y servicios adicionales que la plataforma ofrece de forma gratuita.Si bien este bloqueo parece ser temporal (al menos durante la temporada 24/25 de fútbol, hasta finales de mayo), es posible que se reactive con el inicio de la nueva temporada.
La solución
Obviamente, MiniBolt no dejará de usar Cloudflare como proxy por esta razón. Por lo que a continuación se exponen algunas medidas que como usuario puedes tomar para evitar esta restricción y poder acceder:
~> Utiliza una VPN:
Existen varias soluciones de proveedores de VPN, ordenadas según su reputación en privacidad: - IVPN - Mullvad VPN - Proton VPN (gratis) - Obscura VPN (solo para macOS) - Cloudfare WARP (gratis) + permite utilizar el modo proxy local para enrutar solo la navegación, debes utilizar la opción "WARP a través de proxy local" siguiendo estos pasos: 1. Inicia Cloudflare WARP y dentro de la pequeña interfaz haz click en la rueda dentada abajo a la derecha > "Preferencias" > "Avanzado" > "Configurar el modo proxy" 2. Marca la casilla "Habilite el modo proxy en este dispositivo" 3. Elige un "Puerto de escucha de proxy" entre 0-65535. ej: 1080, haz click en "Aceptar" y cierra la ventana de preferencias 4. Accede de nuevo a Cloudflare WARP y pulsa sobre el switch para habilitar el servicio. 3. Ahora debes apuntar el proxy del navegador a Cloudflare WARP, la configuración del navegador es similar a esta para el caso de navegadores basados en Firefox. Una vez hecho, deberías poder acceder a la guía de MiniBolt sin problemas. Si tienes dudas, déjalas en comentarios e intentaré resolverlas. Más info AQUÍ.
~> Proxifica tu navegador para usar la red de Tor, o utiliza el navegador oficial de Tor (recomendado).
La conclusión
Estos hechos ponen en tela de juicio los principios fundamentales de la neutralidad de la red, pilares esenciales de la Declaración de Independencia del Ciberespacio que defiende un internet libre, sin restricciones ni censura. Dichos principios se han visto quebrantados sin precedentes en este país, confirmando que ese futuro distópico que muchos negaban, ya es una realidad.
Es momento de actuar y estar preparados: debemos impulsar el desarrollo y la difusión de las herramientas anticensura que tenemos a nuestro alcance, protegiendo así la libertad digital y asegurando un acceso equitativo a la información para todos
Este compromiso es uno de los pilares fundamentales de MiniBolt, lo que convierte este desafío en una oportunidad para poner a prueba las soluciones anticensura ya disponibles, así como las que están en camino.
¡Censúrame si puedes, legislador! ¡La lucha por la privacidad y la libertad en Internet ya está en marcha!
Fuentes: * https://bandaancha.eu/articulos/movistar-o2-deja-clientes-sin-acceso-11239 * https://bandaancha.eu/articulos/esta-nueva-sentencia-autoriza-bloqueos-11257 * https://bandaancha.eu/articulos/como-saltarse-bloqueo-webs-warp-vpn-9958 * https://bandaancha.eu/articulos/como-activar-ech-chrome-acceder-webs-10689 * https://comunidad.movistar.es/t5/Soporte-Fibra-y-ADSL/Problema-con-web-que-usan-Cloudflare/td-p/5218007
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@ 6be5cc06:5259daf0
2025-03-23 21:39:37O conceito de Megablock propõe uma nova maneira de medir o tempo dentro do ecossistema Bitcoin. Assim como usamos décadas, séculos e milênios para medir períodos históricos na sociedade humana, o Bitcoin pode ser dividido em Megablocks, cada um representando 1 milhão de blocos minerados.
1. Introdução
O Bitcoin opera em um sistema baseado na mineração de blocos, onde um novo bloco é adicionado à blockchain (ou timechain) aproximadamente a cada 10 minutos. A contagem de tempo tradicional, baseada em calendários solares e lunares, não se aplica diretamente ao Bitcoin, que funciona de maneira independente das convenções temporais humanas.
A proposta do Megablock surge como uma alternativa para medir o progresso da rede Bitcoin, dividindo sua existência em unidades de 1 milhão de blocos, permitindo uma estruturação do tempo no contexto da blockchain. Entretanto, diferentemente de medidas fixas de tempo, como anos e séculos, o tempo de um Megablock futuro não pode ser previsto com exatidão, pois variações no hashrate e ajustes de dificuldade fazem com que o tempo real de mineração flutue ao longo dos anos.
2. Definição do Megablock
2.1 O que é um Megablock?
Um Megablock é uma unidade de tempo no Bitcoin definida por um ciclo de 1.000.000 de blocos minerados. Com a taxa de geração de blocos mantida em 10 minutos por bloco, podemos estimar:
1 Megablock ≈ 1.000.000×10 minutos = 10.000.000 minutos = 166.666,7 horas = 6.944,4 dias ≈ 19 anos
Entretanto, dados históricos mostram que a média real de tempo por bloco tem sido levemente inferior a 10 minutos. Ao analisar os últimos 800.000 blocos, percebemos que cada 100.000 blocos foram minerados, em média, 1 a 2 meses mais rápido do que o previsto. Com variações indo de 2 dias a 3 meses de diferença. Esse ajuste pode continuar mudando conforme o hashrate cresce ou desacelera
Isso significa que o Megablock não deve ser usado como uma métrica exata para previsões futuras baseadas no calendário humano, (apenas aproximações e estimativas) pois sua duração pode variar ao longo do tempo. No entanto, essa variação não compromete sua função como uma unidade de tempo já decorrido. O conceito de Megablock continua sendo uma referência sólida para estruturar períodos históricos dentro da blockchain do Bitcoin. Independentemente da velocidade futura da mineração, 1 milhão de blocos sempre será igual a 1 milhão de blocos.
2.2 Estrutura dos Megablocks ao longo da história do Bitcoin
| Megablock | Início (Bloco) | Fim (Bloco) | Ano Estimado (margem de erro: ±2 anos) | | ---------------- | ------------------ | --------------- | ------------------------------------------ | | 1º Megablock | 0 | 1.000.000 | 2009 ~ 2027 | | 2º Megablock | 1.000.001 | 2.000.000 | 2027 ~ 2045 | | 3º Megablock | 2.000.001 | 3.000.000 | 2045 ~ 2064 | | 4º Megablock | 3.000.001 | 4.000.000 | 2064 ~ 2082 | | 5º Megablock | 4.000.001 | 5.000.000 | 2082 ~ 2099 | | 6º Megablock | 5.000.001 | 6.000.000 | 2099 ~ 2117 | | 7º Megablock | 6.000.001 | 7.000.000 | 2117 ~ 2136 |
- Nota sobre o primeiro Megablock: Do Bloco Gênese (0) ao Bloco 1.000.000, serão minerados 1.000.001 blocos, pois o Bloco 0 também é contado. O milionésimo bloco será, na realidade, o de número 999.999. Nos Megablocks subsequentes, a contagem será exatamente de 1.000.000 de blocos cada.
O fornecimento de Bitcoin passará por 6 Megablocks completos antes de atingir seu total de 21 milhões de BTC, previsto para acontecer no Bloco 6.930.000 (7º Megablock), quando a última fração de BTC será minerada.
Se essa tendência da média de tempo por bloco ser ligeiramente inferior a 10 minutos continuar, o último bloco com recompensa pode ser minerado entre 2135 e 2138, antes da previsão original de 2140.
De qualquer forma, o Megablock não se limita ao fornecimento de novas moedas. O último bloco com emissão de BTC será o 6.930.000, mas a blockchain continuará existindo indefinidamente.
Após a última emissão, os mineradores não receberão mais novas moedas como recompensa de bloco, mas continuarão garantindo a segurança da rede apenas com as taxas de transação. Dessa forma, novos Megablocks continuarão a ser formados, mantendo o padrão de 1.000.000 de blocos por unidade de tempo.
Assim como o 1º Megablock marca a era inicial do Bitcoin com sua fase de emissão mais intensa, os Megablocks após o fim da emissão representarão uma nova era da rede, onde a segurança será mantida puramente por incentivos de taxas de transação. Isso reforça que o tempo no Bitcoin continua sendo medido em blocos, e não em moedas emitidas.
3. Benefícios do Conceito de Megablock
3.1 Estruturação do Tempo Já Decorrido
Os Megablocks permitem que os Bitcoiners analisem a evolução da rede com uma métrica clara e baseada no próprio protocolo, estruturando os períodos históricos do Bitcoin.
3.2 Comparação com Unidades Temporais Humanas
Assim como temos décadas, séculos e milênios, podemos organizar a história do Bitcoin com Megablocks, criando marcos temporais claros dentro da blockchain:
- 1 Megablock ≈ 17 a 19 anos (equivalente a uma “geração” no tempo humano)
- 210.000 blocos = ~4 anos (ciclo de halving do Bitcoin)
3.3 Aplicação na História do Bitcoin
Podemos usar Megablocks para marcar eventos históricos importantes da rede:
- O 1º Megablock (2009 ~ 2026/2028) engloba a criação do Bitcoin, os primeiros halvings e a adoção institucional.
- O 2º Megablock (2027 ~ 2044/2046) verá um Bitcoin muito mais escasso, possivelmente consolidado como reserva de valor global.
- O 3º Megablock (2045 ~ 2062/2064) pode ser uma era de hiperbitcoinização, onde a economia gira inteiramente em torno do BTC.
4. Conclusão
O Megablock é uma proposta baseada na matemática da rede para medir o tempo já decorrido no Bitcoin, dividindo sua história em unidades de 1 milhão de blocos minerados. Essa unidade de tempo permite que Bitcoiners acompanhem o desenvolvimento e registrem a história da rede de maneira organizada e independente dos ciclos arbitrários do calendário humano.
Estamos atualmente formando o Primeiro Megablock, assim como estamos vivendo e construindo a década de 2020 e o século XXI. Esse conceito pode se tornar uma métrica fundamental para o estudo da história do Bitcoin, reforçando a ideia de que no Bitcoin, o tempo é medido em blocos, não em relógios.
Você já imaginou como será o Bitcoin no 3º ou 4º Megablock?
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@ a95c6243:d345522c
2024-10-26 12:21:50Es ist besser, ein Licht zu entzünden, als auf die Dunkelheit zu schimpfen. Konfuzius
Die Bemühungen um Aufarbeitung der sogenannten Corona-Pandemie, um Aufklärung der Hintergründe, Benennung von Verantwortlichkeiten und das Ziehen von Konsequenzen sind durchaus nicht eingeschlafen. Das Interesse daran ist unter den gegebenen Umständen vielleicht nicht sonderlich groß, aber es ist vorhanden.
Der sächsische Landtag hat gestern die Einsetzung eines Untersuchungsausschusses zur Corona-Politik beschlossen. In einer Sondersitzung erhielt ein entsprechender Antrag der AfD-Fraktion die ausreichende Zustimmung, auch von einigen Abgeordneten des BSW.
In den Niederlanden wird Bill Gates vor Gericht erscheinen müssen. Sieben durch die Covid-«Impfstoffe» geschädigte Personen hatten Klage eingereicht. Sie werfen unter anderem Gates, Pfizer-Chef Bourla und dem niederländischen Staat vor, sie hätten gewusst, dass diese Präparate weder sicher noch wirksam sind.
Mit den mRNA-«Impfstoffen» von Pfizer/BioNTech befasst sich auch ein neues Buch. Darin werden die Erkenntnisse von Ärzten und Wissenschaftlern aus der Analyse interner Dokumente über die klinischen Studien der Covid-Injektion präsentiert. Es handelt sich um jene in den USA freigeklagten Papiere, die die Arzneimittelbehörde (Food and Drug Administration, FDA) 75 Jahre unter Verschluss halten wollte.
Ebenfalls Wissenschaftler und Ärzte, aber auch andere Experten organisieren als Verbundnetzwerk Corona-Solution kostenfreie Online-Konferenzen. Ihr Ziel ist es, «wissenschaftlich, demokratisch und friedlich» über Impfstoffe und Behandlungsprotokolle gegen SARS-CoV-2 aufzuklären und die Diskriminierung von Ungeimpften zu stoppen. Gestern fand eine weitere Konferenz statt. Ihr Thema: «Corona und modRNA: Von Toten, Lebenden und Physik lernen».
Aufgrund des Digital Services Acts (DSA) der Europäischen Union sei das Risiko groß, dass ihre Arbeit als «Fake-News» bezeichnet würde, so das Netzwerk. Staatlich unerwünschte wissenschaftliche Aufklärung müsse sich passende Kanäle zur Veröffentlichung suchen. Ihre Live-Streams seien deshalb zum Beispiel nicht auf YouTube zu finden.
Der vielfältige Einsatz für Aufklärung und Aufarbeitung wird sich nicht stummschalten lassen. Nicht einmal der Zensurmeister der EU, Deutschland, wird so etwas erreichen. Die frisch aktivierten «Trusted Flagger» dürften allerdings künftige Siege beim «Denunzianten-Wettbewerb» im Kontext des DSA zusätzlich absichern.
Wo sind die Grenzen der Meinungsfreiheit? Sicher gibt es sie. Aber die ideologische Gleichstellung von illegalen mit unerwünschten Äußerungen verfolgt offensichtlich eher das Ziel, ein derart elementares demokratisches Grundrecht möglichst weitgehend auszuhebeln. Vorwürfe wie «Hassrede», «Delegitimierung des Staates» oder «Volksverhetzung» werden heute inflationär verwendet, um Systemkritik zu unterbinden. Gegen solche Bestrebungen gilt es, sich zu wehren.
Dieser Beitrag ist zuerst auf Transition News erschienen.
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@ c631e267:c2b78d3e
2024-10-23 20:26:10Herzlichen Glückwunsch zum dritten Geburtstag, liebe Denk Bar! Wieso zum dritten? Das war doch 2022 und jetzt sind wir im Jahr 2024, oder? Ja, das ist schon richtig, aber bei Geburtstagen erinnere ich mich immer auch an meinen Vater, und der behauptete oft, der erste sei ja schließlich der Tag der Geburt selber und den müsse man natürlich mitzählen. Wo er recht hat, hat er nunmal recht. Konsequenterweise wird also heute dieser Blog an seinem dritten Geburtstag zwei Jahre alt.
Das ist ein Grund zum Feiern, wie ich finde. Einerseits ganz einfach, weil es dafür gar nicht genug Gründe geben kann. «Das Leben sind zwei Tage», lautet ein gängiger Ausdruck hier in Andalusien. In der Tat könnte es so sein, auch wenn wir uns im Alltag oft genug von der Routine vereinnahmen lassen.
Seit dem Start der Denk Bar vor zwei Jahren ist unglaublich viel passiert. Ebenso wie die zweieinhalb Jahre davor, und all jenes war letztlich auch der Auslöser dafür, dass ich begann, öffentlich zu schreiben. Damals notierte ich:
«Seit einigen Jahren erscheint unser öffentliches Umfeld immer fragwürdiger, widersprüchlicher und manchmal schier unglaublich - jede Menge Anlass für eigene Recherchen und Gedanken, ganz einfach mit einer Portion gesundem Menschenverstand.»
Wir erleben den sogenannten «großen Umbruch», einen globalen Coup, den skrupellose Egoisten clever eingefädelt haben und seit ein paar Jahren knallhart – aber nett verpackt – durchziehen, um buchstäblich alles nach ihrem Gusto umzukrempeln. Die Gelegenheit ist ja angeblich günstig und muss genutzt werden.
Nie hätte ich mir träumen lassen, dass ich so etwas jemals miterleben müsste. Die Bosheit, mit der ganz offensichtlich gegen die eigene Bevölkerung gearbeitet wird, war früher für mich unvorstellbar. Mein (Rest-) Vertrauen in alle möglichen Bereiche wie Politik, Wissenschaft, Justiz, Medien oder Kirche ist praktisch komplett zerstört. Einen «inneren Totalschaden» hatte ich mal für unsere Gesellschaften diagnostiziert.
Was mich vielleicht am meisten erschreckt, ist zum einen das Niveau der Gleichschaltung, das weltweit erreicht werden konnte, und zum anderen die praktisch totale Spaltung der Gesellschaft. Haben wir das tatsächlich mit uns machen lassen?? Unfassbar! Aber das Werkzeug «Angst» ist sehr mächtig und funktioniert bis heute.
Zum Glück passieren auch positive Dinge und neue Perspektiven öffnen sich. Für viele Menschen waren und sind die Entwicklungen der letzten Jahre ein Augenöffner. Sie sehen «Querdenken» als das, was es ist: eine Tugend.
Auch die immer ernsteren Zensurbemühungen sind letztlich nur ein Zeichen der Schwäche, wo Argumente fehlen. Sie werden nicht verhindern, dass wir unsere Meinung äußern, unbequeme Fragen stellen und dass die Wahrheit peu à peu ans Licht kommt. Es gibt immer Mittel und Wege, auch für uns.
Danke, dass du diesen Weg mit mir weitergehst!
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@ 21335073:a244b1ad
2025-03-18 20:47:50Warning: This piece contains a conversation about difficult topics. Please proceed with caution.
TL;DR please educate your children about online safety.
Julian Assange wrote in his 2012 book Cypherpunks, “This book is not a manifesto. There isn’t time for that. This book is a warning.” I read it a few times over the past summer. Those opening lines definitely stood out to me. I wish we had listened back then. He saw something about the internet that few had the ability to see. There are some individuals who are so close to a topic that when they speak, it’s difficult for others who aren’t steeped in it to visualize what they’re talking about. I didn’t read the book until more recently. If I had read it when it came out, it probably would have sounded like an unknown foreign language to me. Today it makes more sense.
This isn’t a manifesto. This isn’t a book. There is no time for that. It’s a warning and a possible solution from a desperate and determined survivor advocate who has been pulling and unraveling a thread for a few years. At times, I feel too close to this topic to make any sense trying to convey my pathway to my conclusions or thoughts to the general public. My hope is that if nothing else, I can convey my sense of urgency while writing this. This piece is a watchman’s warning.
When a child steps online, they are walking into a new world. A new reality. When you hand a child the internet, you are handing them possibilities—good, bad, and ugly. This is a conversation about lowering the potential of negative outcomes of stepping into that new world and how I came to these conclusions. I constantly compare the internet to the road. You wouldn’t let a young child run out into the road with no guidance or safety precautions. When you hand a child the internet without any type of guidance or safety measures, you are allowing them to play in rush hour, oncoming traffic. “Look left, look right for cars before crossing.” We almost all have been taught that as children. What are we taught as humans about safety before stepping into a completely different reality like the internet? Very little.
I could never really figure out why many folks in tech, privacy rights activists, and hackers seemed so cold to me while talking about online child sexual exploitation. I always figured that as a survivor advocate for those affected by these crimes, that specific, skilled group of individuals would be very welcoming and easy to talk to about such serious topics. I actually had one hacker laugh in my face when I brought it up while I was looking for answers. I thought maybe this individual thought I was accusing them of something I wasn’t, so I felt bad for asking. I was constantly extremely disappointed and would ask myself, “Why don’t they care? What could I say to make them care more? What could I say to make them understand the crisis and the level of suffering that happens as a result of the problem?”
I have been serving minor survivors of online child sexual exploitation for years. My first case serving a survivor of this specific crime was in 2018—a 13-year-old girl sexually exploited by a serial predator on Snapchat. That was my first glimpse into this side of the internet. I won a national award for serving the minor survivors of Twitter in 2023, but I had been working on that specific project for a few years. I was nominated by a lawyer representing two survivors in a legal battle against the platform. I’ve never really spoken about this before, but at the time it was a choice for me between fighting Snapchat or Twitter. I chose Twitter—or rather, Twitter chose me. I heard about the story of John Doe #1 and John Doe #2, and I was so unbelievably broken over it that I went to war for multiple years. I was and still am royally pissed about that case. As far as I was concerned, the John Doe #1 case proved that whatever was going on with corporate tech social media was so out of control that I didn’t have time to wait, so I got to work. It was reading the messages that John Doe #1 sent to Twitter begging them to remove his sexual exploitation that broke me. He was a child begging adults to do something. A passion for justice and protecting kids makes you do wild things. I was desperate to find answers about what happened and searched for solutions. In the end, the platform Twitter was purchased. During the acquisition, I just asked Mr. Musk nicely to prioritize the issue of detection and removal of child sexual exploitation without violating digital privacy rights or eroding end-to-end encryption. Elon thanked me multiple times during the acquisition, made some changes, and I was thanked by others on the survivors’ side as well.
I still feel that even with the progress made, I really just scratched the surface with Twitter, now X. I left that passion project when I did for a few reasons. I wanted to give new leadership time to tackle the issue. Elon Musk made big promises that I knew would take a while to fulfill, but mostly I had been watching global legislation transpire around the issue, and frankly, the governments are willing to go much further with X and the rest of corporate tech than I ever would. My work begging Twitter to make changes with easier reporting of content, detection, and removal of child sexual exploitation material—without violating privacy rights or eroding end-to-end encryption—and advocating for the minor survivors of the platform went as far as my principles would have allowed. I’m grateful for that experience. I was still left with a nagging question: “How did things get so bad with Twitter where the John Doe #1 and John Doe #2 case was able to happen in the first place?” I decided to keep looking for answers. I decided to keep pulling the thread.
I never worked for Twitter. This is often confusing for folks. I will say that despite being disappointed in the platform’s leadership at times, I loved Twitter. I saw and still see its value. I definitely love the survivors of the platform, but I also loved the platform. I was a champion of the platform’s ability to give folks from virtually around the globe an opportunity to speak and be heard.
I want to be clear that John Doe #1 really is my why. He is the inspiration. I am writing this because of him. He represents so many globally, and I’m still inspired by his bravery. One child’s voice begging adults to do something—I’m an adult, I heard him. I’d go to war a thousand more lifetimes for that young man, and I don’t even know his name. Fighting has been personally dark at times; I’m not even going to try to sugarcoat it, but it has been worth it.
The data surrounding the very real crime of online child sexual exploitation is available to the public online at any time for anyone to see. I’d encourage you to go look at the data for yourself. I believe in encouraging folks to check multiple sources so that you understand the full picture. If you are uncomfortable just searching around the internet for information about this topic, use the terms “CSAM,” “CSEM,” “SG-CSEM,” or “AI Generated CSAM.” The numbers don’t lie—it’s a nightmare that’s out of control. It’s a big business. The demand is high, and unfortunately, business is booming. Organizations collect the data, tech companies often post their data, governments report frequently, and the corporate press has covered a decent portion of the conversation, so I’m sure you can find a source that you trust.
Technology is changing rapidly, which is great for innovation as a whole but horrible for the crime of online child sexual exploitation. Those wishing to exploit the vulnerable seem to be adapting to each technological change with ease. The governments are so far behind with tackling these issues that as I’m typing this, it’s borderline irrelevant to even include them while speaking about the crime or potential solutions. Technology is changing too rapidly, and their old, broken systems can’t even dare to keep up. Think of it like the governments’ “War on Drugs.” Drugs won. In this case as well, the governments are not winning. The governments are talking about maybe having a meeting on potentially maybe having legislation around the crimes. The time to have that meeting would have been many years ago. I’m not advocating for governments to legislate our way out of this. I’m on the side of educating and innovating our way out of this.
I have been clear while advocating for the minor survivors of corporate tech platforms that I would not advocate for any solution to the crime that would violate digital privacy rights or erode end-to-end encryption. That has been a personal moral position that I was unwilling to budge on. This is an extremely unpopular and borderline nonexistent position in the anti-human trafficking movement and online child protection space. I’m often fearful that I’m wrong about this. I have always thought that a better pathway forward would have been to incentivize innovation for detection and removal of content. I had no previous exposure to privacy rights activists or Cypherpunks—actually, I came to that conclusion by listening to the voices of MENA region political dissidents and human rights activists. After developing relationships with human rights activists from around the globe, I realized how important privacy rights and encryption are for those who need it most globally. I was simply unwilling to give more power, control, and opportunities for mass surveillance to big abusers like governments wishing to enslave entire nations and untrustworthy corporate tech companies to potentially end some portion of abuses online. On top of all of it, it has been clear to me for years that all potential solutions outside of violating digital privacy rights to detect and remove child sexual exploitation online have not yet been explored aggressively. I’ve been disappointed that there hasn’t been more of a conversation around preventing the crime from happening in the first place.
What has been tried is mass surveillance. In China, they are currently under mass surveillance both online and offline, and their behaviors are attached to a social credit score. Unfortunately, even on state-run and controlled social media platforms, they still have child sexual exploitation and abuse imagery pop up along with other crimes and human rights violations. They also have a thriving black market online due to the oppression from the state. In other words, even an entire loss of freedom and privacy cannot end the sexual exploitation of children online. It’s been tried. There is no reason to repeat this method.
It took me an embarrassingly long time to figure out why I always felt a slight coldness from those in tech and privacy-minded individuals about the topic of child sexual exploitation online. I didn’t have any clue about the “Four Horsemen of the Infocalypse.” This is a term coined by Timothy C. May in 1988. I would have been a child myself when he first said it. I actually laughed at myself when I heard the phrase for the first time. I finally got it. The Cypherpunks weren’t wrong about that topic. They were so spot on that it is borderline uncomfortable. I was mad at first that they knew that early during the birth of the internet that this issue would arise and didn’t address it. Then I got over it because I realized that it wasn’t their job. Their job was—is—to write code. Their job wasn’t to be involved and loving parents or survivor advocates. Their job wasn’t to educate children on internet safety or raise awareness; their job was to write code.
They knew that child sexual abuse material would be shared on the internet. They said what would happen—not in a gleeful way, but a prediction. Then it happened.
I equate it now to a concrete company laying down a road. As you’re pouring the concrete, you can say to yourself, “A terrorist might travel down this road to go kill many, and on the flip side, a beautiful child can be born in an ambulance on this road.” Who or what travels down the road is not their responsibility—they are just supposed to lay the concrete. I’d never go to a concrete pourer and ask them to solve terrorism that travels down roads. Under the current system, law enforcement should stop terrorists before they even make it to the road. The solution to this specific problem is not to treat everyone on the road like a terrorist or to not build the road.
So I understand the perceived coldness from those in tech. Not only was it not their job, but bringing up the topic was seen as the equivalent of asking a free person if they wanted to discuss one of the four topics—child abusers, terrorists, drug dealers, intellectual property pirates, etc.—that would usher in digital authoritarianism for all who are online globally.
Privacy rights advocates and groups have put up a good fight. They stood by their principles. Unfortunately, when it comes to corporate tech, I believe that the issue of privacy is almost a complete lost cause at this point. It’s still worth pushing back, but ultimately, it is a losing battle—a ticking time bomb.
I do think that corporate tech providers could have slowed down the inevitable loss of privacy at the hands of the state by prioritizing the detection and removal of CSAM when they all started online. I believe it would have bought some time, fewer would have been traumatized by that specific crime, and I do believe that it could have slowed down the demand for content. If I think too much about that, I’ll go insane, so I try to push the “if maybes” aside, but never knowing if it could have been handled differently will forever haunt me. At night when it’s quiet, I wonder what I would have done differently if given the opportunity. I’ll probably never know how much corporate tech knew and ignored in the hopes that it would go away while the problem continued to get worse. They had different priorities. The most voiceless and vulnerable exploited on corporate tech never had much of a voice, so corporate tech providers didn’t receive very much pushback.
Now I’m about to say something really wild, and you can call me whatever you want to call me, but I’m going to say what I believe to be true. I believe that the governments are either so incompetent that they allowed the proliferation of CSAM online, or they knowingly allowed the problem to fester long enough to have an excuse to violate privacy rights and erode end-to-end encryption. The US government could have seized the corporate tech providers over CSAM, but I believe that they were so useful as a propaganda arm for the regimes that they allowed them to continue virtually unscathed.
That season is done now, and the governments are making the issue a priority. It will come at a high cost. Privacy on corporate tech providers is virtually done as I’m typing this. It feels like a death rattle. I’m not particularly sure that we had much digital privacy to begin with, but the illusion of a veil of privacy feels gone.
To make matters slightly more complex, it would be hard to convince me that once AI really gets going, digital privacy will exist at all.
I believe that there should be a conversation shift to preserving freedoms and human rights in a post-privacy society.
I don’t want to get locked up because AI predicted a nasty post online from me about the government. I’m not a doomer about AI—I’m just going to roll with it personally. I’m looking forward to the positive changes that will be brought forth by AI. I see it as inevitable. A bit of privacy was helpful while it lasted. Please keep fighting to preserve what is left of privacy either way because I could be wrong about all of this.
On the topic of AI, the addition of AI to the horrific crime of child sexual abuse material and child sexual exploitation in multiple ways so far has been devastating. It’s currently out of control. The genie is out of the bottle. I am hopeful that innovation will get us humans out of this, but I’m not sure how or how long it will take. We must be extremely cautious around AI legislation. It should not be illegal to innovate even if some bad comes with the good. I don’t trust that the governments are equipped to decide the best pathway forward for AI. Source: the entire history of the government.
I have been personally negatively impacted by AI-generated content. Every few days, I get another alert that I’m featured again in what’s called “deep fake pornography” without my consent. I’m not happy about it, but what pains me the most is the thought that for a period of time down the road, many globally will experience what myself and others are experiencing now by being digitally sexually abused in this way. If you have ever had your picture taken and posted online, you are also at risk of being exploited in this way. Your child’s image can be used as well, unfortunately, and this is just the beginning of this particular nightmare. It will move to more realistic interpretations of sexual behaviors as technology improves. I have no brave words of wisdom about how to deal with that emotionally. I do have hope that innovation will save the day around this specific issue. I’m nervous that everyone online will have to ID verify due to this issue. I see that as one possible outcome that could help to prevent one problem but inadvertently cause more problems, especially for those living under authoritarian regimes or anyone who needs to remain anonymous online. A zero-knowledge proof (ZKP) would probably be the best solution to these issues. There are some survivors of violence and/or sexual trauma who need to remain anonymous online for various reasons. There are survivor stories available online of those who have been abused in this way. I’d encourage you seek out and listen to their stories.
There have been periods of time recently where I hesitate to say anything at all because more than likely AI will cover most of my concerns about education, awareness, prevention, detection, and removal of child sexual exploitation online, etc.
Unfortunately, some of the most pressing issues we’ve seen online over the last few years come in the form of “sextortion.” Self-generated child sexual exploitation (SG-CSEM) numbers are continuing to be terrifying. I’d strongly encourage that you look into sextortion data. AI + sextortion is also a huge concern. The perpetrators are using the non-sexually explicit images of children and putting their likeness on AI-generated child sexual exploitation content and extorting money, more imagery, or both from minors online. It’s like a million nightmares wrapped into one. The wild part is that these issues will only get more pervasive because technology is harnessed to perpetuate horror at a scale unimaginable to a human mind.
Even if you banned phones and the internet or tried to prevent children from accessing the internet, it wouldn’t solve it. Child sexual exploitation will still be with us until as a society we start to prevent the crime before it happens. That is the only human way out right now.
There is no reset button on the internet, but if I could go back, I’d tell survivor advocates to heed the warnings of the early internet builders and to start education and awareness campaigns designed to prevent as much online child sexual exploitation as possible. The internet and technology moved quickly, and I don’t believe that society ever really caught up. We live in a world where a child can be groomed by a predator in their own home while sitting on a couch next to their parents watching TV. We weren’t ready as a species to tackle the fast-paced algorithms and dangers online. It happened too quickly for parents to catch up. How can you parent for the ever-changing digital world unless you are constantly aware of the dangers?
I don’t think that the internet is inherently bad. I believe that it can be a powerful tool for freedom and resistance. I’ve spoken a lot about the bad online, but there is beauty as well. We often discuss how victims and survivors are abused online; we rarely discuss the fact that countless survivors around the globe have been able to share their experiences, strength, hope, as well as provide resources to the vulnerable. I do question if giving any government or tech company access to censorship, surveillance, etc., online in the name of serving survivors might not actually impact a portion of survivors negatively. There are a fair amount of survivors with powerful abusers protected by governments and the corporate press. If a survivor cannot speak to the press about their abuse, the only place they can go is online, directly or indirectly through an independent journalist who also risks being censored. This scenario isn’t hard to imagine—it already happened in China. During #MeToo, a survivor in China wanted to post their story. The government censored the post, so the survivor put their story on the blockchain. I’m excited that the survivor was creative and brave, but it’s terrifying to think that we live in a world where that situation is a necessity.
I believe that the future for many survivors sharing their stories globally will be on completely censorship-resistant and decentralized protocols. This thought in particular gives me hope. When we listen to the experiences of a diverse group of survivors, we can start to understand potential solutions to preventing the crimes from happening in the first place.
My heart is broken over the gut-wrenching stories of survivors sexually exploited online. Every time I hear the story of a survivor, I do think to myself quietly, “What could have prevented this from happening in the first place?” My heart is with survivors.
My head, on the other hand, is full of the understanding that the internet should remain free. The free flow of information should not be stopped. My mind is with the innocent citizens around the globe that deserve freedom both online and offline.
The problem is that governments don’t only want to censor illegal content that violates human rights—they create legislation that is so broad that it can impact speech and privacy of all. “Don’t you care about the kids?” Yes, I do. I do so much that I’m invested in finding solutions. I also care about all citizens around the globe that deserve an opportunity to live free from a mass surveillance society. If terrorism happens online, I should not be punished by losing my freedom. If drugs are sold online, I should not be punished. I’m not an abuser, I’m not a terrorist, and I don’t engage in illegal behaviors. I refuse to lose freedom because of others’ bad behaviors online.
I want to be clear that on a long enough timeline, the governments will decide that they can be better parents/caregivers than you can if something isn’t done to stop minors from being sexually exploited online. The price will be a complete loss of anonymity, privacy, free speech, and freedom of religion online. I find it rather insulting that governments think they’re better equipped to raise children than parents and caretakers.
So we can’t go backwards—all that we can do is go forward. Those who want to have freedom will find technology to facilitate their liberation. This will lead many over time to decentralized and open protocols. So as far as I’m concerned, this does solve a few of my worries—those who need, want, and deserve to speak freely online will have the opportunity in most countries—but what about online child sexual exploitation?
When I popped up around the decentralized space, I was met with the fear of censorship. I’m not here to censor you. I don’t write code. I couldn’t censor anyone or any piece of content even if I wanted to across the internet, no matter how depraved. I don’t have the skills to do that.
I’m here to start a conversation. Freedom comes at a cost. You must always fight for and protect your freedom. I can’t speak about protecting yourself from all of the Four Horsemen because I simply don’t know the topics well enough, but I can speak about this one topic.
If there was a shortcut to ending online child sexual exploitation, I would have found it by now. There isn’t one right now. I believe that education is the only pathway forward to preventing the crime of online child sexual exploitation for future generations.
I propose a yearly education course for every child of all school ages, taught as a standard part of the curriculum. Ideally, parents/caregivers would be involved in the education/learning process.
Course: - The creation of the internet and computers - The fight for cryptography - The tech supply chain from the ground up (example: human rights violations in the supply chain) - Corporate tech - Freedom tech - Data privacy - Digital privacy rights - AI (history-current) - Online safety (predators, scams, catfishing, extortion) - Bitcoin - Laws - How to deal with online hate and harassment - Information on who to contact if you are being abused online or offline - Algorithms - How to seek out the truth about news, etc., online
The parents/caregivers, homeschoolers, unschoolers, and those working to create decentralized parallel societies have been an inspiration while writing this, but my hope is that all children would learn this course, even in government ran schools. Ideally, parents would teach this to their own children.
The decentralized space doesn’t want child sexual exploitation to thrive. Here’s the deal: there has to be a strong prevention effort in order to protect the next generation. The internet isn’t going anywhere, predators aren’t going anywhere, and I’m not down to let anyone have the opportunity to prove that there is a need for more government. I don’t believe that the government should act as parents. The governments have had a chance to attempt to stop online child sexual exploitation, and they didn’t do it. Can we try a different pathway forward?
I’d like to put myself out of a job. I don’t want to ever hear another story like John Doe #1 ever again. This will require work. I’ve often called online child sexual exploitation the lynchpin for the internet. It’s time to arm generations of children with knowledge and tools. I can’t do this alone.
Individuals have fought so that I could have freedom online. I want to fight to protect it. I don’t want child predators to give the government any opportunity to take away freedom. Decentralized spaces are as close to a reset as we’ll get with the opportunity to do it right from the start. Start the youth off correctly by preventing potential hazards to the best of your ability.
The good news is anyone can work on this! I’d encourage you to take it and run with it. I added the additional education about the history of the internet to make the course more educational and fun. Instead of cleaning up generations of destroyed lives due to online sexual exploitation, perhaps this could inspire generations of those who will build our futures. Perhaps if the youth is armed with knowledge, they can create more tools to prevent the crime.
This one solution that I’m suggesting can be done on an individual level or on a larger scale. It should be adjusted depending on age, learning style, etc. It should be fun and playful.
This solution does not address abuse in the home or some of the root causes of offline child sexual exploitation. My hope is that it could lead to some survivors experiencing abuse in the home an opportunity to disclose with a trusted adult. The purpose for this solution is to prevent the crime of online child sexual exploitation before it occurs and to arm the youth with the tools to contact safe adults if and when it happens.
In closing, I went to hell a few times so that you didn’t have to. I spoke to the mothers of survivors of minors sexually exploited online—their tears could fill rivers. I’ve spoken with political dissidents who yearned to be free from authoritarian surveillance states. The only balance that I’ve found is freedom online for citizens around the globe and prevention from the dangers of that for the youth. Don’t slow down innovation and freedom. Educate, prepare, adapt, and look for solutions.
I’m not perfect and I’m sure that there are errors in this piece. I hope that you find them and it starts a conversation.
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@ a95c6243:d345522c
2024-10-19 08:58:08Ein Lämmchen löschte an einem Bache seinen Durst. Fern von ihm, aber näher der Quelle, tat ein Wolf das gleiche. Kaum erblickte er das Lämmchen, so schrie er:
"Warum trübst du mir das Wasser, das ich trinken will?"
"Wie wäre das möglich", erwiderte schüchtern das Lämmchen, "ich stehe hier unten und du so weit oben; das Wasser fließt ja von dir zu mir; glaube mir, es kam mir nie in den Sinn, dir etwas Böses zu tun!"
"Ei, sieh doch! Du machst es gerade, wie dein Vater vor sechs Monaten; ich erinnere mich noch sehr wohl, daß auch du dabei warst, aber glücklich entkamst, als ich ihm für sein Schmähen das Fell abzog!"
"Ach, Herr!" flehte das zitternde Lämmchen, "ich bin ja erst vier Wochen alt und kannte meinen Vater gar nicht, so lange ist er schon tot; wie soll ich denn für ihn büßen."
"Du Unverschämter!" so endigt der Wolf mit erheuchelter Wut, indem er die Zähne fletschte. "Tot oder nicht tot, weiß ich doch, daß euer ganzes Geschlecht mich hasset, und dafür muß ich mich rächen."
Ohne weitere Umstände zu machen, zerriß er das Lämmchen und verschlang es.
Das Gewissen regt sich selbst bei dem größten Bösewichte; er sucht doch nach Vorwand, um dasselbe damit bei Begehung seiner Schlechtigkeiten zu beschwichtigen.
Quelle: https://eden.one/fabeln-aesop-das-lamm-und-der-wolf
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@ 21335073:a244b1ad
2025-03-18 14:43:08Warning: This piece contains a conversation about difficult topics. Please proceed with caution.
TL;DR please educate your children about online safety.
Julian Assange wrote in his 2012 book Cypherpunks, “This book is not a manifesto. There isn’t time for that. This book is a warning.” I read it a few times over the past summer. Those opening lines definitely stood out to me. I wish we had listened back then. He saw something about the internet that few had the ability to see. There are some individuals who are so close to a topic that when they speak, it’s difficult for others who aren’t steeped in it to visualize what they’re talking about. I didn’t read the book until more recently. If I had read it when it came out, it probably would have sounded like an unknown foreign language to me. Today it makes more sense.
This isn’t a manifesto. This isn’t a book. There is no time for that. It’s a warning and a possible solution from a desperate and determined survivor advocate who has been pulling and unraveling a thread for a few years. At times, I feel too close to this topic to make any sense trying to convey my pathway to my conclusions or thoughts to the general public. My hope is that if nothing else, I can convey my sense of urgency while writing this. This piece is a watchman’s warning.
When a child steps online, they are walking into a new world. A new reality. When you hand a child the internet, you are handing them possibilities—good, bad, and ugly. This is a conversation about lowering the potential of negative outcomes of stepping into that new world and how I came to these conclusions. I constantly compare the internet to the road. You wouldn’t let a young child run out into the road with no guidance or safety precautions. When you hand a child the internet without any type of guidance or safety measures, you are allowing them to play in rush hour, oncoming traffic. “Look left, look right for cars before crossing.” We almost all have been taught that as children. What are we taught as humans about safety before stepping into a completely different reality like the internet? Very little.
I could never really figure out why many folks in tech, privacy rights activists, and hackers seemed so cold to me while talking about online child sexual exploitation. I always figured that as a survivor advocate for those affected by these crimes, that specific, skilled group of individuals would be very welcoming and easy to talk to about such serious topics. I actually had one hacker laugh in my face when I brought it up while I was looking for answers. I thought maybe this individual thought I was accusing them of something I wasn’t, so I felt bad for asking. I was constantly extremely disappointed and would ask myself, “Why don’t they care? What could I say to make them care more? What could I say to make them understand the crisis and the level of suffering that happens as a result of the problem?”
I have been serving minor survivors of online child sexual exploitation for years. My first case serving a survivor of this specific crime was in 2018—a 13-year-old girl sexually exploited by a serial predator on Snapchat. That was my first glimpse into this side of the internet. I won a national award for serving the minor survivors of Twitter in 2023, but I had been working on that specific project for a few years. I was nominated by a lawyer representing two survivors in a legal battle against the platform. I’ve never really spoken about this before, but at the time it was a choice for me between fighting Snapchat or Twitter. I chose Twitter—or rather, Twitter chose me. I heard about the story of John Doe #1 and John Doe #2, and I was so unbelievably broken over it that I went to war for multiple years. I was and still am royally pissed about that case. As far as I was concerned, the John Doe #1 case proved that whatever was going on with corporate tech social media was so out of control that I didn’t have time to wait, so I got to work. It was reading the messages that John Doe #1 sent to Twitter begging them to remove his sexual exploitation that broke me. He was a child begging adults to do something. A passion for justice and protecting kids makes you do wild things. I was desperate to find answers about what happened and searched for solutions. In the end, the platform Twitter was purchased. During the acquisition, I just asked Mr. Musk nicely to prioritize the issue of detection and removal of child sexual exploitation without violating digital privacy rights or eroding end-to-end encryption. Elon thanked me multiple times during the acquisition, made some changes, and I was thanked by others on the survivors’ side as well.
I still feel that even with the progress made, I really just scratched the surface with Twitter, now X. I left that passion project when I did for a few reasons. I wanted to give new leadership time to tackle the issue. Elon Musk made big promises that I knew would take a while to fulfill, but mostly I had been watching global legislation transpire around the issue, and frankly, the governments are willing to go much further with X and the rest of corporate tech than I ever would. My work begging Twitter to make changes with easier reporting of content, detection, and removal of child sexual exploitation material—without violating privacy rights or eroding end-to-end encryption—and advocating for the minor survivors of the platform went as far as my principles would have allowed. I’m grateful for that experience. I was still left with a nagging question: “How did things get so bad with Twitter where the John Doe #1 and John Doe #2 case was able to happen in the first place?” I decided to keep looking for answers. I decided to keep pulling the thread.
I never worked for Twitter. This is often confusing for folks. I will say that despite being disappointed in the platform’s leadership at times, I loved Twitter. I saw and still see its value. I definitely love the survivors of the platform, but I also loved the platform. I was a champion of the platform’s ability to give folks from virtually around the globe an opportunity to speak and be heard.
I want to be clear that John Doe #1 really is my why. He is the inspiration. I am writing this because of him. He represents so many globally, and I’m still inspired by his bravery. One child’s voice begging adults to do something—I’m an adult, I heard him. I’d go to war a thousand more lifetimes for that young man, and I don’t even know his name. Fighting has been personally dark at times; I’m not even going to try to sugarcoat it, but it has been worth it.
The data surrounding the very real crime of online child sexual exploitation is available to the public online at any time for anyone to see. I’d encourage you to go look at the data for yourself. I believe in encouraging folks to check multiple sources so that you understand the full picture. If you are uncomfortable just searching around the internet for information about this topic, use the terms “CSAM,” “CSEM,” “SG-CSEM,” or “AI Generated CSAM.” The numbers don’t lie—it’s a nightmare that’s out of control. It’s a big business. The demand is high, and unfortunately, business is booming. Organizations collect the data, tech companies often post their data, governments report frequently, and the corporate press has covered a decent portion of the conversation, so I’m sure you can find a source that you trust.
Technology is changing rapidly, which is great for innovation as a whole but horrible for the crime of online child sexual exploitation. Those wishing to exploit the vulnerable seem to be adapting to each technological change with ease. The governments are so far behind with tackling these issues that as I’m typing this, it’s borderline irrelevant to even include them while speaking about the crime or potential solutions. Technology is changing too rapidly, and their old, broken systems can’t even dare to keep up. Think of it like the governments’ “War on Drugs.” Drugs won. In this case as well, the governments are not winning. The governments are talking about maybe having a meeting on potentially maybe having legislation around the crimes. The time to have that meeting would have been many years ago. I’m not advocating for governments to legislate our way out of this. I’m on the side of educating and innovating our way out of this.
I have been clear while advocating for the minor survivors of corporate tech platforms that I would not advocate for any solution to the crime that would violate digital privacy rights or erode end-to-end encryption. That has been a personal moral position that I was unwilling to budge on. This is an extremely unpopular and borderline nonexistent position in the anti-human trafficking movement and online child protection space. I’m often fearful that I’m wrong about this. I have always thought that a better pathway forward would have been to incentivize innovation for detection and removal of content. I had no previous exposure to privacy rights activists or Cypherpunks—actually, I came to that conclusion by listening to the voices of MENA region political dissidents and human rights activists. After developing relationships with human rights activists from around the globe, I realized how important privacy rights and encryption are for those who need it most globally. I was simply unwilling to give more power, control, and opportunities for mass surveillance to big abusers like governments wishing to enslave entire nations and untrustworthy corporate tech companies to potentially end some portion of abuses online. On top of all of it, it has been clear to me for years that all potential solutions outside of violating digital privacy rights to detect and remove child sexual exploitation online have not yet been explored aggressively. I’ve been disappointed that there hasn’t been more of a conversation around preventing the crime from happening in the first place.
What has been tried is mass surveillance. In China, they are currently under mass surveillance both online and offline, and their behaviors are attached to a social credit score. Unfortunately, even on state-run and controlled social media platforms, they still have child sexual exploitation and abuse imagery pop up along with other crimes and human rights violations. They also have a thriving black market online due to the oppression from the state. In other words, even an entire loss of freedom and privacy cannot end the sexual exploitation of children online. It’s been tried. There is no reason to repeat this method.
It took me an embarrassingly long time to figure out why I always felt a slight coldness from those in tech and privacy-minded individuals about the topic of child sexual exploitation online. I didn’t have any clue about the “Four Horsemen of the Infocalypse.” This is a term coined by Timothy C. May in 1988. I would have been a child myself when he first said it. I actually laughed at myself when I heard the phrase for the first time. I finally got it. The Cypherpunks weren’t wrong about that topic. They were so spot on that it is borderline uncomfortable. I was mad at first that they knew that early during the birth of the internet that this issue would arise and didn’t address it. Then I got over it because I realized that it wasn’t their job. Their job was—is—to write code. Their job wasn’t to be involved and loving parents or survivor advocates. Their job wasn’t to educate children on internet safety or raise awareness; their job was to write code.
They knew that child sexual abuse material would be shared on the internet. They said what would happen—not in a gleeful way, but a prediction. Then it happened.
I equate it now to a concrete company laying down a road. As you’re pouring the concrete, you can say to yourself, “A terrorist might travel down this road to go kill many, and on the flip side, a beautiful child can be born in an ambulance on this road.” Who or what travels down the road is not their responsibility—they are just supposed to lay the concrete. I’d never go to a concrete pourer and ask them to solve terrorism that travels down roads. Under the current system, law enforcement should stop terrorists before they even make it to the road. The solution to this specific problem is not to treat everyone on the road like a terrorist or to not build the road.
So I understand the perceived coldness from those in tech. Not only was it not their job, but bringing up the topic was seen as the equivalent of asking a free person if they wanted to discuss one of the four topics—child abusers, terrorists, drug dealers, intellectual property pirates, etc.—that would usher in digital authoritarianism for all who are online globally.
Privacy rights advocates and groups have put up a good fight. They stood by their principles. Unfortunately, when it comes to corporate tech, I believe that the issue of privacy is almost a complete lost cause at this point. It’s still worth pushing back, but ultimately, it is a losing battle—a ticking time bomb.
I do think that corporate tech providers could have slowed down the inevitable loss of privacy at the hands of the state by prioritizing the detection and removal of CSAM when they all started online. I believe it would have bought some time, fewer would have been traumatized by that specific crime, and I do believe that it could have slowed down the demand for content. If I think too much about that, I’ll go insane, so I try to push the “if maybes” aside, but never knowing if it could have been handled differently will forever haunt me. At night when it’s quiet, I wonder what I would have done differently if given the opportunity. I’ll probably never know how much corporate tech knew and ignored in the hopes that it would go away while the problem continued to get worse. They had different priorities. The most voiceless and vulnerable exploited on corporate tech never had much of a voice, so corporate tech providers didn’t receive very much pushback.
Now I’m about to say something really wild, and you can call me whatever you want to call me, but I’m going to say what I believe to be true. I believe that the governments are either so incompetent that they allowed the proliferation of CSAM online, or they knowingly allowed the problem to fester long enough to have an excuse to violate privacy rights and erode end-to-end encryption. The US government could have seized the corporate tech providers over CSAM, but I believe that they were so useful as a propaganda arm for the regimes that they allowed them to continue virtually unscathed.
That season is done now, and the governments are making the issue a priority. It will come at a high cost. Privacy on corporate tech providers is virtually done as I’m typing this. It feels like a death rattle. I’m not particularly sure that we had much digital privacy to begin with, but the illusion of a veil of privacy feels gone.
To make matters slightly more complex, it would be hard to convince me that once AI really gets going, digital privacy will exist at all.
I believe that there should be a conversation shift to preserving freedoms and human rights in a post-privacy society.
I don’t want to get locked up because AI predicted a nasty post online from me about the government. I’m not a doomer about AI—I’m just going to roll with it personally. I’m looking forward to the positive changes that will be brought forth by AI. I see it as inevitable. A bit of privacy was helpful while it lasted. Please keep fighting to preserve what is left of privacy either way because I could be wrong about all of this.
On the topic of AI, the addition of AI to the horrific crime of child sexual abuse material and child sexual exploitation in multiple ways so far has been devastating. It’s currently out of control. The genie is out of the bottle. I am hopeful that innovation will get us humans out of this, but I’m not sure how or how long it will take. We must be extremely cautious around AI legislation. It should not be illegal to innovate even if some bad comes with the good. I don’t trust that the governments are equipped to decide the best pathway forward for AI. Source: the entire history of the government.
I have been personally negatively impacted by AI-generated content. Every few days, I get another alert that I’m featured again in what’s called “deep fake pornography” without my consent. I’m not happy about it, but what pains me the most is the thought that for a period of time down the road, many globally will experience what myself and others are experiencing now by being digitally sexually abused in this way. If you have ever had your picture taken and posted online, you are also at risk of being exploited in this way. Your child’s image can be used as well, unfortunately, and this is just the beginning of this particular nightmare. It will move to more realistic interpretations of sexual behaviors as technology improves. I have no brave words of wisdom about how to deal with that emotionally. I do have hope that innovation will save the day around this specific issue. I’m nervous that everyone online will have to ID verify due to this issue. I see that as one possible outcome that could help to prevent one problem but inadvertently cause more problems, especially for those living under authoritarian regimes or anyone who needs to remain anonymous online. A zero-knowledge proof (ZKP) would probably be the best solution to these issues. There are some survivors of violence and/or sexual trauma who need to remain anonymous online for various reasons. There are survivor stories available online of those who have been abused in this way. I’d encourage you seek out and listen to their stories.
There have been periods of time recently where I hesitate to say anything at all because more than likely AI will cover most of my concerns about education, awareness, prevention, detection, and removal of child sexual exploitation online, etc.
Unfortunately, some of the most pressing issues we’ve seen online over the last few years come in the form of “sextortion.” Self-generated child sexual exploitation (SG-CSEM) numbers are continuing to be terrifying. I’d strongly encourage that you look into sextortion data. AI + sextortion is also a huge concern. The perpetrators are using the non-sexually explicit images of children and putting their likeness on AI-generated child sexual exploitation content and extorting money, more imagery, or both from minors online. It’s like a million nightmares wrapped into one. The wild part is that these issues will only get more pervasive because technology is harnessed to perpetuate horror at a scale unimaginable to a human mind.
Even if you banned phones and the internet or tried to prevent children from accessing the internet, it wouldn’t solve it. Child sexual exploitation will still be with us until as a society we start to prevent the crime before it happens. That is the only human way out right now.
There is no reset button on the internet, but if I could go back, I’d tell survivor advocates to heed the warnings of the early internet builders and to start education and awareness campaigns designed to prevent as much online child sexual exploitation as possible. The internet and technology moved quickly, and I don’t believe that society ever really caught up. We live in a world where a child can be groomed by a predator in their own home while sitting on a couch next to their parents watching TV. We weren’t ready as a species to tackle the fast-paced algorithms and dangers online. It happened too quickly for parents to catch up. How can you parent for the ever-changing digital world unless you are constantly aware of the dangers?
I don’t think that the internet is inherently bad. I believe that it can be a powerful tool for freedom and resistance. I’ve spoken a lot about the bad online, but there is beauty as well. We often discuss how victims and survivors are abused online; we rarely discuss the fact that countless survivors around the globe have been able to share their experiences, strength, hope, as well as provide resources to the vulnerable. I do question if giving any government or tech company access to censorship, surveillance, etc., online in the name of serving survivors might not actually impact a portion of survivors negatively. There are a fair amount of survivors with powerful abusers protected by governments and the corporate press. If a survivor cannot speak to the press about their abuse, the only place they can go is online, directly or indirectly through an independent journalist who also risks being censored. This scenario isn’t hard to imagine—it already happened in China. During #MeToo, a survivor in China wanted to post their story. The government censored the post, so the survivor put their story on the blockchain. I’m excited that the survivor was creative and brave, but it’s terrifying to think that we live in a world where that situation is a necessity.
I believe that the future for many survivors sharing their stories globally will be on completely censorship-resistant and decentralized protocols. This thought in particular gives me hope. When we listen to the experiences of a diverse group of survivors, we can start to understand potential solutions to preventing the crimes from happening in the first place.
My heart is broken over the gut-wrenching stories of survivors sexually exploited online. Every time I hear the story of a survivor, I do think to myself quietly, “What could have prevented this from happening in the first place?” My heart is with survivors.
My head, on the other hand, is full of the understanding that the internet should remain free. The free flow of information should not be stopped. My mind is with the innocent citizens around the globe that deserve freedom both online and offline.
The problem is that governments don’t only want to censor illegal content that violates human rights—they create legislation that is so broad that it can impact speech and privacy of all. “Don’t you care about the kids?” Yes, I do. I do so much that I’m invested in finding solutions. I also care about all citizens around the globe that deserve an opportunity to live free from a mass surveillance society. If terrorism happens online, I should not be punished by losing my freedom. If drugs are sold online, I should not be punished. I’m not an abuser, I’m not a terrorist, and I don’t engage in illegal behaviors. I refuse to lose freedom because of others’ bad behaviors online.
I want to be clear that on a long enough timeline, the governments will decide that they can be better parents/caregivers than you can if something isn’t done to stop minors from being sexually exploited online. The price will be a complete loss of anonymity, privacy, free speech, and freedom of religion online. I find it rather insulting that governments think they’re better equipped to raise children than parents and caretakers.
So we can’t go backwards—all that we can do is go forward. Those who want to have freedom will find technology to facilitate their liberation. This will lead many over time to decentralized and open protocols. So as far as I’m concerned, this does solve a few of my worries—those who need, want, and deserve to speak freely online will have the opportunity in most countries—but what about online child sexual exploitation?
When I popped up around the decentralized space, I was met with the fear of censorship. I’m not here to censor you. I don’t write code. I couldn’t censor anyone or any piece of content even if I wanted to across the internet, no matter how depraved. I don’t have the skills to do that.
I’m here to start a conversation. Freedom comes at a cost. You must always fight for and protect your freedom. I can’t speak about protecting yourself from all of the Four Horsemen because I simply don’t know the topics well enough, but I can speak about this one topic.
If there was a shortcut to ending online child sexual exploitation, I would have found it by now. There isn’t one right now. I believe that education is the only pathway forward to preventing the crime of online child sexual exploitation for future generations.
I propose a yearly education course for every child of all school ages, taught as a standard part of the curriculum. Ideally, parents/caregivers would be involved in the education/learning process.
Course: - The creation of the internet and computers - The fight for cryptography - The tech supply chain from the ground up (example: human rights violations in the supply chain) - Corporate tech - Freedom tech - Data privacy - Digital privacy rights - AI (history-current) - Online safety (predators, scams, catfishing, extortion) - Bitcoin - Laws - How to deal with online hate and harassment - Information on who to contact if you are being abused online or offline - Algorithms - How to seek out the truth about news, etc., online
The parents/caregivers, homeschoolers, unschoolers, and those working to create decentralized parallel societies have been an inspiration while writing this, but my hope is that all children would learn this course, even in government ran schools. Ideally, parents would teach this to their own children.
The decentralized space doesn’t want child sexual exploitation to thrive. Here’s the deal: there has to be a strong prevention effort in order to protect the next generation. The internet isn’t going anywhere, predators aren’t going anywhere, and I’m not down to let anyone have the opportunity to prove that there is a need for more government. I don’t believe that the government should act as parents. The governments have had a chance to attempt to stop online child sexual exploitation, and they didn’t do it. Can we try a different pathway forward?
I’d like to put myself out of a job. I don’t want to ever hear another story like John Doe #1 ever again. This will require work. I’ve often called online child sexual exploitation the lynchpin for the internet. It’s time to arm generations of children with knowledge and tools. I can’t do this alone.
Individuals have fought so that I could have freedom online. I want to fight to protect it. I don’t want child predators to give the government any opportunity to take away freedom. Decentralized spaces are as close to a reset as we’ll get with the opportunity to do it right from the start. Start the youth off correctly by preventing potential hazards to the best of your ability.
The good news is anyone can work on this! I’d encourage you to take it and run with it. I added the additional education about the history of the internet to make the course more educational and fun. Instead of cleaning up generations of destroyed lives due to online sexual exploitation, perhaps this could inspire generations of those who will build our futures. Perhaps if the youth is armed with knowledge, they can create more tools to prevent the crime.
This one solution that I’m suggesting can be done on an individual level or on a larger scale. It should be adjusted depending on age, learning style, etc. It should be fun and playful.
This solution does not address abuse in the home or some of the root causes of offline child sexual exploitation. My hope is that it could lead to some survivors experiencing abuse in the home an opportunity to disclose with a trusted adult. The purpose for this solution is to prevent the crime of online child sexual exploitation before it occurs and to arm the youth with the tools to contact safe adults if and when it happens.
In closing, I went to hell a few times so that you didn’t have to. I spoke to the mothers of survivors of minors sexually exploited online—their tears could fill rivers. I’ve spoken with political dissidents who yearned to be free from authoritarian surveillance states. The only balance that I’ve found is freedom online for citizens around the globe and prevention from the dangers of that for the youth. Don’t slow down innovation and freedom. Educate, prepare, adapt, and look for solutions.
I’m not perfect and I’m sure that there are errors in this piece. I hope that you find them and it starts a conversation.
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@ 21335073:a244b1ad
2025-03-15 23:00:40I want to see Nostr succeed. If you can think of a way I can help make that happen, I’m open to it. I’d like your suggestions.
My schedule’s shifting soon, and I could volunteer a few hours a week to a Nostr project. I won’t have more total time, but how I use it will change.
Why help? I care about freedom. Nostr’s one of the most powerful freedom tools I’ve seen in my lifetime. If I believe that, I should act on it.
I don’t care about money or sats. I’m not rich, I don’t have extra cash. That doesn’t drive me—freedom does. I’m volunteering, not asking for pay.
I’m not here for clout. I’ve had enough spotlight in my life; it doesn’t move me. If I wanted clout, I’d be on Twitter dropping basic takes. Clout’s easy. Freedom’s hard. I’d rather help anonymously. No speaking at events—small meetups are cool for the vibe, but big conferences? Not my thing. I’ll never hit a huge Bitcoin conference. It’s just not my scene.
That said, I could be convinced to step up if it’d really boost Nostr—as long as it’s legal and gets results.
In this space, I’d watch for social engineering. I watch out for it. I’m not here to make friends, just to help. No shade—you all seem great—but I’ve got a full life and awesome friends irl. I don’t need your crew or to be online cool. Connect anonymously if you want; I’d encourage it.
I’m sick of watching other social media alternatives grow while Nostr kinda stalls. I could trash-talk, but I’d rather do something useful.
Skills? I’m good at spotting social media problems and finding possible solutions. I won’t overhype myself—that’s weird—but if you’re responding, you probably see something in me. Perhaps you see something that I don’t see in myself.
If you need help now or later with Nostr projects, reach out. Nostr only—nothing else. Anonymous contact’s fine. Even just a suggestion on how I can pitch in, no project attached, works too. 💜
Creeps or harassment will get blocked or I’ll nuke my simplex code if it becomes a problem.
https://simplex.chat/contact#/?v=2-4&smp=smp%3A%2F%2FSkIkI6EPd2D63F4xFKfHk7I1UGZVNn6k1QWZ5rcyr6w%3D%40smp9.simplex.im%2FbI99B3KuYduH8jDr9ZwyhcSxm2UuR7j0%23%2F%3Fv%3D1-2%26dh%3DMCowBQYDK2VuAyEAS9C-zPzqW41PKySfPCEizcXb1QCus6AyDkTTjfyMIRM%253D%26srv%3Djssqzccmrcws6bhmn77vgmhfjmhwlyr3u7puw4erkyoosywgl67slqqd.onion
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@ f18571e7:9da08ff4
2025-03-14 16:43:03Gostaria de dar-te as boas vindas à essa rede social descentralizada e sem censura. Creio eu que já tenha ouvido falar sobre o que ela é e como funciona parcialmente, caso não, existem dois sites (ao meu conhecimento) com boas informações, se chamam nostr.com e nostr.how, mas darei mais à frente uma explicação básica.
E já te dou um aviso: você precisa saber ler!
Aqui irei tentar ajuntar o máximo de informações que conseguir para que não falte nada para você, e o que faltar, quero que você saiba como pesquisar. Cada parte de como funciona, como acessar, como criar, etc.
Usarei como padrão neste artigo o #Amethyst, pois é o melhor e mais completo client para android, mas muitas das configurações nele podem ser visualizadas em outros clients. E para começar, vamos ver o que são clients.
Clients
Chamamos de clients (ou clientes em português) aqueles sites ou apps que dão acesso ao protocolo Nostr. Assim como para acessar à internet existem vários browsers (ou navegadores), para acessar o Nostr também existem vários clients, cada um voltado a um foco específico.
Amethyst
O melhor e mais completo client para #android, nele você pode ter acesso de tudo um pouco. Lives, comunidades, chats, "vídeos curtos", hashtags, notas populares, e muito mais.
Na versão da Play Store, existe uma funcionalidade de tradução usando o Google tradutor. https://play.google.com/store/apps/details?id=com.vitorpamplona.amethyst
Em outras lojas de apps e no repositório Github, o apk não possui essa função. https://github.com/vitorpamplona/amethyst
Aqui tem um tutorial do Amethyst: nostr:nevent1qqsgqll63rw7nfn8ltszwx9k6cvycm7uw56e6rjty6lpwy4n9g7pe5qpz4mhxue69uhhyetvv9ujumn0wd68ytnzvuhsygz8g3szf3lmg9j80mg5dlmkt24uvmsjwmht93svvpv5ws96gk0ltvpsgqqqqqqs7yma4t
Outros Clients
Aqui algumas pessoas expondo suas opiniões sobre certos clients: nostr:nevent1qqsdnrqszc2juykv6l2gnfmvhn2durt703ecvvakvmyfpgxju3q2grspzamhxue69uhhyetvv9ujuvrcvd5xzapwvdhk6tczyr604d4k2mwrx5gaywlcjqjdevtkvtdjq4hmtzswjxjhf6zv2p23qqcyqqqqqqghvkced nostr:nevent1qqsvqahwnljqcz3s3t5zjwyad5f67f7xc49lexu7vq5s2fxxskegv4spzemhxue69uhkummnw3ezuerpw3sju6rpw4ej7q3qvg9lk42rxugcdd4n667uy8gmvgfjp530n2307q9s93xuce3r7vzsxpqqqqqqzeykzw2 Eu mesmo gosto do Amethyst para android e iris.to para web no PC.
Recomendo à você dar uma olhada nesse site: nostrapps.comEle possui todos os clients atuais do Nostr, com uma descrição e links direcionais para você.
Nostr
Agora que você já sabe mais sobre os #clients, você pode acessar o Nostr segundo seu interesse de interface. Vamos ver o que uma IA nos diz sobre o Nostr:
"O #Nostr é um protocolo descentralizado e open source que permite a criação de redes sociais e outros aplicativos sem a necessidade de um servidor central. O nome é um acrônimo para Notes and Other Stuff Transmitted by Relays (Notas e Outras Coisas Transmitidas por Relays). Ele foi projetado para ser resistente à censura, oferecendo uma alternativa às plataformas tradicionais, onde os usuários têm controle total sobre seus dados.
Para que serve?\ O Nostr serve como base para aplicações descentralizadas, como redes sociais, sistemas de pagamento instantâneo em Bitcoin (usando a rede Lightning) e interações diretas entre criadores e consumidores de conteúdo. Ele promove a liberdade de expressão e a privacidade, sem exigir informações pessoais como nome, e-mail ou número de telefone para criar uma conta.
Como funciona?\ O protocolo utiliza dois componentes principais: clientes e relays. Os clientes são aplicações que os usuários usam para interagir com a rede, enquanto os relays são servidores que armazenam e transmitem mensagens. Cada usuário tem uma chave criptográfica única, que garante a autenticidade e a integridade das mensagens. Os relays são independentes, o que significa que, se um relay for bloqueado ou cair, os usuários podem continuar se conectando através de outros.
Em resumo, o Nostr é uma revolução na forma como nos conectamos online, oferecendo liberdade, privacidade e controle aos usuários."
-Perplexity AI
Se você chegou aqui, é porque ouviu em algum lugar ou de alguém, algo parecido com isso. O Nostr é algo moldável, você consegue fazer dele o que quiser, e por aqui você vai encontrar muitas dessas pessoas que o moldam (idealizadores, programadores e desenvolvedores).
Cuide de sua NSEC
Sua Nsec é a chave privada para acesso ao seu perfil, quem a possuir poderá realizar qualquer alteração que queira, comentar, publicar posts e assim por diante. Você deve guardar essa Nsec como se fosse a seed phrase ou chave privada de sua carteira cripto.
Existem alguns modos de guardar e criptografar sua Nsec:
Sem Criptografia
Primeiro de tudo, fique ciente de onde está a sua nsec no client em que acessa o Nostr!
No Amethyst
- Abra o menu de opções
- Selecione "Copia de segurança"
- Clique em "copiar minha chave secreta" Sua nsec será copiada para a àrea de transferência de seu teclado.
Depois de copiar sua nsec, as melhores recomendações que tenho para passar são:
1. Amber
Guarde sua nsec no #Amber, um app assinador de eventos que guarda sua nsec sob criptografia. Após isso, use o mesmo para acessar qualquer client ou site e gerenciar as permissões de cada um. nostr:nevent1qqsvppyfxm87uegv9fpw56akm8e8jlaksxhc6vvlu5s3cmkmz9e0x8cpypmhxue69uhkummnw3ezuampd3kx2ar0veekzar0wd5xjtnrdakj7q3q5wnjy9pfx5xm9w2mjqezyhdgthw3ty4ydmnnamtmhvfmzl9x8cssxpqqqqqqztzjvrd
2. Nos2x-fox
Coloque sua nsec no #Nos2x-fox, um gerenciador de permissões para navegadores a partir do #Firefox. https://addons.mozilla.org/en-US/firefox/addon/nos2x-fox/ E para navegadores da base #chromium existe o #Nos2x do mesmo desenvolvedor. https://chromewebstore.google.com/detail/nos2x/kpgefcfmnafjgpblomihpgmejjdanjjp
3. Gerenciador de Senhas
Essa é a recomendação mais arriscada, você ainda terá de usar o copiar e colar de sua nsec para acessar o Nostr, a não ser que seu gerenciador reconheça o campo de preenchimento da nsec. Mesmo assim, existem dois gerenciadores que indico; o #Bitwarden e #KeePassDX:
Bitwarden (online)
Play Store: https://play.google.com/store/apps/details?id=com.x8bit.bitwarden Github: https://github.com/bitwarden/mobile
KeePassDX (offline)
Play Store: https://play.google.com/store/apps/details?id=com.kunzisoft.keepass.free Github: https://github.com/Kunzisoft/KeePassDX
Com Criptografia
Se tiver interesse em criptografar sua chave, o formato nativo aceito pelos clients é o ncryptsec. O #ncryptsec é uma criptografia por senha (a grosso modo), onde para ser capaz de usá-la nos clients, somente em conjunto com a senha usada na criptografia, fora isso, você não tem acesso. Você consegue encriptar sua nsec e hex para ncryptsec por meios como os abaixo:
1. Amethyst (nsec)
Existe uma função nativa no Amethyst abaixo da opção "copiar chave secreta" onde é só adicionar a sua senha e será criada uma ncryptsec para copiar. Guarde essa nsec encriptada + senha de descriptação em um lugar seguro.
2. Amber (nsec)
No Amber, existe uma função capaz de encriptar sua nsec.
Ao entrar no Amber
- Selecione a engrenagem na parte inferior da tela
- Selecione "backup keys"
- E rolando para baixo existe um campo para digitar sua senha para encriptação da nsec, digite sua senha e copie a ncryptsec. Guarde-as em um lugar seguro.
3. Nostr-Tools (hex)
Foi-me dito que essa ferramenta também encripta o formato nsec, mas eu não consegui fazê-lo, então deixarei para o formato hex. Compile essa ferramenta em seu pc e siga as instruções. Sua chave Hex será encriptada. https://github.com/nbd-wtf/nostr-tools/blob/master/nip49.ts Guarde-as em um lugar seguro.
Relays e Servidores
Relays
Os #Relays (ou relés) são essenciais para receber e enviar informações no Nostr, veja abaixo algumas definições e como utilizar: nostr:nevent1qqsw85k097m8rh5cgqm8glndhnv8lqsm3ajywgkp04mju9je3xje3hcpzemhxue69uhkummnw3ezuerpw3sju6rpw4ej7q3qne99yarta29qxnsp0ssp6cpnnqmtwl8cvklenfcsg2fantuvf0zqxpqqqqqqzxvc0le No exemplo é usado o Orbot no Amethyst, você pode escolher usar essa opção, mas houve uma atualização do Amethyst desde a criação deste post, onde foi adicionada a função de "Tor interno".
No Amethyst
- Deslize a tela da esquerda pra direita
- Selecione "Opções de Privacidade"
- Na opção "Motor Tor Ativo" selecione "Interno"
- Para melhor privacidade, na opção "Predefinições Tor/Privacidade" selecione "Privacidade Completa" Todo conteúdo e informação que receber do Nostr passará através da rede Tor, além de que é possível visualizar conteúdos publicados no Nostr exclusivos da rede #Tor com essa configuração. Lembrando que este método é mais veloz que usar o Orbot.
Aqui estão alguns relays Tor: nostr:nevent1qqsqe96a8630tdmcsh759ct8grfsdh0ckma8juamc97c53xvura3etqpxpmhxue69uhhyetvv9ujumn0wd68ytnzv9hxgtmhwden5te0vdhkyunpve6k6cfwvdhk6tmjv4kxz7gzyr604d4k2mwrx5gaywlcjqjdevtkvtdjq4hmtzswjxjhf6zv2p23qqcyqqqqqqgmxr5jk
Servidores de Mídia
Os servidores de mídia são os responsáveis por armazenar seus vídeos e fotos postados no Nostr. No Amethyst já existem alguns por padrão: https://image.nostr.build/8e75323bb428c1e5ef06e37453f56bc3deecd38492a593174c7d141cac1c2677.jpg Mas se você quiser, pode adicionar mais: nostr:nevent1qqster6rm55vy3geqauzzwrm50xwvs2gwa4l27ta2tc65xhpum2pfzcpzamhxue69uhkjmnzdauzuct60fsk6mewdejhgtczyr604d4k2mwrx5gaywlcjqjdevtkvtdjq4hmtzswjxjhf6zv2p23qqcyqqqqqqgv2za2r Fique atento aos limites e regras de cada servidor de mídia. nostr:nevent1qqsq3qchucw49wfu2c4wpsung93ffzg4ktt4uuygnjcs5pldf5alr9c3hsgjr
E aqui vai uma #curiosidade: Caso queira postar uma foto ou vídeo que já postou antes, copie o ID da nota em que ela está e cole no novo post, ou então o URL da mídia. Você pode perceber que após upar uma mídia no Nostr, isso se torna uma URL, sempre que usar essa mesma URL, essa mídia irá aparecer.
Lightning e Zaps
Se você chegou aqui por meio de bitcoinheiros, já deve saber que por aqui, usamos a #Lightning para enviar zaps. Mas o que são zaps?
Zaps são nada mais do que satoshis enviados no Nostr. Um exemplo, eu criei esse artigo, pessoas que querem me apoiar ou agradecer por tal, me enviam alguma quantia em sats, dizemos que essa pessoa me mandou um #zap.
Agora posso falar mais sobre a lightning no Nostr.
Para enviar zaps para usuários no Nostr, você precisa de uma carteira lightning. E a carteira que recomendo criarem para isso é através da #Coinos. Na Coinos, você não precisa criar carteiras com seed phrases nem canais lightning, ela é uma carteira custodial, ou seja, a seed phrase está de posse da Coinos. Basta você acessar coinos.io e criar uma conta com username e senha, você pode configurar um e-mail de resgate, código 2FA, e senha para movimentação de fundos. Se quiser, aqui está o app da Coinos, ainda em fase de testes, mas a maior parte do usual funciona perfeitamente. nostr:nevent1qqspndmkhq2dpfjs5tv7mezz57fqrkmlklp4wrn3vlma93cr57q5xlqpypmhxue69uhkummnw3ezuampd3kx2ar0veekzar0wd5xjtnrdakj7q3q7xzhreevjvzyvuy48mjn7qlx55q2dktk3xm0lnlpehxvl8dq3l6qxpqqqqqqzp4vkne (o app está disponível na #zapstore, baixe a loja para ter acesso) O legal da coinos é que você pode criar um endereço lightning com o nome que você escolher, o meu por exemplo é componente08@coinos.io, basta criar sua conta e poderá enviar e receber zaps no mesmo instante.
Mas para receber de fato um zap usando o Nostr, você precisa configurar seu endereço lightning no seu perfil. Crie sua conta e copie seu endereço lightning.
No Amethyst
- Clique na sua imagem de perfil
- Selecione "Perfil"
- Aperte o botão com um lápis
- Em "Endereço LN" e "LN URL" cole seu endereço lightning Pronto! Agora as pessoas podem te enviar zaps através de suas publicações.
Antes de enviar zaps, configure seus valores no client.
No Amethyst
- Aperte e segure no raio de qualquer publicação
- No campo "novo valor em sats" digite um valor desejado
- Aperte o "x" nos valores que deseja excluir
- Clique em "Salvar"
Agora, você pode clicar no raio e escolher um valor, ao escolher você será direcionado para a sua carteira, confirme a transação e seu zap foi realizado!
Existe outro meio de enviar zaps que é através do #NWC (Nostr Wallet Connect). Siga os mesmos passos do Yakihonne no Amethyst na aba do raio que acessamos anteriormente. nostr:nevent1qqsxrkufrhpxpfe9yty90s8dnal89qz39zrv78ugmg5z2qvyteckfkqpzamhxue69uhkjmnzdauzuct60fsk6mewdejhgtczyr604d4k2mwrx5gaywlcjqjdevtkvtdjq4hmtzswjxjhf6zv2p23qqcyqqqqqqgrw73ux O NWC dá ao client ou app, a permissão de gerenciar sua carteira. Isso te permite enviar zaps sem sair do client ou precisar entrar no app da carteira.
Existem muitas outras carteiras lightning por aí, então além da coinos, deixarei o link de outras duas que utilizo.
WOS (Wallet of Satoshi)
Somente Play Store: https://play.google.com/store/apps/details?id=com.livingroomofsatoshi.wallet
Minibits
Play Store: https://play.google.com/store/apps/details?id=com.minibits_wallet Github: https://github.com/minibits-cash/minibits_wallet
Comunidades
Em uma #comunidade é possível encontrar respostas para suas perguntas, artigos e postagens de seu interesse, links úteis e tutoriais para burlar sistemas, documentos e estudos sem censura, etc. Aqui está um exemplo: nostr:nevent1qqs8qztlq26hhstz9yz2tn02gglzdvl5xhkpzhnpuh8v65mjldtdjlqpzamhxue69uhhyetvv9ujuvrcvd5xzapwvdhk6tczypr5gcpycla5zerha52xlam9427xdcf8dm4jccxxqk28gzayt8l4kqcyqqqqqqgldlvdq Esse usuário recorrentemente atualiza a lista de comunidades brasileiras no Nostr, recomendo seguir o perfil para se manter atualizado caso tenha interesse: nostr:nevent1qqsxkusgt02pmz6mda4emjlnjjyd4y9pa73ux02dcry8vk3wp85aq9cpzamhxue69uhkjmnzdauzuct60fsk6mewdejhgtczypr5gcpycla5zerha52xlam9427xdcf8dm4jccxxqk28gzayt8l4kqcyqqqqqqgqq5zn5 Aqui vão algumas #curiosidades para usuários mais avançados: nostr:nevent1qqs246x86gw4zfp70wg65rjklf909n6nppwm0xx6mssl6jgznw4nkjcpzamhxue69uhkjmnzdauzuct60fsk6mewdejhgtczyzgmafwdjds4qnzqn2h5t9gknz8k3ghu6jp8vt7edxnum3ca73z3cqcyqqqqqqgtkt83q Existem alguns clients que podem criar e gerenciar comunidades, caso você não encontrou nada de seu interesse e quer criar uma, os mais populares são:
Satellite.earth e noStrudel.ninja
Chats
Os #chats são espaços voltados a interação por meio de mensagens, aqui estão alguns: nostr:nevent1qqs98kldepjmlxngupsyth40n0h5lw7z5ut5w4scvh27alc0w86tevcpr4mhxue69uhkummnw3ezucnfw33k76twv4ezuum0vd5kzmp0qgsfujjjw3474zsrfcqhcgqavqeesd4h0nuxt0ue5ugy9y7e47xyh3qrqsqqqqqpgdaghw Para contatar uma pessoa no privado:
No Amethyst
- Clique no perfil da pessoa
- Clique no ícone de mensagem
- Envie uma mensagem
Caso queira criar um chat, siga os passos:
No Amethyst
- Clique no ícone de mensagens
- Clique no ícone de "+"
- Serão exibidas duas opções; "privado" e "público", escolha privado para um grupo de poucas pessoas e público para qualquer que quiser entrar.
- Adicione as especificações necessárias e seu chat será criado.
Seguidores
Existe uma #ferramenta capaz de identificar quais usuários que você segue estão inativos, ou publicam pouco e a longos hiatos: nostr:nevent1qqsqqqyhmkqz6x5yrsctcufxhsseh3vtku26thawl68z7klwvcyqyzcpzamhxue69uhkjmnzdauzuct60fsk6mewdejhgtczyzgmafwdjds4qnzqn2h5t9gknz8k3ghu6jp8vt7edxnum3ca73z3cqcyqqqqqqgmfzr67
Mais do Nostr
Existem muitas outras coisas para se explorar no Nostr, e é possível que daqui a uns meses, essas configurações e dicas estejam obsoletas. Explorem e aprendam mais sobre esse protocolo.
Abaixo estão mais algumas coisas que gostaria de compartilhar:
Muitos clients não possuem um sistema de #notificações, isso por conta da natureza #descentralizada dos apps, e para não ceder ao Google para isso, optaram por não ter notificações. O Amethyst por exemplo, só possui notificações ativas para quando você receber zaps. Mas esse problema foi resolvido com o #Pokey: nostr:nevent1qqsyw0m8wkwvzsanwufh6kmu3fkkjsu3x6jxxwxst5fxu3yld7q84cspzemhxue69uhkummnw3ezuerpw3sju6rpw4ej7q3q5wnjy9pfx5xm9w2mjqezyhdgthw3ty4ydmnnamtmhvfmzl9x8cssxpqqqqqqz4d5hj5
Aqui está um post sobre uma #loja de #apps voltada a apps do Nostr: nostr:nevent1qqsrk55p927srd30ukas79qzhlwhm5ls9l07g548y288s5u29najzrqpz4mhxue69uhhyetvv9ujumn0wd68ytnzvuhsyg85l2mtv4kuxdg36gal3ypymjchvckmypt0kk9qayd9wn5yc5z4zqpsgqqqqqqskv0pek
Alguns RSS para quem gosta de notícias: nostr:nevent1qqsxctkju0pesrupvwfvzfr8wy3hgqag6r8v4228awgyf2x9htjqa7qpzemhxue69uhkummnw3ezuerpw3sju6rpw4ej7q3qvg9lk42rxugcdd4n667uy8gmvgfjp530n2307q9s93xuce3r7vzsxpqqqqqqzn4acev
Algumas pessoas famosas que estão por aqui: nostr:nevent1qqsvqnlx7sqeczv5r7pmmd6zzca3l0ru4856n3j7lhjfv3atq40lfdcpr4mhxue69uhkummnw3ezucnfw33k76twv4ezuum0vd5kzmp0qgs2tmjyw452ydezymtywqf625j3atra6datgzqy55fp5c7w9jn4gqgrqsqqqqqprwcjan
Alguns Nostr clients e outras coisas: nostr:nevent1qqsgx5snqdl2ujxhug5qkmmgkqn5ej6vhwpu4usfz03gt4n24qcfcwspr4mhxue69uhkummnw3ezucnfw33k76twv4ezuum0vd5kzmp0qgs2tmjyw452ydezymtywqf625j3atra6datgzqy55fp5c7w9jn4gqgrqsqqqqqp3pf6y2
Outros posts interessantes: nostr:nevent1qqsp6vf8pp6l97ctzq2wp30nfc9eupnu2ytsauyxalp8fe8dda6dvdgpzamhxue69uhkjmnzdauzuct60fsk6mewdejhgtczyzgmafwdjds4qnzqn2h5t9gknz8k3ghu6jp8vt7edxnum3ca73z3cqcyqqqqqqgtkju3h nostr:nevent1qqs0faflxswn5rg8fe9q3202en927my6kupcf08lt26ry3cg3xuuy3gpzamhxue69uhkjmnzdauzuct60fsk6mewdejhgtczyzgmafwdjds4qnzqn2h5t9gknz8k3ghu6jp8vt7edxnum3ca73z3cqcyqqqqqqgsyrpkh nostr:nevent1qqspx9t3qfnsuzafxxuc5hyha9n5ul5v97uz57hfac9xdtvk5eygqggpzemhxue69uhkummnw3ezuerpw3sju6rpw4ej7q3qa5pl548ps6qdkpzpmlgkhnmh2hpntpk2gk3nee08e5spp5wzr3qqxpqqqqqqzctx6uf
Funcionalidades do Amethyst
• Reações (noStrudel também aceita)
nostr:nevent1qqst57p0pzw3vsx3n8g7eaa0dlx3kp5ys9rw3t367q5ewhdyw0kd2rspzamhxue69uhkjmnzdauzuct60fsk6mewdejhgtczyz36wgs59y6smv4etwgrygja4pwa69vj53hww0hd0wa38vtu5clzzqcyqqqqqqgpje0yu
• Markdown
nostr:nevent1qqs0vquevt0pe9h5a2dh8csufdksazp6czz3vjk3wfspp68uqdez00cpr4mhxue69uhkummnw3ezucnfw33k76twv4ezuum0vd5kzmp0qgs2tmjyw452ydezymtywqf625j3atra6datgzqy55fp5c7w9jn4gqgrqsqqqqqpekll6f
Espero ter dado alguma direção pela qual seguir por aqui, se tiver dúvidas, pode comentar aqui abaixo e responderemos com o melhor que pudermos. Olhem alguns dos comentários abaixo, terão posts que os veteranos consideram importantes.
Aos veteranos, comentem abaixo caso tenha faltado algo, e complementem aos novatos, grato!
Mais uma vez, seja bem-vindo ao Nostr!
nóspossuímosaweb #awebénostr
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@ f18571e7:9da08ff4
2025-03-14 16:28:20João 5:28-29
Não vos maravilheis disso, porque vem a hora em que todos os que estão nos sepulcros ouvirão a sua voz.
E os que fizeram o bem sairão para a ressurreição da vida; e os que fizeram o mal, para a ressurreição da condenação.
Está chegando o dia em que cada um de nós, seja cristão ou não, vai descobrir exatamente o que está além da cortina do tempo. A Bíblia promete a Vida Eterna para alguns, e para outros, promete condenação. Todo ser humano ao longo da história tem certamente se perguntado: “O que vai acontecer comigo quando eu morrer?”
Muito antes de haver uma Bíblia para se ler, o profeta Jó observava a natureza. Ele falou sobre a esperança de uma árvore, como era cortada e morria, mas pelo cheiro das águas, revivia e soltava brotos novos. Jó sabia que o homem, como a árvore, ressuscitaria para a vida:
Morrendo o homem, porventura, tornará a viver? Todos os dias de meu combate esperaria, até que viesse a minha mudança. Chamar-me-ias, e eu te responderia; afeiçoa-te à obra de tuas mãos. Mas agora contas os meus passos; não estás tu vigilante sobre o meu pecado? (Jó 14:14-16)
Jó pode não ter tido uma Bíblia para ler, mas sabia que Deus iria, um dia, ressuscitá-lo do sepulcro quando o Redentor da humanidade viesse.
Quem me dera, agora, que as minhas palavras se escrevessem! Quem me dera que se gravassem num livro! E que, com pena de ferro e com chumbo, para sempre fossem esculpidas na rocha! Porque eu sei que o meu Redentor vive, e que por fim se levantará sobre a terra. E depois de consumida a minha pele, ainda em minha carne verei a Deus. (Jó 19:23-26)
O profeta estava falando do Senhor Jesus e da ressurreição do Seu povo. Por revelação Jó sabia que, ainda que nossos corpos possam desaparecer completamente, Jesus restaurará nossa carne. E com nossos próprios olhos veremos Sua Vinda. Todo o povo de Deus anela ver esse dia glorioso.
No entanto, tão certo como Deus existe, há também um diabo; e tão certo como existe Céu, também existe inferno. O que está em jogo é muito mais do que podemos imaginar. O apóstolo Paulo disse que “as coisas que o olho não viu, e o ouvido não ouviu, e não subiram ao coração do homem são as que Deus preparou para os que o amam.” (I Cor. 2:9)
Nossa mente não pode compreender quão grande será o Céu, e nem podem eles compreender os horrores do inferno. Jesus nos disse que o inferno é tão ruim que seria melhor se cortássemos um membro do nosso corpo do que nos arriscarmos a ir para aquele horrível lugar.
E, se a tua mão te escandalizar, corta-a; melhor é para ti entrares na vida aleijado do que, tendo duas mãos, ires para o inferno, para o fogo que nunca se apaga, (Mc. 9:43)
Então, quem vai para o Céu? E quem vai para o inferno? É um pensamento triste, mas Jesus disse que a maioria das pessoas não vai receber a recompensa que Ele está querendo dar: Entrai pela porta estreita, porque larga é a porta, e espaçoso, o caminho que conduz à perdição, e muitos são os que entram por ela; E porque estreita é a porta, e apertado o caminho que leva à vida, e poucos há que a encontrem. (Mt. 7:13-14)
Jesus também disse: “Nem todo o que me diz: Senhor, Senhor! entrará no Reino dos céus, mas aquele que faz a vontade de meu Pai, que está nos céus. Muitos me dirão naquele Dia: Senhor, Senhor, não profetizamos nós em teu nome? E, em teu nome, não expulsamos demônios? E, em teu nome, não fizemos muitas maravilhas? E, então, lhes direi abertamente: Nunca vos conheci; apartai-vos de mim, vós que praticais a iniquidade.” (Mt. 7:21-23)
Só porque uma pessoa afirma seguir o cristianismo não significa que esteja salva. Assim, essa é a pergunta óbvia em nossa mente: Como faço para receber a Vida Eterna? Jesus nos deu uma resposta muito simples: “Na verdade, na verdade vos digo que quem ouve a minha palavra e crê naquele que me enviou tem a vida eterna e não entrará em condenação, mas passou da morte para a vida.” (Jo. 5:24)
Infelizmente, existem tão poucas pessoas no mundo hoje que estão dispostas a tirar tempo de seus dias atarefados para ouvir a Palavra de Deus. E há menos ainda que crerão na Palavra, uma vez que a ouçam.
As igrejas nos dizem que devemos ser boa pessoa, pensar positivamente, não mentir, enganar ou roubar, e iremos para o Céu. Elas não entendem que o inferno estará cheio de pessoas que parecem viver uma vida boa. A realidade é que não vamos para o Céu por causa das nossas boas obras, ou porque somos membros de determinada igreja. Há apenas um caminho para a Vida Eterna, que é através de Jesus Cristo. Ele nos ensinou que devemos CRER em Sua Palavra, que é a Bíblia. Caso contrário, como poderíamos ser salvos?
Quando o dia do juízo chegar para você, você vai ouvir: “Vinde, benditos de meu Pai, possuí por herança o Reino que vos está preparado desde a fundação do mundo;” (Mt. 25:34), ou vai ouvir: “Apartai-vos de mim, malditos, para o fogo eterno, preparado para o diabo e seus anjos”? (Mt. 25:41)
Enquanto seus olhos leem estas palavras, você tem uma escolha a fazer: Será que vai escolher crer na Palavra de Deus? Onde você vai passar a eternidade?
Referências
Jó 14:12-16
Assim o homem se deita e não se levanta; até que não haja mais céus, não acordará, nem se erguerá de seu sono.
Tomara que me escondesses na sepultura, e me ocultasses até que a tua ira se desviasse, e me pusesses um limite, e te lembrasses de mim!
Morrendo o homem, porventura, tornará a viver? Todos os dias de meu combate esperaria, até que viesse a minha mudança.
Chamar-me-ias, e eu te responderia; afeiçoa-te à obra de tuas mãos.
Mas agora contas os meus passos; não estás tu vigilante sobre o meu pecado?
Jó 19:23-26
Quem me dera, agora, que as minhas palavras se escrevessem! Quem me dera que se gravassem num livro!
E que, com pena de ferro e com chumbo, para sempre fossem esculpidas na rocha!
Porque eu sei que o meu Redentor vive, e que por fim se levantará sobre a terra.
E depois de consumida a minha pele, ainda em minha carne verei a Deus.
Mateus 7:21-23
Nem todo o que me diz: Senhor, Senhor! entrará no Reino dos céus, mas aquele que faz a vontade de meu Pai, que está nos céus.
Muitos me dirão naquele Dia: Senhor, Senhor, não profetizamos nós em teu nome? E, em teu nome, não expulsamos demônios? E, em teu nome, não fizemos muitas maravilhas?
E, então, lhes direi abertamente: Nunca vos conheci; apartai-vos de mim, vós que praticais a iniquidade.
Mateus 22:14
Porque muitos são chamados, mas poucos, escolhidos.
João 3:16-17
Porque Deus amou o mundo de tal maneira que deu o seu Filho unigênito, para que todo aquele que nele crê não pereça, mas tenha a vida eterna.
Porque Deus enviou o seu Filho ao mundo não para que condenasse o mundo, mas para que o mundo fosse salvo por ele.
João 5:24
Na verdade, na verdade vos digo que quem ouve a minha palavra e crê naquele que me enviou tem a vida eterna e não entrará em condenação, mas passou da morte para a vida.
I Coríntios 2:9
Mas, como está escrito: As coisas que o olho não viu, e o ouvido não ouviu, e não subiram ao coração do homem são as que Deus preparou para os que o amam.
I Tessalonicenses 4:13-18
Não quero, porém, irmãos, que sejais ignorantes acerca dos que já dormem, para que não vos entristeçais, como os demais, que não têm esperança.
Porque, se cremos que Jesus morreu e ressuscitou, assim também aos que em Jesus dormem Deus os tornará a trazer com ele.
Dizemo-vos, pois, isto pela palavra do Senhor: que nós, os que ficarmos vivos para a vinda do Senhor, não precederemos os que dormem.
Porque o mesmo Senhor descerá do céu com alarido, e com voz de arcanjo, e com a trombeta de Deus; e os que morreram em Cristo ressuscitarão primeiro;
Depois, nós, os que ficarmos vivos, seremos arrebatados juntamente com eles nas nuvens, a encontrar o Senhor nos ares, e assim estaremos sempre com o Senhor.
Portanto, consolai-vos uns aos outros com estas palavras.
Este post foi publicado originalmente em:
https://themessage.com/pt/lifeafter
Leia mais em:
https://themessage.com/pt/home
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@ 04c915da:3dfbecc9
2025-03-13 19:39:28In much of the world, it is incredibly difficult to access U.S. dollars. Local currencies are often poorly managed and riddled with corruption. Billions of people demand a more reliable alternative. While the dollar has its own issues of corruption and mismanagement, it is widely regarded as superior to the fiat currencies it competes with globally. As a result, Tether has found massive success providing low cost, low friction access to dollars. Tether claims 400 million total users, is on track to add 200 million more this year, processes 8.1 million transactions daily, and facilitates $29 billion in daily transfers. Furthermore, their estimates suggest nearly 40% of users rely on it as a savings tool rather than just a transactional currency.
Tether’s rise has made the company a financial juggernaut. Last year alone, Tether raked in over $13 billion in profit, with a lean team of less than 100 employees. Their business model is elegantly simple: hold U.S. Treasuries and collect the interest. With over $113 billion in Treasuries, Tether has turned a straightforward concept into a profit machine.
Tether’s success has resulted in many competitors eager to claim a piece of the pie. This has triggered a massive venture capital grift cycle in USD tokens, with countless projects vying to dethrone Tether. Due to Tether’s entrenched network effect, these challengers face an uphill battle with little realistic chance of success. Most educated participants in the space likely recognize this reality but seem content to perpetuate the grift, hoping to cash out by dumping their equity positions on unsuspecting buyers before they realize the reality of the situation.
Historically, Tether’s greatest vulnerability has been U.S. government intervention. For over a decade, the company operated offshore with few allies in the U.S. establishment, making it a major target for regulatory action. That dynamic has shifted recently and Tether has seized the opportunity. By actively courting U.S. government support, Tether has fortified their position. This strategic move will likely cement their status as the dominant USD token for years to come.
While undeniably a great tool for the millions of users that rely on it, Tether is not without flaws. As a centralized, trusted third party, it holds the power to freeze or seize funds at its discretion. Corporate mismanagement or deliberate malpractice could also lead to massive losses at scale. In their goal of mitigating regulatory risk, Tether has deepened ties with law enforcement, mirroring some of the concerns of potential central bank digital currencies. In practice, Tether operates as a corporate CBDC alternative, collaborating with authorities to surveil and seize funds. The company proudly touts partnerships with leading surveillance firms and its own data reveals cooperation in over 1,000 law enforcement cases, with more than $2.5 billion in funds frozen.
The global demand for Tether is undeniable and the company’s profitability reflects its unrivaled success. Tether is owned and operated by bitcoiners and will likely continue to push forward strategic goals that help the movement as a whole. Recent efforts to mitigate the threat of U.S. government enforcement will likely solidify their network effect and stifle meaningful adoption of rival USD tokens or CBDCs. Yet, for all their achievements, Tether is simply a worse form of money than bitcoin. Tether requires trust in a centralized entity, while bitcoin can be saved or spent without permission. Furthermore, Tether is tied to the value of the US Dollar which is designed to lose purchasing power over time, while bitcoin, as a truly scarce asset, is designed to increase in purchasing power with adoption. As people awaken to the risks of Tether’s control, and the benefits bitcoin provides, bitcoin adoption will likely surpass it.
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@ 9dd283b1:cf9b6beb
2025-03-12 09:46:45My Raspberry Pi 4 (running Umbrel) has been disconnecting approximately once a month, and my 1TB SSD now has only 80GB of space remaining. I'm considering an upgrade—possibly moving to a Pi 5 with a 2TB drive—but I'm open to any suggestions for a better setup within a similar budget. Any recommendations?
originally posted at https://stacker.news/items/911133
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@ 21335073:a244b1ad
2025-03-12 00:40:25Before I saw those X right-wing political “influencers” parading their Epstein binders in that PR stunt, I’d already posted this on Nostr, an open protocol.
“Today, the world’s attention will likely fixate on Epstein, governmental failures in addressing horrific abuse cases, and the influential figures who perpetrate such acts—yet few will center the victims and survivors in the conversation. The survivors of Epstein went to law enforcement and very little happened. The survivors tried to speak to the corporate press and the corporate press knowingly covered for him. In situations like these social media can serve as one of the only ways for a survivor’s voice to be heard.
It’s becoming increasingly evident that the line between centralized corporate social media and the state is razor-thin, if it exists at all. Time and again, the state shields powerful abusers when it’s politically expedient to do so. In this climate, a survivor attempting to expose someone like Epstein on a corporate tech platform faces an uphill battle—there’s no assurance their voice would even break through. Their story wouldn’t truly belong to them; it’d be at the mercy of the platform, subject to deletion at a whim. Nostr, though, offers a lifeline—a censorship-resistant space where survivors can share their truths, no matter how untouchable the abuser might seem. A survivor could remain anonymous here if they took enough steps.
Nostr holds real promise for amplifying survivor voices. And if you’re here daily, tossing out memes, take heart: you’re helping build a foundation for those who desperately need to be heard.“
That post is untouchable—no CEO, company, employee, or government can delete it. Even if I wanted to, I couldn’t take it down myself. The post will outlive me on the protocol.
The cozy alliance between the state and corporate social media hit me hard during that right-wing X “influencer” PR stunt. Elon owns X. Elon’s a special government employee. X pays those influencers to post. We don’t know who else pays them to post. Those influencers are spurred on by both the government and X to manage the Epstein case narrative. It wasn’t survivors standing there, grinning for photos—it was paid influencers, gatekeepers orchestrating yet another chance to re-exploit the already exploited.
The bond between the state and corporate social media is tight. If the other Epsteins out there are ever to be unmasked, I wouldn’t bet on a survivor’s story staying safe with a corporate tech platform, the government, any social media influencer, or mainstream journalist. Right now, only a protocol can hand survivors the power to truly own their narrative.
I don’t have anything against Elon—I’ve actually been a big supporter. I’m just stating it as I see it. X isn’t censorship resistant and they have an algorithm that they choose not the user. Corporate tech platforms like X can be a better fit for some survivors. X has safety tools and content moderation, making it a solid option for certain individuals. Grok can be a big help for survivors looking for resources or support! As a survivor, you know what works best for you, and safety should always come first—keep that front and center.
That said, a protocol is a game-changer for cases where the powerful are likely to censor. During China's # MeToo movement, survivors faced heavy censorship on social media platforms like Weibo and WeChat, where posts about sexual harassment were quickly removed, and hashtags like # MeToo or "woyeshi" were blocked by government and platform filters. To bypass this, activists turned to blockchain technology encoding their stories—like Yue Xin’s open letter about a Peking University case—into transaction metadata. This made the information tamper-proof and publicly accessible, resisting censorship since blockchain data can’t be easily altered or deleted.
I posted this on X 2/28/25. I wanted to try my first long post on a nostr client. The Epstein cover up is ongoing so it’s still relevant, unfortunately.
If you are a survivor or loved one who is reading this and needs support please reach out to: National Sexual Assault Hotline 24/7 https://rainn.org/
Hours: Available 24 hours
-
@ 0c469779:4b21d8b0
2025-03-11 10:52:49Sobre el amor
Mi percepción del amor cambió con el tiempo. Leer literatura rusa, principalmente a Dostoevsky, te cambia la perspectiva sobre el amor y la vida en general.
Por mucho tiempo mi visión sobre la vida es que la misma se basa en el sufrimiento: también la Biblia dice esto. El amor es igual, en el amor se sufre y se banca a la otra persona. El problema es que hay una distinción de sufrimientos que por mucho tiempo no tuve en cuenta. Está el sufrimiento del sacrificio y el sufrimiento masoquista. Para mí eran indistintos.
Para mí el ideal era Aliosha y Natasha de Humillados y Ofendidos: estar con alguien que me amase tanto como Natasha a Aliosha, un amor inclusive autodestructivo para Natasha, pero real. Tiene algo de épico, inalcanzable. Un sufrimiento extremo, redentor, es una vara altísima que en la vida cotidiana no se manifiesta. O el amor de Sonia a Raskolnikov, quien se fue hasta Siberia mientras estuvo en prisión para que no se quede solo en Crimen y Castigo.
Este es el tipo de amor que yo esperaba. Y como no me pasó nada tan extremo y las situaciones que llegan a ocurrir en mi vida están lejos de ser tan extremas, me parecía hasta poco lo que estaba pidiendo y que nadie pueda quedarse conmigo me parecía insuficiente.
Ahora pienso que el amor no tiene por qué ser así. Es un pensamiento nuevo que todavía estoy construyendo, y me di cuenta cuando fui a la iglesia, a pesar de que no soy cristiano. La filosofía cristiana me gusta. Va conmigo. Tiene un enfoque de humildad, superación y comunidad que me recuerda al estoicismo.
El amor se trata de resaltar lo mejor que hay en el otro. Se trata de ser un plus, de ayudar. Por eso si uno no está en su mejor etapa, si no se está cómodo con uno mismo, no se puede amar de verdad. El amor empieza en uno mismo.
Los libros son un espejo, no necesariamente vas a aprender de ellos, sino que te muestran quién sos. Resaltás lo que te importa. Por eso a pesar de saber los tipos de amores que hay en los trabajos de Dostoevsky, cometí los mismos errores varias veces.
Ser mejor depende de uno mismo y cada día se pone el granito de arena.
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@ 04c915da:3dfbecc9
2025-03-10 23:31:30Bitcoin has always been rooted in freedom and resistance to authority. I get that many of you are conflicted about the US Government stacking but by design we cannot stop anyone from using bitcoin. Many have asked me for my thoughts on the matter, so let’s rip it.
Concern
One of the most glaring issues with the strategic bitcoin reserve is its foundation, built on stolen bitcoin. For those of us who value private property this is an obvious betrayal of our core principles. Rather than proof of work, the bitcoin that seeds this reserve has been taken by force. The US Government should return the bitcoin stolen from Bitfinex and the Silk Road.
Usually stolen bitcoin for the reserve creates a perverse incentive. If governments see a bitcoin as a valuable asset, they will ramp up efforts to confiscate more bitcoin. The precedent is a major concern, and I stand strongly against it, but it should be also noted that governments were already seizing coin before the reserve so this is not really a change in policy.
Ideally all seized bitcoin should be burned, by law. This would align incentives properly and make it less likely for the government to actively increase coin seizures. Due to the truly scarce properties of bitcoin, all burned bitcoin helps existing holders through increased purchasing power regardless. This change would be unlikely but those of us in policy circles should push for it regardless. It would be best case scenario for American bitcoiners and would create a strong foundation for the next century of American leadership.
Optimism
The entire point of bitcoin is that we can spend or save it without permission. That said, it is a massive benefit to not have one of the strongest governments in human history actively trying to ruin our lives.
Since the beginning, bitcoiners have faced horrible regulatory trends. KYC, surveillance, and legal cases have made using bitcoin and building bitcoin businesses incredibly difficult. It is incredibly important to note that over the past year that trend has reversed for the first time in a decade. A strategic bitcoin reserve is a key driver of this shift. By holding bitcoin, the strongest government in the world has signaled that it is not just a fringe technology but rather truly valuable, legitimate, and worth stacking.
This alignment of incentives changes everything. The US Government stacking proves bitcoin’s worth. The resulting purchasing power appreciation helps all of us who are holding coin and as bitcoin succeeds our government receives direct benefit. A beautiful positive feedback loop.
Realism
We are trending in the right direction. A strategic bitcoin reserve is a sign that the state sees bitcoin as an asset worth embracing rather than destroying. That said, there is a lot of work left to be done. We cannot be lulled into complacency, the time to push forward is now, and we cannot take our foot off the gas. We have a seat at the table for the first time ever. Let's make it worth it.
We must protect the right to free usage of bitcoin and other digital technologies. Freedom in the digital age must be taken and defended, through both technical and political avenues. Multiple privacy focused developers are facing long jail sentences for building tools that protect our freedom. These cases are not just legal battles. They are attacks on the soul of bitcoin. We need to rally behind them, fight for their freedom, and ensure the ethos of bitcoin survives this new era of government interest. The strategic reserve is a step in the right direction, but it is up to us to hold the line and shape the future.
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@ f3873798:24b3f2f3
2025-03-10 00:32:44Recentemente, assisti a um vídeo que me fez refletir profundamente sobre o impacto da linguagem na hora de vender. No vídeo, uma jovem relatava sua experiência ao presenciar um vendedor de amendoim em uma agência dos Correios. O local estava cheio, as pessoas aguardavam impacientes na fila e, em meio a esse cenário, um homem humilde tentava vender seu produto. Mas sua abordagem não era estratégica; ao invés de destacar os benefícios do amendoim, ele suplicava para que alguém o ajudasse comprando. O resultado? Ninguém se interessou.
A jovem observou que o problema não era o produto, mas a forma como ele estava sendo oferecido. Afinal, muitas das pessoas ali estavam há horas esperando e perto do horário do almoço – o amendoim poderia ser um ótimo tira-gosto. No entanto, como a comunicação do vendedor vinha carregada de desespero, ele afastava os clientes ao invés de atraí-los. Esse vídeo me tocou profundamente.
No dia seguinte, ao sair para comemorar meu aniversário, vi um menino vendendo balas na rua, sob o sol forte. Assim como no caso do amendoim, percebi que as pessoas ao redor não se interessavam por seu produto. Ao se aproximar do carro, resolvi comprar dois pacotes. Mais do que ajudar, queria que aquele pequeno gesto servisse como incentivo para que ele continuasse acreditando no seu negócio.
Essa experiência me fez refletir ainda mais sobre o poder da comunicação em vendas. Muitas vezes, não é o produto que está errado, mas sim a forma como o vendedor o apresenta. Quando transmitimos confiança e mostramos o valor do que vendemos, despertamos o interesse genuíno dos clientes.
Como a Linguagem Impacta as Vendas?
1. O Poder da Abordagem Positiva
Em vez de pedir por ajuda, é importante destacar os benefícios do produto. No caso do amendoim, o vendedor poderia ter dito algo como: "Que tal um petisco delicioso enquanto espera? Um amendoim fresquinho para matar a fome até o almoço!"
2. A Emoção na Medida Certa
Expressar emoção é essencial, mas sem parecer desesperado. Os clientes devem sentir que estão adquirindo algo de valor, não apenas ajudando o vendedor.
3. Conheça Seu Público
Entender o contexto é fundamental. Se as pessoas estavam com fome e impacientes, uma abordagem mais objetiva e focada no benefício do produto poderia gerar mais vendas.
4. Autoconfiança e Postura
Falar com firmeza e segurança transmite credibilidade. O vendedor precisa acreditar no próprio produto antes de convencer o cliente a comprá-lo.
Conclusão
Vender é mais do que apenas oferecer um produto – é uma arte que envolve comunicação, percepção e estratégia. Pequenos ajustes na abordagem podem transformar completamente os resultados. Se o vendedor de amendoim tivesse apresentado seu produto de outra maneira, talvez tivesse vendido tudo rapidamente. Da mesma forma, se cada um de nós aprender a se comunicar melhor em nossas próprias áreas, poderemos alcançar muito mais sucesso.
E você? Já passou por uma experiência parecida?
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@ 3ffac3a6:2d656657
2025-03-08 23:07:57Recently, I found an old Sapphire Block Erupter USB at home that I used for Bitcoin mining back in 2013. Out of curiosity and nostalgia, I decided to try getting it to work again. I spent an entire afternoon configuring the device and, after much trial and error, discovered that I needed an older version of CGMiner to make it work.
The Sapphire Block Erupter USB was one of the first ASIC devices designed for Bitcoin mining. Although obsolete for competitive mining, it can still be used for learning, nostalgia, or experimentation. In this post, I’ll show you how to run a Block Erupter USB on Linux today.
1. Prerequisites
Before you start, make sure you have:
- A Sapphire Block Erupter USB
- A powered USB hub (optional but recommended)
- A computer running Linux (Ubuntu, Debian, or another compatible distribution)
- A mining pool account (e.g., Slush Pool, KanoPool, etc.)
2. Installing Dependencies
Before running the miner, install some dependencies:
bash sudo apt update && sudo apt install -y git build-essential autoconf automake libtool pkg-config libusb-1.0-0-dev
3. Determining the Compatible Version of CGMiner
To find the correct CGMiner version that still supports Block Erupter USB, I performed a binary search across different versions, testing each one until I found the last one that properly recognized the device. The result was that version 3.4.3 is the most recent one that still supports Block Erupters. However, different versions of these devices may require different CGMiner versions.
4. Downloading and Compiling CGMiner
CGMiner is one of the software options compatible with Block Erupters. You can download the correct version from two trusted sources:
- From the official repository: CGMiner v3.4.3 on GitHub
- Alternatively, from this mirror: CGMiner v3.4.3 on Haven
To ensure file integrity, verify the SHA-256 hash:
3b44da12e5f24f603eeeefdaa2c573bd566c5c50c9d62946f198e611cd55876b
Now, download and extract it:
```bash wget https://github.com/ckolivas/cgminer/archive/refs/tags/v3.4.3.tar.gz
Or, alternatively:
wget https://haven.girino.org/3b44da12e5f24f603eeeefdaa2c573bd566c5c50c9d62946f198e611cd55876b.tgz
sha256sum v3.4.3.tar.gz # Confirm that the hash matches
Extract the file
tar -xvf v3.4.3.tar.gz cd cgminer-3.4.3
Compile CGMiner
./autogen.sh --enable-icarus make -j$(nproc)
Install on the system (optional)
sudo make install ```
5. Connecting the Block Erupter USB
Plug the device into a USB port and check if it is recognized:
bash dmesg | grep USB lsusb
You should see something like:
Bus 003 Device 004: ID 10c4:ea60 Cygnal Integrated Products, Inc. CP2102 USB to UART Bridge Controller
If needed, adjust the USB device permissions:
bash sudo chmod 666 /dev/ttyUSB0
6. Configuring and Running CGMiner
Now, run CGMiner, pointing it to your mining pool:
bash ./cgminer -o stratum+tcp://your.pool.com:3333 -u yourUsername -p yourPassword
If the miner detects the Block Erupter correctly, you should see something like:
[2025-03-08 22:26:45] Started cgminer 3.4.3 [2025-03-08 22:26:45] No devices detected! [2025-03-08 22:26:45] Waiting for USB hotplug devices or press q to quit [2025-03-08 22:26:45] Probing for an alive pool [2025-03-08 22:26:46] Pool 0 difficulty changed to 65536 [2025-03-08 22:26:46] Network diff set to 111T [2025-03-08 22:26:46] Stratum from pool 0 detected new block [2025-03-08 22:27:02] Hotplug: Icarus added AMU 0
Conclusion
Although no longer viable for real mining, the Sapphire Block Erupter USB is still great for learning about ASICs, testing mining pools, and understanding Bitcoin mining. If you enjoy working with old hardware and have one lying around, it’s worth experimenting with!
If you have any questions or want to share your experience, leave a comment below!
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@ 3ffac3a6:2d656657
2025-03-08 23:02:13Como Rodar um Sapphire Block Erupter USB para Mineração no Linux em 2025
Recentemente, encontrei um Sapphire Block Erupter USB velho aqui em casa que eu usava para minerar Bitcoin em 2013. Por curiosidade e nostalgia, resolvi tentar colocá-lo para funcionar novamente. Passei uma tarde inteira tentando configurar o dispositivo e, depois de muita tentativa e erro, descobri que precisava de uma versão mais antiga do CGMiner para fazê-lo funcionar.
Os Sapphire Block Erupter USB foram um dos primeiros dispositivos ASIC voltados para mineração de Bitcoin. Embora estejam obsoletos para mineração competitiva, eles ainda podem ser usados para aprendizado, nostalgia ou experimentação. Neste post, vou te mostrar como rodar um Block Erupter USB no Linux atualmente.
1. Pré-requisitos
Antes de começar, certifique-se de que você tem:
- Um Sapphire Block Erupter USB
- Um hub USB alimentado (opcional, mas recomendado)
- Um computador rodando Linux (Ubuntu, Debian, Arch ou outra distribuição compatível)
- Um pool de mineração configurado (ex: Slush Pool, KanoPool, etc.)
2. Instalando as Dependências
Antes de rodar o minerador, instale algumas dependências:
bash sudo apt update && sudo apt install -y git build-essential autoconf automake libtool pkg-config libusb-1.0-0-dev
3. Determinando a Versão Compatível do CGMiner
Para encontrar a versão correta do CGMiner que ainda suporta os Block Erupter USB, realizei uma busca binária entre diferentes versões, testando cada uma até encontrar a última que reconhecia corretamente o dispositivo. O resultado foi que a versão 3.4.3 é a mais recente que ainda suporta os Block Erupters. No entanto, outras versões desses dispositivos podem requerer versões diferentes do CGMiner.
4. Baixando e Compilando o CGMiner
O CGMiner é um dos softwares compatíveis com os Block Erupters. Você pode baixar a versão correta de duas fontes confiáveis:
- Do repositório oficial: CGMiner v3.4.3 no GitHub
- Alternativamente, deste espelho: CGMiner v3.4.3 no Haven
Para garantir a integridade do arquivo, você pode verificar o hash SHA-256:
3b44da12e5f24f603eeeefdaa2c573bd566c5c50c9d62946f198e611cd55876b
Agora, faça o download e extraia:
```bash wget https://github.com/ckolivas/cgminer/archive/refs/tags/v3.4.3.tar.gz
Ou, alternativamente:
wget https://haven.girino.org/3b44da12e5f24f603eeeefdaa2c573bd566c5c50c9d62946f198e611cd55876b.tgz
sha256sum v3.4.3.tar.gz # Confirme que o hash bate
Extraia o arquivo
tar -xvf v3.4.3.tar.gz cd cgminer-3.4.3
Compile o CGMiner
./autogen.sh --enable-icarus make -j$(nproc)
Instale no sistema (opcional)
sudo make install ```
4. Conectando o Block Erupter USB
Plugue o dispositivo na porta USB e verifique se ele foi reconhecido:
bash dmesg | grep USB lsusb
Você deve ver algo como:
Bus 003 Device 004: ID 10c4:ea60 Cygnal Integrated Products, Inc. CP2102 USB to UART Bridge Controller
Se necessário, ajuste as permissões para o dispositivo USB:
bash sudo chmod 666 /dev/ttyUSB0
5. Configurando e Rodando o CGMiner
Agora, execute o CGMiner apontando para seu pool de mineração:
bash ./cgminer -o stratum+tcp://seu.pool.com:3333 -u seuUsuario -p suaSenha
Se o minerador detectar corretamente o Block Erupter, você verá algo como:
``` [2025-03-08 22:26:45] Started cgminer 3.4.3 [2025-03-08 22:26:45] No devices detected! [2025-03-08 22:26:45] Waiting for USB hotplug devices or press q to quit [2025-03-08 22:26:45] Probing for an alive pool [2025-03-08 22:26:46] Pool 0 difficulty changed to 65536 [2025-03-08 22:26:46] Network diff set to 111T [2025-03-08 22:26:46] Stratum from pool 0 detected new block [2025-03-08 22:27:02] Hotplug: Icarus added AMU 0
```
Conclusão
Apesar de não serem mais viáveis para mineração real, os Sapphire Block Erupter USB ainda são ótimos para aprender sobre ASICs, testar pools e entender mais sobre a mineração de Bitcoin. Se você gosta de hardware antigo e tem um desses guardado, vale a pena experimentar!
Se tiver dúvidas ou quiser compartilhar sua experiência, comente abaixo!
-
@ 4925ea33:025410d8
2025-03-08 00:38:481. O que é um Aromaterapeuta?
O aromaterapeuta é um profissional especializado na prática da Aromaterapia, responsável pelo uso adequado de óleos essenciais, ervas aromáticas, águas florais e destilados herbais para fins terapêuticos.
A atuação desse profissional envolve diferentes métodos de aplicação, como inalação, uso tópico, sempre considerando a segurança e a necessidade individual do cliente. A Aromaterapia pode auxiliar na redução do estresse, alívio de dores crônicas, relaxamento muscular e melhora da respiração, entre outros benefícios.
Além disso, os aromaterapeutas podem trabalhar em conjunto com outros profissionais da saúde para oferecer um tratamento complementar em diversas condições. Como já mencionado no artigo sobre "Como evitar processos alérgicos na prática da Aromaterapia", é essencial ter acompanhamento profissional, pois os óleos essenciais são altamente concentrados e podem causar reações adversas se utilizados de forma inadequada.
2. Como um Aromaterapeuta Pode Ajudar?
Você pode procurar um aromaterapeuta para diferentes necessidades, como:
✔ Questões Emocionais e Psicológicas
Auxílio em momentos de luto, divórcio, demissão ou outras situações desafiadoras.
Apoio na redução do estresse, ansiedade e insônia.
Vale lembrar que, em casos de transtornos psiquiátricos, a Aromaterapia deve ser usada como terapia complementar, associada ao tratamento médico.
✔ Questões Físicas
Dores musculares e articulares.
Problemas respiratórios como rinite, sinusite e tosse.
Distúrbios digestivos leves.
Dores de cabeça e enxaquecas. Nesses casos, a Aromaterapia pode ser um suporte, mas não substitui a medicina tradicional para identificar a origem dos sintomas.
✔ Saúde da Pele e Cabelos
Tratamento para acne, dermatites e psoríase.
Cuidados com o envelhecimento precoce da pele.
Redução da queda de cabelo e controle da oleosidade do couro cabeludo.
✔ Bem-estar e Qualidade de Vida
Melhora da concentração e foco, aumentando a produtividade.
Estímulo da disposição e energia.
Auxílio no equilíbrio hormonal (TPM, menopausa, desequilíbrios hormonais).
Com base nessas necessidades, o aromaterapeuta irá indicar o melhor tratamento, calculando doses, sinergias (combinação de óleos essenciais), diluições e técnicas de aplicação, como inalação, uso tópico ou difusão.
3. Como Funciona uma Consulta com um Aromaterapeuta?
Uma consulta com um aromaterapeuta é um atendimento personalizado, onde são avaliadas as necessidades do cliente para a criação de um protocolo adequado. O processo geralmente segue estas etapas:
✔ Anamnese (Entrevista Inicial)
Perguntas sobre saúde física, emocional e estilo de vida.
Levantamento de sintomas, histórico médico e possíveis alergias.
Definição dos objetivos da terapia (alívio do estresse, melhora do sono, dores musculares etc.).
✔ Escolha dos Óleos Essenciais
Seleção dos óleos mais indicados para o caso.
Consideração das propriedades terapêuticas, contraindicações e combinações seguras.
✔ Definição do Método de Uso
O profissional indicará a melhor forma de aplicação, que pode ser:
Inalação: difusores, colares aromáticos, vaporização.
Uso tópico: massagens, óleos corporais, compressas.
Banhos aromáticos e escalda-pés. Todas as diluições serão ajustadas de acordo com a segurança e a necessidade individual do cliente.
✔ Plano de Acompanhamento
Instruções detalhadas sobre o uso correto dos óleos essenciais.
Orientação sobre frequência e duração do tratamento.
Possibilidade de retorno para ajustes no protocolo.
A consulta pode ser realizada presencialmente ou online, dependendo do profissional.
Quer saber como a Aromaterapia pode te ajudar? Agende uma consulta comigo e descubra os benefícios dos óleos essenciais para o seu bem-estar!
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@ eac63075:b4988b48
2025-03-07 14:35:26Listen the Podcast:
https://open.spotify.com/episode/7lJWc1zaqA9CNhB8coJXaL?si=4147bca317624d34
https://www.fountain.fm/episode/YEGnlBLZhvuj96GSpuk9
Abstract
This paper examines a hypothetical scenario in which the United States, under Trump’s leadership, withdraws from NATO and reduces its support for Europe, thereby enabling a Russian conquest of Ukraine and the subsequent expansion of Moscow’s influence over Eurasia, while the US consolidates its dominance over South America. Drawing on classical geopolitical theories—specifically those of Halford Mackinder, Alfred Thayer Mahan, Rudolf Kjellén, and Friedrich Ratzel—the study analyzes how these frameworks can elucidate the evolving power dynamics and territorial ambitions in a reconfigured global order. The discussion highlights Mackinder’s notion of the Eurasian Heartland and its strategic importance, Mahan’s emphasis on maritime power and control of strategic routes, Kjellén’s view of the state as an expanding organism, and Ratzel’s concept of Lebensraum as a justification for territorial expansion. The paper also explores contemporary developments, such as the US–Ukraine economic agreement and Trump’s overt territorial ambitions involving Greenland and Canada, in light of these theories. By juxtaposing traditional geopolitical concepts with current international relations, the study aims to shed light on the potential implications of such shifts for regional stability, global security, and the balance of power, particularly in relation to emerging neocolonial practices in Latin America.
Introduction
In recent years, the geopolitical dynamics involving the United States, Russia, and Ukraine have sparked analyses from different theoretical perspectives. This paper examines recent events – presupposing a scenario in which Donald Trump withdraws the US from NATO and reduces its support for Europe, allowing a Russian conquest of Ukraine and the expansion of Moscow’s influence over Eurasia, while the US consolidates its dominance over South America – in light of classical geopolitical theories. The ideas of Halford Mackinder, Alfred Thayer Mahan, Rudolf Kjellén, and Friedrich Ratzel are used as reference points. The proposal is to impartially evaluate how each theory can elucidate the developments of this hypothetical scenario, relating Russian territorial expansion in Eurasia to the strategic retreat of the US to the Western Hemisphere.
Initially, we will outline Mackinder’s conception of the Heartland (the central Eurasian territory) and the crucial role of Eastern Europe and Ukraine in the quest for global dominance. Next, we will discuss Mahan’s ideas regarding maritime power and the control of strategic routes, considering the impacts on the naval power balance among the US, Russia, and other maritime powers such as the United Kingdom and Japan. Subsequently, we will examine Kjellén’s organic theory of the state, interpreting the Russian expansionist strategy as a reflection of a state organism in search of vital space. In the same vein, Ratzel’s concept of “Lebensraum” will be explored, along with how Russia could justify territorial expansion based on resources and territory. Finally, the paper connects these theories to the current political context, analyzing the direct negotiations between Washington and Moscow (overlooking Ukraine and Europe), the US policy toward authoritarian regimes in Latin America, and the notion of a hemispheric division of power – the “Island of the Americas” under North American hegemony versus an Eurasia dominated by Russia. Lastly, it considers the possibility that such a geopolitical arrangement may foster the strengthening of authoritarian governments globally, rather than containing them, thus altering the paradigms of the liberal world order.
The Heartland of Mackinder: Ukraine, Eurasia, and Global Dominance
Halford J. Mackinder, a British geographer and pioneer of geopolitics, proposed the celebrated Heartland Theory in the early twentieth century. Mackinder divided the world into geostrategic zones and identified the Heartland—the central continental mass of Eurasia—as the “geographical pivot of history” [5]. His most famous maxim encapsulates this vision: “who rules Eastern Europe commands the Heartland; who rules the Heartland commands the World Island; who rules the World Island commands the world” [5]. Eastern Europe and, in particular, the region of present-day Ukraine, play a key role in this formula. This is because, for Mackinder, Eastern Europe functions as a gateway to the Heartland, providing access to resources and a strategic position for the projection of continental power [5].
Applying this theory to our scenario, the conquest of Ukraine and Eastern European countries by Russia would have profound geopolitical implications. From a Mackinderian point of view, such a conquest would enormously strengthen Russia’s position in the Heartland by adding manpower (population) and Ukraine’s industrial and agricultural resources to its power base [5]. In fact, Mackinder argued that controlling the Heartland conferred formidable geostrategic advantages—a vast terrestrial “natural fortress” protected from naval invasions and rich in resources such as wheat, minerals, and fuels [5]. Thus, if Moscow were to incorporate Ukraine (renowned for its fertile soil and grain production, as well as its mineral reserves) and extend its influence over Eastern Europe, Russia would consolidate the Heartland under its direct control. In this context, the absence of the USA (withdrawn from NATO and less engaged in Europe) would remove an important obstacle to Russian predominance in the region.
With central and eastern Eurasia under Russian influence, it would be possible to move toward the realization of the geopolitical nightmare described by Mackinder for Western maritime powers: a hegemonic continental power capable of projecting power to both Europe and Asia. Mackinder himself warned that if a Heartland power gained additional access to an oceanic coastline—in other words, if it combined land power with a significant maritime front—it would constitute a “danger” to global freedom [5]. In the scenario considered, besides advancing into Eastern Europe, Russia would already possess strategic maritime outlets (for example, in the Black Sea, via Crimea, and in the Baltic, via Kaliningrad or the Baltic States if influenced). Thus, the control of Ukraine would reinforce Russia’s position in the Black Sea and facilitate projection into the Eastern Mediterranean, expanding its oceanic front. From a Mackinderian perspective, this could potentially transform Russia into the dominant power of the “World Island” (the combined mass of Europe, Asia, and Africa), thereby unbalancing the global geopolitical order [5].
It is worth noting that, historically, Mackinder’s doctrine influenced containment strategies: both in the interwar period and during the Cold War, efforts were made to prevent a single power from controlling the Heartland and Eastern Europe. NATO, for example, can be seen as an instrument to prevent Soviet/Russian advances in Europe, in line with Mackinder’s imperative to “contain the Heartland.” Thus, if the USA were to abandon that role—by leaving NATO and tacitly accepting the Russian sphere of influence in Eurasia—we would be witnessing an inversion of the principles that have guided Western policy for decades. In short, under Mackinder’s theory, the Russian conquest of Ukraine and beyond would represent the key for Russia to command the Heartland and, potentially, challenge global hegemony, especially in a scenario where the USA self-restricts to the Western Hemisphere.
The Maritime Power of Mahan and the Naval Balance between West and East
While Mackinder emphasized continental land power, Alfred Thayer Mahan, a nineteenth-century American naval strategist, highlighted the crucial role of maritime power in global dominance. In his work The Influence of Sea Power upon History (1890), Mahan studied the example of the British Empire and concluded that control of the seas paved the way for British supremacy as a world power [10]. He argued that a strong navy and the control of strategic maritime routes were decisive factors for projecting military, political, and economic power. His doctrine can be summarized in the following points: (1) the United States should aspire to be a world power; (2) control of the seas is necessary to achieve that status; (3) such control is obtained through a powerful fleet of warships [17]. In other words, for Mahan, whoever dominates the maritime routes and possesses naval superiority will be in a position to influence global destinies, ensuring trade, supplies, and the rapid movement of military forces.
In the proposed scenario, in which the USA withdraws militarily from Europe and possibly from the Eurasian stage, Mahan’s ideas raise questions about the distribution of maritime power and its effects. Traditionally, the US Navy operates globally, ensuring freedom of navigation and deterring challenges in major seas (Atlantic, Pacific, Indian, etc.). A withdrawal of the USA from NATO could also signal a reduction in its naval presence in the Northeast Atlantic, the Mediterranean Sea, and other areas close to Eurasia. In such a case, who would fill this naval vacuum? Russia, although primarily a land power, has been attempting to modernize its navy and has specific interests—for example, consolidating its dominance in the Black Sea and maintaining a presence in the Mediterranean (with a naval base in Tartus, Syria). The United Kingdom, a historic European maritime power, would remain aligned with the USA but, without American military support in Europe, might potentially be overwhelmed trying to contain an increasingly assertive Russian navy in European waters on its own. Japan, another significant maritime actor allied with the USA, is concerned with the naval balance in the Pacific; without full American engagement, Tokyo might be compelled to expand its own naval power to contain both Russia in the Far East (which maintains a fleet in the Pacific) and, especially, the growing Chinese navy.
According to Mahan’s thinking, strategic maritime routes and choke points (crucial straits and channels) become contested prizes in this power game. With the USA focusing on the Americas, one could imagine Washington reinforcing control over the Panama Canal and Caribbean routes—reviving an “American Gulf” policy in the Western Atlantic and Eastern Pacific. In fact, indications of this orientation emerge in statements attributed to Trump, who once suggested reclaiming direct control over Panama, transforming Canada into a North American state, and even “annexing” Greenland due to its Arctic geopolitical importance [18]. These aspirations reflect a quest to secure advantageous maritime positions near the American continent.
Conversely, in the absence of American presence in the Eastern Atlantic and Mediterranean, Russia would have free rein for regional maritime projection. This could include anything from the unrestricted use of the Black Sea (after dominating Ukraine, thereby ensuring full access to Crimea and Ukrainian ports) to greater influence in the Eastern Mediterranean via Syria and partnerships with countries such as Iran or Egypt. The Baltic Sea would also become an area of expanded Russian interest, pressuring coastal countries and perhaps reducing NATO’s traditional local naval supremacy. However, it is worth noting that even with these regional expansions, Russia lacks a blue-water navy comparable to that of the USA; thus, its initial global maritime impact would be limited without alliances.
An important aspect of Mahan’s theories is that naval power serves as a counterbalance to the land power of the Heartland. Therefore, even if Russia were to dominate the Eurasian continental mass, the continued presence of American naval might on the oceans could prevent complete global domination by Moscow. However, if the USA voluntarily restricts its naval reach to the Americas, it would forgo influencing the power balance in the seas adjacent to Eurasia. Consequently, the balance of maritime power would tend to shift in favor of regional Eurasian actors. The United Kingdom and Japan, traditional allies of the USA, could intensify their naval capabilities to defend regional interests—the United Kingdom safeguarding the North Atlantic and the North Sea, and Japan patrolling the Northwest Pacific—but both would face budgetary and structural limitations in fully compensating for the absence of the American superpower. Consequently, Mahan’s vision suggests that the withdrawal of the USA from the extra-regional scene would weaken the liberal maritime regime, possibly opening space for revisionist powers to contest routes that were previously secured (for example, Russia and China encountering less opposition on the routes of the Arctic and the Indo-Pacific, respectively). In summary, naval hegemony would fragment, and control of strategic seas would become contested, reconfiguring the relative influence of the USA, Russia, and maritime allies such as the United Kingdom and Japan.
Kjellén and the State as a Living Organism: Russian Expansion as an Organic Necessity
Another useful theoretical lens to interpret Russian geopolitical posture is that of Rudolf Kjellén, a Swedish political scientist of the early twentieth century who conceived the State as a living organism. Kjellén, who even coined the term “geopolitics,” was influenced by Friedrich Ratzel’s ideas and by social Darwinism, arguing that States are born, grow, and decline analogously to living beings [13]. In his work Staten som livsform (The State as a Form of Life, 1916), he maintained that States possess an organic dimension in addition to the legal one and that “just as any form of life, States must expand or die” [14]. This expansion would not be motivated merely by aggressive conquest but seen as a necessary growth for the self-preservation of the state organism [14]. In complement, Kjellén echoed Ratzel’s “law of expanding spaces” by asserting that large States expand at the expense of smaller ones, with it being only a matter of time before the great realms fill the available spaces [14]. That is, from the organic perspective, vigorous States tend to incorporate smaller neighboring territories, consolidating territorially much like an organism absorbing nutrients.
Applying this theory to the strategy of contemporary Russia, we can interpret Moscow’s actions—including the invasion of Ukraine and the ambition to restore its sphere of influence in Eurasia—as the expression of an organic drive for expansion. For a strategist influenced by this school, Russia (viewed as a state organism with a long imperial history) needs to expand its territory and influence to ensure its survival and security. The loss of control over spaces that once were part of the Russian Empire or the Soviet Union (such as Ukraine itself, the Caucasus, or Central Asia) may be perceived by Russian elites as an atrophy of the state organism, rendering it vulnerable. Thus, the reincorporation of these territories—whether directly (annexation) or indirectly (political vassalage)—would equate to restoring lost members or strengthening vital organs of the state body. In fact, official Russian arguments often portray Ukraine as an intrinsic part of “Russian historicity,” denying it a fully separate identity—a narrative that aligns with the idea that Russian expansion in that region is natural and necessary for the Russian State (seen as encompassing also Russian speakers beyond its current borders).
Kjellén would thus provide a theoretical justification for Russian territorial expansion as an organic phenomenon. As a great power, Russia would inevitably seek to expand at the expense of smaller neighbors (Ukraine, Georgia, the Baltic States, etc.), as dictated by the tendency of “great spaces to organize” to the detriment of the small [14]. This view can be identified in contemporary Russian doctrines that value spheres of influence and the notion that neighboring countries must gravitate around Moscow in order for the natural order to be maintained. The very idea of “Eurasia” united under Russian leadership (advocated by modern Russian thinkers) echoes this organic conception of vital space and expansion as a sign of the State’s vitality.
However, Kjellén’s theory also warns of the phenomenon of “imperial overstretch,” should a State exceed its internal cohesion limits by expanding excessively [14]. He recognized that extending borders too far could increase friction and vulnerabilities, making it difficult to maintain cohesion—a very large organism may lack functional integration. In the Russian context, this suggests that although expansion is seen as necessary, there are risks if Russia tries to encompass more than it can govern effectively. Conquering Ukraine and subjugating Eastern Europe, for example, could economically and militarily overburden the Russian State, especially if it faced resistance or had to manage hostile populations. However, in the hypothetical scenario we adopt (isolated USA and a weakened Europe), Russia might calculate that the organic benefits of expansion (territory, resources, strategic depth) would outweigh the costs, since external interference would be limited. Thus, through Kjellén’s lens, expansionist Russia behaves as an organism following its instinct for survival and growth, absorbing weaker neighbors; yet such a process is not devoid of challenges, requiring that the “organism Russia” manages to assimilate these new spaces without collapsing under its own weight.
Ratzel and Lebensraum: Resources, Territory, and the Justification for Expansion
Parallel to Kjellén’s organic view, Friedrich Ratzel’s theory offers another conceptual basis for understanding Russian expansion: the concept of Lebensraum (vital space). Ratzel, a German geographer of the late nineteenth century, proposed that the survival and development of a people or nation depended critically on the available physical space and resources. Influenced by Darwinist ideas, he applied the notion of “survival of the fittest” to nations, arguing that human societies need to conquer territory and resources to prosper, and that the stronger and fittest civilizations will naturally prevail over the weaker ones [12]. In 1901, Ratzel coined the term Lebensraum to describe this need for “vital space” as a geographical factor in national power [15].
Subsequently, this idea would be adopted—and extremely distorted—by Nazi ideology to justify Germany’s aggressions in Europe. However, the core of Ratzel’s concept is that territorial expansion is essential for the survival and growth of a State, especially to secure food, raw materials, and space for its population [12].
When examining Russia’s stance under this perspective, we can see several narratives that evoke the logic of Lebensraum. Russia is the largest country in the world by area; however, much of its territory is characterized by adverse climates (tundra, taiga) and is relatively sparsely populated in Siberia. On the other hand, adjacent regions such as Ukraine possess highly arable lands (chernozem—black soil), significant Slavic population density, and additional natural resources (coal in the Donbass, for example). An implicit justification for Russian expansion could be the search for supplementary resources and fertile lands to secure its self-sufficiency and power—exactly as Ratzel described that vigorous nations do. Historical records show that Ratzel emphasized agrarian primacy: he believed that new territories should be colonized by farmers, providing the food base for the nation [12]. Ukraine, historically called the “breadbasket of Europe,” fits perfectly into this vision of conquest for sustenance and agricultural wealth.
Furthermore, Ratzel viewed geography as a determinant of the destiny of nations—peoples adapted to certain habitats seek to expand them if they aspire to grow. In contemporary Russian discourse, there is often mention of the need to ensure security and territorial depth in the face of NATO, or to unite brotherly peoples (Russians and Russian speakers) within a single political space. Such arguments can be read as a modern translation of Lebensraum: the idea that the Russian nation, in order to be secure and flourish, must control a larger space, encompassing buffer zones and critical resources. This Russian “vital space” would naturally include Ukraine and other former Soviet republics, given the historical and infrastructural interdependence. Ratzel emphasized that peoples migrated and expanded when their original homeland no longer met their needs or aspirations [12]. Although contemporary Russia does not suffer from demographic pressure (on the contrary, it faces population decline), under the logic of a great power there is indeed a sentiment of geopolitical insufficiency for having lost influence over areas considered strategic. Thus, reconquering these areas would mean recovering the “habitat” necessary for the Russian nation to prosper and feel secure.
It is important to mention that, in Ratzel’s and Kjellén’s formulations, the pursuit of Lebensraum or organic expansion is not morally qualified—it is treated as a natural process in the politics of power. Thus, on the discursive level, Russia can avoid overly aggressive rhetoric and resort to “natural” justifications: for example, claiming that it needs to occupy Ukraine for defensive purposes (security space) or to reunify peoples (a common cultural and historical space). Beneath these justifications, however, resonates the geopolitical imperative to acquire more territory and resources as a guarantee of national survival, something consonant with Ratzel’s theory. In fact, Russian Realpolitik frequently prioritizes the control of energy resources (gas, oil) and transportation routes. Expanding its influence over central Eurasia would also mean controlling oil pipelines, gas lines, and logistical corridors—essential elements of modern Lebensraum understood as access to vital resources and infrastructure.
In summary, by conquering Ukraine and extending its reach into Eurasia, Russia could effectively invoke the concept of Lebensraum: presenting its expansion not as mere imperialism, but as a necessity to secure indispensable lands and resources for its people and to correct the “injustice” of a vital space diminished by post-Cold War territorial losses. The theories of Ratzel and Kjellén together paint a picture in which Russian expansion emerges almost as a natural law—the great State reclaiming space to ensure its survival and development at the expense of smaller neighbors.
Trump, NATO, and the Threat of American Withdrawal
One of the most alarming changes with Trump's return to power is the tense relationship with the North Atlantic Treaty Organization (NATO). Trump has long criticized allies for not meeting military spending targets, even threatening during his first term to withdraw the US from the alliance if members did not increase their contributions [2]. This threat, initially viewed with skepticism, became concrete after his re-election, leading European allies to seriously consider the possibility of having to defend themselves without American support [1]. In fact, Trump suggested in post-election interviews that the US would only remain in NATO if the allies “paid their bills” – otherwise, he “would seriously consider” leaving [2]. Such statements reinforced the warning that the US might not honor NATO's mutual defense commitment, precisely at a time of continuous Russian threat due to the war in Ukraine [1].
From a theoretical point of view, this posture of American retrenchment evokes the classic tension between maritime power and land power. Alfred Thayer Mahan emphasized that the global power of the US derived largely from its naval superiority and from alliances that ensured control over strategic maritime routes [9]. NATO, since 1949, has served not only to deter Soviet terrestrial advances in Eurasia, but also to secure the US naval presence in the North Atlantic and the Mediterranean – a fundamental element according to Mahan. In turn, Halford Mackinder warned that the balance of global power depended on the control of the Eurasian “Heartland” (the central region of Eurasia). The withdrawal or disengagement of the US (a maritime power) from this region could open the way for a continental power (such as Russia) to expand its influence in Eastern Europe, unbalancing the power balance [3]. In other words, by threatening to leave NATO, Trump jeopardizes the principle of containment that prevented Russian dominance over Eastern Europe – something that Mackinder would see as a dangerous shift in global power in favor of the Heartland power.
Adopting an impartial tone, it is observed that European countries have reacted to this new reality with precautionary measures. Strategic reports already calculate the cost of an autonomous European defense: hundreds of thousands of additional soldiers and investments of hundreds of billions of euros would be required if the US ceased to guarantee the security of the continent [1]. European dependence on American military power is significant and, without it, there would be a need for a major reinforcement of European Armed Forces [1]. This mobilization practically reflects the anticipation of a power vacuum left by the US – a scenario in which Mackinder’s theory (on the primacy of the Heartland and the vulnerability of the “external crescent” where Western Europe is located) regains its relevance.
The US–Ukraine Economic Agreement: Strategic Minerals in Exchange for Support?
Another novelty of Trump's second term is the unprecedented and transactional manner in which Washington has been dealing with the war in Ukraine. Instead of emphasizing security guarantees and alliances, the Trump administration proposed a trade agreement with Ukraine focused on the exploitation of strategic minerals, linking American support to a direct economic benefit. According to sources close to the negotiations, the US and Ukraine are about to sign a pact to share the revenues from the exploitation of critical mineral resources on Ukrainian territory [19]. Materials such as titanium, lithium, rare earths, and uranium – vital for high-tech and defense industries – would be at the core of this agreement [6]. According to the known draft, Ukraine would allocate 50% of the profits from new mineral ventures to a fund controlled by the US, which would reinvest part of the resources in the country’s own reconstruction [6] [19].
It is noteworthy that the pact does not include explicit security guarantees for Kyiv, despite Ukraine remaining under direct military threat from Russia [19]. Essentially, the Trump administration offers financial support and economic investment in exchange for a share in Ukrainian natural resources, but without formally committing to Ukraine's defense in the event of a renewed Russian offensive [19]. American authorities argue that this economic partnership would already be sufficient to “secure Ukrainian interests,” as it would provide the US with its own incentives to desire Ukraine’s stability [19]. “What could be better for Ukraine than being in an economic partnership with the United States?” stated Mike Waltz, a US national security advisor, defending the proposal [19].
Analysts, however, assess the agreement in divided terms. For some, it represents a form of economic exploitation at a time of Ukraine's fragility – comparing the demand to share mineral wealth amid war to a scheme of “mafia protection” [19]. Steven Cook, from the Council on Foreign Relations, classified the offer as “extortion,” and political scientist Virginia P. Fortna observed that charging resources from an invaded country resembles predatory practices [19]. Joseph Nye adds that it is a short-term gain strategy that could be “disastrous in the long run” for American credibility, reflecting the transactional approach that Trump even adopted with close allies in other contexts [19]. On the other hand, some see a future advantage for Kyiv: journalist Pierre Briançon suggests that at least this agreement aligns American commercial interests with Ukraine’s future, which could, in theory, keep the US involved in Ukrainian prosperity in the long term [19]. It is even recalled that President Zelensky himself proposed last year the idea of sharing natural resources with the US to bring the interests of the two countries closer together [19].
From the perspective of geopolitical theories, this agreement illustrates a shift towards economic pragmatism in international relations, approaching concepts proposed by Kjellén. Rudolf Kjellén, who coined the term “geopolitics,” saw the State as a territorial organism that seeks to ensure its survival through self-sufficiency and the control of strategic resources [4]. Trump's demand for a share in Ukrainian resources in order to continue supporting the country reflects a logic of autarky and direct national interest – that is, foreign policy serving primarily to reinforce the economic and material position of the US. This view contrasts with the traditional cooperative approach, but aligns with Kjellén’s idea that powerful States tend to transform international relations into opportunities for their own gain, ensuring access to vital raw materials. Similarly, Friedrich Ratzel argued that States have a “propensity to expand their borders according to their capacities,” seeking vital space (Lebensraum) and resources to sustain their development [11]. The US–Ukraine pact, by conditioning military/economic aid on obtaining tangible advantages (half of the mineral profits), is reminiscent of Ratzel’s perspective: the US, as a rising economic power, expands its economic influence over Ukrainian territory like an organism extending itself to obtain the necessary resources for its well-being. It is, therefore, a form of economic expansionism at the expense of purely ideological commitments or collective security.
Peace Negotiations Excluding Ukraine and the Legitimacy of the Agreement
Another controversial point is the manner in which peace negotiations between Russia and the West have been conducted under Trump's administration. Since taking office, the American president has engaged directly with Moscow in pursuit of a ceasefire, deliberately keeping the Ukrainian government out of the initial discussions [6]. Trump expressed his desire to “leave Zelensky out of the conversation” and also excluded the European Union from any influence in the process [6]. This negotiation strategy—conducted without the presence of the primary interested party, Ukraine—raises serious questions about the legitimacy and sustainability of any resulting agreement.
Historically, peace agreements reached without the direct participation of one of the conflicting parties tend to face problems in implementation and acceptance.
The exclusion of Ukraine in the decision-making phase brings to light the issue of guarantees. As noted, the emerging agreement lacks formal US security guarantees for Ukraine. This implies that, after the agreement is signed, nothing will prevent Russia from launching a new offensive if it deems it convenient, knowing that the US has not committed to defending it militarily. Experts have already warned that a ceasefire without robust protection may only be a pause for Russian rearmament, rendering the conflict “frozen” temporarily and potentially resumed in the near future. The European strategic community has expressed similar concern: without American deterrence, the risk of further Russian aggressions in the region increases considerably [1]. Denmark, for example, has released intelligence reports warning of possible imminent Russian attacks, prompting neighboring countries to accelerate plans for independent defense [1].
The legitimacy of this asymmetric peace agreement (negotiated without Ukraine fully at the table and under economic coercion) is also questionable from a legal and moral point of view. It violates the principle of self-determination by imposing terms decided by great powers on a sovereign country—a practice reminiscent of dark chapters in diplomacy, such as the Munich Agreement of 1938, when powers determined the fate of Czechoslovakia without its consent. In the current case, Ukraine would end up signing the agreement, but from a position of weakness, raising doubts about how durable such a commitment would be.
From Mackinder’s perspective, Ukraine’s removal from the battlefield without guarantees essentially means admitting a greater influence of Russia (the Heartland power) over Eastern Europe. This would alter the balance in Eurasia in a potentially lasting way. Furthermore, the fact that great powers negotiate over the heads of a smaller country evokes the imperial logic of the nineteenth and early twentieth centuries, when empires decided among themselves the divisions of foreign territories—a behavior that Mackinder saw as likely in a world of a “closed system.” With the entire world already occupied by States, Mackinder predicted that powers would begin to compete for influence within this consolidated board, often subjugating smaller states to gain advantage [3]. The US–Russia negotiation regarding Ukraine, without proper Ukrainian representation, exemplifies this type of neo-imperial dynamic in the twenty-first century.
Also noteworthy is the consonance with the ideas of Ratzel and Kjellén: both viewed smaller states as easily relegated to the status of satellites or even “parasitic organisms” in the orbit of larger states. Kjellén spoke of the intrinsic vulnerability of states with little territorial depth or economic dependence, making them susceptible to external pressures [4][20]. Ukraine, weakened by war and dependent on external aid, becomes a concrete example of this theorized vulnerability: it has had to cede strategic resources and accept terms dictated against its will in an attempt to secure its immediate survival. The resulting agreement, therefore, reflects a power imbalance characteristic of the hierarchical international relations described by classical geopolitical theorists.
Implicit Territorial Concessions and Trump’s Public Discourse
A central and controversial point in Trump’s statements regarding the war in Ukraine is the insinuation of territorial concessions to Russia as part of the conflict’s resolution. Publicly, Trump avoided explicitly condemning Russian aggression and even stated that he considered it “unlikely” that Ukraine would be able to retake all the areas occupied by the Russians [16]. In debates and interviews, he suggested that “if I were president, the war would end in 24 hours,” implying that he would force an understanding between Kyiv and Moscow that would likely involve ceding some territory in exchange for peace. This position marks a break with the previous US policy of not recognizing any territorial acquisitions made by force and fuels speculations that a future peace agreement sponsored by Trump would legitimize at least part of Russia’s gains since 2014 (Crimea, Donbass, and areas seized during the 2022 invasion).
The actions of his administration corroborate this interpretation. As discussed, the economic agreement focuses on the exploitation of Ukrainian natural resources, many of which are located precisely in regions currently under Russian military control, such as parts of the Zaporizhzhia Oblast, Donetsk, Lugansk, and the Azov Sea area [6]. A Ukrainian geologist, Hanna Liventseva, highlighted that “most of these elements (strategic minerals) are found in the south of the Ukrainian Shield, mainly in the Azov region, and most of these territories are currently invaded by Russia” [6]. This means that, to make joint exploitation viable, Russia’s de facto control over these areas would have to be recognized—or at least tolerated—in the short term. In other words, the pact indirectly and tacitly accepts Russian territorial gains, as it involves sharing the profits from resources that are not currently accessible to the Kyiv government.
Furthermore, figures close to Trump have made explicit statements regarding the possibility of territorial cession. Mike Waltz, Trump’s national security advisor, publicly stated that Zelensky might need to “cede land to Russia” to end the war [8]. This remark—made public in March 2025—confirms that the Trump White House considers it natural for Ukraine to relinquish parts of its territory in favor of an agreement. Such a stance marks a break from the previous Western consensus, which condemned any territorial gains by force. Under Trump, a pragmatic view (in the eyes of his supporters) or a cynical one (according to his critics) seems to prevail: sacrificing principles of territorial integrity to quickly end hostilities and secure immediate economic benefits.
In theoretical terms, this inclination to validate territorial gains by force recalls the concept of Realpolitik and the geopolitical Darwinism that influenced thinkers such as Ratzel. In Ratzel’s organic conception, expanding states naturally absorb neighboring territories when they are strong enough to do so, while declining states lose territory—a process almost biological in the selection of the fittest [11]. The Trump administration’s acceptance that Ukraine should “give something” to Moscow to seal peace reflects a normalization of this geopolitical selection process: it recognizes the aggressor (Russia) as having the “right” to retain conquered lands, because that is how power realities on the ground dictate. Mackinder, although firmly opposed to allowing Russia to dominate the Heartland, would see this outcome as the logical consequence of the lack of engagement from maritime powers (the USA and the United Kingdom, for example) in sustaining the Ukrainian counterattack. Without the active involvement of maritime power to balance the dispute, land power prevails in Eastern Europe.
From the perspective of international legitimacy, the cession of Ukrainian territories—whether de jure or de facto—creates a dangerous precedent in the post-Cold War era. Rewarding violent aggression with territorial gains may encourage similar strategies in other parts of the world, undermining the architecture of collective security. This is possibly a return to a world of spheres of influence, where great powers define borders and zones of control according to their convenience—something that the rules-based order after 1945 sought to avoid. Here, academic impartiality requires noting that coercion for territorial concessions rarely produces lasting peace, as the aggrieved party—in this case, Ukraine—may accept temporarily but will continue to assert its rights in the long term, as has occurred with other territorial injustices in history.
Territorial Ambitions of Trump: Greenland and Canada
Beyond the Eurasian theater of war, Trump revived geopolitical ambitions involving territories traditionally allied with the US: Greenland (an autonomous territory of Denmark) and Canada. As early as 2019, during his first term, Trump shocked the world by proposing to buy Greenland—rich in minerals and strategically positioned in the Arctic. Upon his return to power, he went further: expressing a “renewed interest” in acquiring Greenland and publicly suggesting the incorporation of Canada as the 51st American state [2].
In January 2025, during a press conference at Mar-a-Lago, he even displayed maps in which the US and Canada appeared merged into a single country, while Greenland was marked as a future American possession [2]. Posts by the president on social media included satirical images with a map of North America where Canada was labeled “51st” and Greenland designated as “Our Land” [2].
Such moves were met with concern and disbelief by allies. Canadian Prime Minister Justin Trudeau was caught on an open microphone warning that Trump’s fixation on annexation “is real” and not just a joke [7]. Trudeau emphasized that Washington appeared to covet Canada’s vast mineral resources, which would explain the insistence on the idea of absorption [7]. In public, Trump argued that Canadians “would be more prosperous as American citizens,” promising tax cuts and better services should they become part of the US [7]. On the Danish side, the reaction to the revived plan regarding Greenland was firmly negative—as it was in 2019—reaffirming that the territory is not for sale. Trump, however, insinuated that the issue might be one of national security, indicating that American possession of Greenland would prevent adverse influences (a reference to China and Russia in the Arctic) [2]. More worryingly, he refused to rule out the use of military means to obtain the island, although he assured that he had no intention of invading Canada by force (in the Canadian case, he spoke of “economic force” to forge a union) [2].
This series of initiatives reflects an unprecedented expansionist impetus by the US in recent times, at least in discourse. Analyzing this through the lens of classical geopolitics offers interesting insights. Friedrich Ratzel and his notion of Lebensraum suggest that powerful states, upon reaching a certain predominance, seek to expand their territory by influencing or incorporating adjacent areas. Trump, by targeting the immediate neighbor (Canada) and a nearby strategic territory (Greenland), appears to resurrect this logic of territorial expansion for the sake of gaining space and resources. Ratzel saw such expansion almost as a natural process for vigorous states, comparable to the growth of an organism [11]. From this perspective, the US would be exercising its “right” of expansion in North America and the polar region, integrating areas of vital interest.
Additionally, Alfred Mahan’s view on maritime power helps to understand the strategic value of Greenland. Mahan postulated that control of key maritime chokepoints and naval bases ensures global advantage [9]. Greenland, situated between the North Atlantic and the Arctic, has become increasingly relevant as climate change opens new polar maritime routes and reveals vast mineral deposits (including rare earth elements and oil). For the US, having a presence or sovereignty over Greenland would mean dominating the gateway to the Arctic and denying this space to rivals. This aligns with Mahan’s strategy of securing commercial and military routes (in this case, potential Arctic routes) and resources to consolidate naval supremacy. On the other hand, the incorporation of Canada—with its enormous territory, Arctic coastline, and abundant natural resources—would provide the US with formidable geoeconomic and geopolitical reinforcement, practically eliminating vulnerabilities along its northern border. This is an ambitious project that also echoes ideas of Kjellén, for whom an ideal State should seek territorial completeness and economic self-sufficiency within its region. Incorporating Canada would be the pinnacle of American regional autarky, turning North America into a unified bloc under Washington (a scenario reminiscent of the “pan-regions” conceived by twentieth-century geopoliticians influenced by Kjellén).
It is important to note, however, that these ambitions face enormous legal and political obstacles. The sovereignty of Canada and Greenland (Denmark) is guaranteed by international law, and both peoples categorically reject the idea of annexation. Any hostile action by the US against these countries would shake alliances and the world order itself. Even so, the very fact that an American president suggests such possibilities already produces geopolitical effects: traditional partners begin to distrust Washington’s intentions, seek alternative alliances, and strengthen nationalist discourses of resistance. In summary, Trump’s expansionist intentions in Greenland and Canada rekindle old territorial issues and paradoxically place the US in the position of a revisionist power—a role once associated with empires in search of colonies.
Implications for Brazil and South America: A New Neocolonization?
In light of this geopolitical reconfiguration driven by Trump's USA—with a reordering of alliances and a possible partition of spheres of influence among great powers—the question arises: what is the impact on Brazil and the other countries of South America? Traditionally, Latin America has been under the aegis of the Monroe Doctrine (1823), which established non-interference by Europe in the region and, implicitly, the primacy of the USA in the Western Hemisphere. In the post–Cold War period, this influence translated more into political and economic leadership, without formal annexations or direct territorial domination. However, the current context points to a kind of “neocolonization” of the Global South, in which larger powers seek to control resources and peripheral governments in an indirect yet effective manner.
Mackinder’s theories can be used to illuminate this dynamic. As mentioned, Mackinder envisioned the twentieth-century world as a closed system, in which there were no longer any unknown lands to be colonized—hence, the powers would fight among themselves for control over already occupied regions [3]. He predicted that Africa and Latin America (then largely European colonies or semi-colonies) would continue as boards upon which the great powers would project their disputes, a form of neocolonialism. In the current scenario, we see the USA proposing exchanges of protection for resources (as in Ukraine) and even leaders of developing countries seeking similar agreements. A notable example: the President of the Democratic Republic of the Congo, Felix Tshisekedi, praised the USA–Ukraine initiative and suggested an analogous agreement involving Congolese mineral wealth in exchange for US support against internal rebels (M23) [19]. In other words, African countries and possibly South American ones may enter into this logic of offering privileged access to resources (cobalt, lithium, food, biodiversity) in order to obtain security guarantees or investments. This represents a regression to the times when external powers dictated the directions of the South in exchange for promises of protection, characterizing a strategic neocolonialism.
For Brazil, in particular, this rearrangement generates both opportunities and risks. As a regional power with considerable diplomatic autonomy, Brazil has historically sought to balance relationships with the USA, Europe, China, and other actors, avoiding automatic alignments. However, in a world where Trump’s USA is actively redefining spheres of influence—possibly making deals with Russia that divide priorities (for example, Washington focusing on the Western Hemisphere and Moscow on the Eastern)—South America could once again be seen as an exclusive American sphere of influence. From this perspective, Washington could pressure South American countries to align with its directives, limiting partnerships with rivals (such as China) and seeking privileged access to strategic resources (such as the Amazon, fresh water, minerals, and agricultural commodities). Some indications are already emerging: Trump’s transactional approach mentioned by Nye included pressures on Canada and Mexico regarding border and trade issues, under the threat of commercial sanctions. It would not be unthinkable to adopt a hard line, for example, with regard to Brazilian environmental policies (linked to the Amazon) or Brazil’s relations with China, using tariffs or incentives as leverage—a sort of geopolitics of economic coercion.
On the other hand, Brazil and its neighbors could also attempt to take advantage of the Sino–North American competition. If the USA is distracted consolidating its hemispheric “hard power” hegemony (even with annexation fantasies in the north), powers such as China may advance their economic presence in South America through investments and trade (Belt and Road, infrastructure financing)—which is already happening. This would constitute an indirect neocolonial dispute in the South: Chinese loans and investments versus American demands and agreements, partly reminiscent of the nineteenth-century imperial competition (when the United Kingdom, USA, and others competed for Latin American markets and resources).
From a conceptual standpoint, Mackinder might classify South America as part of the “Outer Crescent” (external insular crescent)—peripheral to the great Eurasian “World-Island,” yet still crucial as a source of resources and a strategic position in the South Atlantic and Pacific. If the USA consolidates an informal empire in the Americas, it would be reinforcing its “insular bastion” far from the Eurasian Heartland, a strategy that Mackinder once suggested for maritime powers: to control islands and peripheral continents to compensate for the disadvantage of not controlling the Heartland. However, an excessive US dominance in the South could lead to local resistance and alternative alignments, unbalancing the region.
Kjellén would add that for Brazil to maintain its decisive sovereignty, it will need to strengthen its autarky and internal cohesion—in other words, reduce vulnerabilities (economic, military, social) that external powers might exploit [4]. Meanwhile, Mahan might point out the importance for Brazil of controlling its maritime routes and coastlines (South Atlantic) to avoid being at the mercy of a naval power like the USA. And Ratzel would remind us that states that do not expand their influence tend to be absorbed by foreign influences—which, in the context of Brazil, does not mean conquering neighboring territories, but rather actively leading South American integration to create a block more resilient to external intrusion.
In summary, South America finds itself in a more competitive and segmented world, where major players are resurrecting practices from past eras. The notion of “neocolonization” here does not imply direct occupation, but rather mechanisms of dependency: whether through unequal economic agreements or through diplomatic or military pressure for alignment. Brazil, as the largest economy and territory on the subcontinent, will have to navigate with heightened caution. A new global power balance, marked by the division of spheres of influence among the USA, China, and Russia, may reduce the sovereign maneuvering space of South American countries unless they act jointly. Thus, theoretical reflection suggests the need for South–South strategies, reinforcement of regional organizations, and diversification of partnerships to avoid falling into modern “neocolonial traps.”
Conclusion
The emerging post–re-election geopolitical conjuncture of Donald Trump signals a return to classical geopolitical principles, after several decades of predominance of institutional liberal views. We witness the revaluation of concepts such as spheres of influence, exchanges of protection for resources, naval power versus land power, and disputes over territory and raw materials—all central themes in the writings of Mackinder, Mahan, Kjellén, and Ratzel at the end of the nineteenth and the beginning of the twentieth century. An impartial analysis of these events, in light of these theories, shows internal coherence in Trump’s actions: although controversial, they follow a logic of maximizing national interest and the relative power of the USA on the world stage, even at the expense of established principles and alliances.
Halford Mackinder reminds us that, in a closed world with no new lands to conquer, the great powers will seek to redistribute the world among themselves [3]. This seems to manifest in the direct understandings between the USA and Russia over the fate of Ukraine, and in American ambitions in the Arctic and the Western Hemisphere. Alfred Mahan emphasizes that the control of the seas and strategic positions ensures supremacy—we see reflections of this in Trump’s obsession with Greenland (Arctic) and the possible neglect of the importance of maintaining NATO (and therefore the North Atlantic) as a cohesive bloc, something that Mahan’s theory would criticize due to the risk of a naval vacuum. Rudolf Kjellén and Friedrich Ratzel provide the framework to understand the more aggressive facet of expansionist nationalism: the idea of the State as an organism that needs to grow, secure resources, and seek self-sufficiency explains everything from the extortionate agreement imposed on Ukraine to the annexation rhetoric regarding Canada.
The potential consequences are profound. In the short term, we may witness a precarious ceasefire in the Ukraine war, with consolidated Russian territorial gains and Ukraine economically tied to the USA, but without formal military protection—a fragile “armed peace.” Western Europe, alarmed, may accelerate its independent militarization, perhaps marking the beginning of European defense autonomy, as is already openly debated [1]. At the far end of the globe, American activism in the Arctic and the Americas may reshape alliances: countries like Canada, once aligned with Washington, might seek to guarantee their sovereignty by distancing themselves from it; powers like China could take advantage of the openings to increase their presence in Latin America and Africa through economic diplomacy; and emerging countries of the Global South may have to choose between submitting to new “guardianships” or strengthening South–South cooperation.
Ultimately, the current situation reinforces the relevance of studying geopolitics through historical lenses. The actions of the Trump administration indicate that, despite all technological and normative advances, the competition for geographic power has not disappeared—it has merely assumed new formats. Academic impartiality obliges us not to prematurely judge whether these strategies will be successful or beneficial, but history and theory warn that neo-imperial movements tend to generate counter-reactions. As Mackinder insinuated, “every shock or change anywhere reverberates around the world,” and a sudden move by a superpower tends to provoke unforeseen adjustments and chain conflicts. It remains to be seen how the other actors—including Brazil and its neighbors—will adapt to this new chapter in the great struggle for global power, in which centuries-old theories once again have a surprising explanatory power over present events.
Bibliography
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[19] A Referência. Acordo EUA-Ucrânia está praticamente fechado, mas analistas se dividem sobre quem sairá ganhando. Recuperado em 3 de março de 2025, de https://areferencia.com/europa/acordo-eua-ucrania-esta-praticamente-fechado-mas-analistas-se-dividem-sobre-quem-saira-ganhando/#:\\~:text=EUA e 17,o acordo a seu favor
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@ 04c915da:3dfbecc9
2025-03-07 00:26:37There is something quietly rebellious about stacking sats. In a world obsessed with instant gratification, choosing to patiently accumulate Bitcoin, one sat at a time, feels like a middle finger to the hype machine. But to do it right, you have got to stay humble. Stack too hard with your head in the clouds, and you will trip over your own ego before the next halving even hits.
Small Wins
Stacking sats is not glamorous. Discipline. Stacking every day, week, or month, no matter the price, and letting time do the heavy lifting. Humility lives in that consistency. You are not trying to outsmart the market or prove you are the next "crypto" prophet. Just a regular person, betting on a system you believe in, one humble stack at a time. Folks get rekt chasing the highs. They ape into some shitcoin pump, shout about it online, then go silent when they inevitably get rekt. The ones who last? They stack. Just keep showing up. Consistency. Humility in action. Know the game is long, and you are not bigger than it.
Ego is Volatile
Bitcoin’s swings can mess with your head. One day you are up 20%, feeling like a genius and the next down 30%, questioning everything. Ego will have you panic selling at the bottom or over leveraging the top. Staying humble means patience, a true bitcoin zen. Do not try to "beat” Bitcoin. Ride it. Stack what you can afford, live your life, and let compounding work its magic.
Simplicity
There is a beauty in how stacking sats forces you to rethink value. A sat is worth less than a penny today, but every time you grab a few thousand, you plant a seed. It is not about flaunting wealth but rather building it, quietly, without fanfare. That mindset spills over. Cut out the noise: the overpriced coffee, fancy watches, the status games that drain your wallet. Humility is good for your soul and your stack. I have a buddy who has been stacking since 2015. Never talks about it unless you ask. Lives in a decent place, drives an old truck, and just keeps stacking. He is not chasing clout, he is chasing freedom. That is the vibe: less ego, more sats, all grounded in life.
The Big Picture
Stack those sats. Do it quietly, do it consistently, and do not let the green days puff you up or the red days break you down. Humility is the secret sauce, it keeps you grounded while the world spins wild. In a decade, when you look back and smile, it will not be because you shouted the loudest. It will be because you stayed the course, one sat at a time. \ \ Stay Humble and Stack Sats. 🫡
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@ 97c70a44:ad98e322
2025-03-06 18:38:10When developing on nostr, normally it's enough to read the NIP related to a given feature you want to build to know what has to be done. But there are some aspects of nostr development that aren't so straightforward because they depend less on specific data formats than on how different concepts are combined.
An example of this is how for a while it was considered best practice to re-publish notes when replying to them. This practice emerged before the outbox model gained traction, and was a hacky way of attempting to ensure relays had the full context required for a given note. Over time though, pubkey hints emerged as a better way to ensure other clients could find required context.
Another one of these things is "relay-based groups", or as I prefer to call it "relays-as-groups" (RAG). Such a thing doesn't really exist - there's no spec for it (although some aspects of the concept are included in NIP 29), but at the same time there are two concrete implementations (Flotilla and Chachi) which leverage several different NIPs in order to create a cohesive system for groups on nostr.
This composability is one of the neat qualities of nostr. Not only would it be unhelpful to specify how different parts of the protocol should work together, it would be impossible because of the number of possible combinations possible just from applying a little bit of common sense to the NIPs repo. No one said it was ok to put
t
tags on akind 0
. But no one's stopping you! And the semantics are basically self-evident if you understand its component parts.So, instead of writing a NIP that sets relay-based groups in stone, I'm writing this guide in order to document how I've combined different parts of the nostr protocol to create a compelling architecture for groups.
Relays
Relays already have a canonical identity, which is the relay's url. Events posted to a relay can be thought of as "posted to that group". This means that every relay is already a group. All nostr notes have already been posted to one or more groups.
One common objection to this structure is that identifying a group with a relay means that groups are dependent on the relay to continue hosting the group. In normal broadcast nostr (which forms organic permissionless groups based on user-centric social clustering), this is a very bad thing, because hosts are orthogonal to group identity. Communities are completely different. Communities actually need someone to enforce community boundaries, implement moderation, etc. Reliance on a host is a feature, not a bug (in contrast to NIP 29 groups, which tend to co-locate many groups on a single host, relays-as-groups tends to encourage one group, one host).
This doesn't mean that federation, mirrors, and migration can't be accomplished. In a sense, leaving this on the social layer is a good thing, because it adds friction to the dissolution/forking of a group. But the door is wide open to protocol additions to support those use cases for relay-based groups. One possible approach would be to follow this draft PR which specified a "federation" event relays could publish on their own behalf.
Relay keys
This draft PR to NIP 11 specifies a
self
field which represents the relay's identity. Using this, relays can publish events on their own behalf. Currently, thepubkey
field sort of does the same thing, but is overloaded as a contact field for the owner of the relay.AUTH
Relays can control access using NIP 42 AUTH. There are any number of modes a relay can operate in:
-
No auth, fully public - anyone can read/write to the group.
-
Relays may enforce broad or granular access controls with AUTH.
Relays may deny EVENTs or REQs depending on user identity. Messages returned in AUTH, CLOSED, or OK messages should be human readable. It's crucial that clients show these error messages to users. Here's how Flotilla handles failed AUTH and denied event publishing:
LIMITS could also be used in theory to help clients adapt their interface depending on user abilities and relay policy.
- AUTH with implicit access controls.
In this mode, relays may exclude matching events from REQs if the user does not have permission to view them. This can be useful for multi-use relays that host hidden rooms. This mode should be used with caution, because it can result in confusion for the end user.
See Triflector for a relay implementation that supports some of these auth policies.
Invite codes
If a user doesn't have access to a relay, they can request access using this draft NIP. This is true whether access has been explicitly or implicitly denied (although users will have to know that they should use an invite code to request access).
The above referenced NIP also contains a mechanism for users to request an invite code that they can share with other users.
The policy for these invite codes is entirely up to the relay. They may be single-use, multi-use, or require additional verification. Additional requirements can be communicated to the user in the OK message, for example directions to visit an external URL to register.
See Triflector for a relay implementation that supports invite codes.
Content
Any kind of event can be published to a relay being treated as a group, unless rejected by the relay implementation. In particular, NIP 7D was added to support basic threads, and NIP C7 for chat messages.
Since which relay an event came from determines which group it was posted to, clients need to have a mechanism for keeping track of which relay they received an event from, and should not broadcast events to other relays (unless intending to cross-post the content).
Rooms
Rooms follow NIP 29. I wish NIP 29 wasn't called "relay based groups", which is very confusing when talking about "relays as groups". It's much better to think of them as sub-groups, or as Flotilla calls them, "rooms".
Rooms have two modes - managed and unmanaged. Managed rooms follow all the rules laid out in NIP 29 about metadata published by the relay and user membership. In either case, rooms are represented by a random room id, and are posted to by including the id in an event's
h
tag. This allows rooms to switch between managed and unmanaged modes without losing any content.Managed room names come from
kind 39000
room meta events, but unmanaged rooms don't have these. Instead, room names should come from members' NIP 51kind 10009
membership lists. Tags on these lists should look like this:["group", "groupid", "wss://group.example.com", "Cat lovers"]
. If no name can be found for the room (i.e., there aren't any members), the room should be ignored by clients.Rooms present a difficulty for publishing to the relay as a whole, since content with an
h
tag can't be excluded from requests. Currently, relay-wide posts are h-tagged with_
which works for "group" clients, but not more generally. I'm not sure how to solve this other than to ask relays to support negative filters.Cross-posting
The simplest way to cross-post content from one group (or room) to another, is to quote the original note in whatever event kind is appropriate. For example, a blog post might be quoted in a
kind 9
to be cross-posted to chat, or in akind 11
to be cross-posted to a thread.kind 16
reposts can be used the same way if the reader's client renders reposts.Posting the original event to multiple relays-as-groups is trivial, since all you have to do is send the event to the relay. Posting to multiple rooms simultaneously by appending multiple
h
tags is however not recommended, since group relays/clients are incentivised to protect themselves from spam by rejecting events with multipleh
tags (similar to how events with multiplet
tags are sometimes rejected).Privacy
Currently, it's recommended to include a NIP 70
-
tag on content posted to relays-as-groups to discourage replication of relay-specific content across the network.Another slightly stronger approach would be for group relays to strip signatures in order to make events invalid (or at least deniable). For this approach to work, users would have to be able to signal that they trust relays to be honest. We could also use ZkSNARKS to validate signatures in bulk.
In any case, group posts should not be considered "private" in the same way E2EE groups might be. Relays-as-groups should be considered a good fit for low-stakes groups with many members (since trust deteriorates quickly as more people get involved).
Membership
There is currently no canonical member list published by relays (except for NIP 29 managed rooms). Instead, users keep track of their own relay and room memberships using
kind 10009
lists. Relay-level memberships are represented by anr
tag containing the relay url, and room-level memberships are represented using agroup
tag.Users can choose to advertise their membership in a RAG by using unencrypted tags, or they may keep their membership private by using encrypted tags. Advertised memberships are useful for helping people find groups based on their social graph:
User memberships should not be trusted, since they can be published unilaterally by anyone, regardless of actual access. Possible improvements in this area would be the ability to provide proof of access:
- Relays could publish member lists (although this would sacrifice member privacy)
- Relays could support a new command that allows querying a particular member's access status
- Relays could provide a proof to the member that they could then choose to publish or not
Moderation
There are two parts to moderation: reporting and taking action based on these reports.
Reporting is already covered by NIP 56. Clients should be careful about encouraging users to post reports for illegal content under their own identity, since that can itself be illegal. Relays also should not serve reports to users, since that can be used to find rather than address objectionable content.
Reports are only one mechanism for flagging objectionable content. Relay operators and administrators can use whatever heuristics they like to identify and address objectionable content. This might be via automated policies that auto-ban based on reports from high-reputation people, a client that implements NIP 86 relay management API, or by some other admin interface.
There's currently no way for moderators of a given relay to be advertised, or for a moderator's client to know that the user is a moderator (so that they can enable UI elements for in-app moderation). This could be addressed via NIP 11, LIMITS, or some other mechanism in the future.
General best practices
In general, it's very important when developing a client to assume that the relay has no special support for any of the above features, instead treating all of this stuff as progressive enhancement.
For example, if a user enters an invite code, go ahead and send it to the relay using a
kind 28934
event. If it's rejected, you know that it didn't work. But if it's accepted, you don't know that it worked - you only know that the relay allowed the user to publish that event. This is helpful, becaues it may imply that the user does indeed have access to the relay. But additional probing may be needed, and reliance on error messages down the road when something else fails unexpectedly is indispensable.This paradigm may drive some engineers nuts, because it's basically equivalent to coding your clients to reverse-engineer relay support for every feature you want to use. But this is true of nostr as a whole - anyone can put whatever weird stuff in an event and sign it. Clients have to be extremely compliant with Postell's law - doing their absolute best to accept whatever weird data or behavior shows up and handle failure in any situation. Sure, it's annoying, but it's the cost of permissionless development. What it gets us is a completely open-ended protocol, in which anything can be built, and in which every solution is tested by the market.
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@ 04c915da:3dfbecc9
2025-03-04 17:00:18This piece is the first in a series that will focus on things I think are a priority if your focus is similar to mine: building a strong family and safeguarding their future.
Choosing the ideal place to raise a family is one of the most significant decisions you will ever make. For simplicity sake I will break down my thought process into key factors: strong property rights, the ability to grow your own food, access to fresh water, the freedom to own and train with guns, and a dependable community.
A Jurisdiction with Strong Property Rights
Strong property rights are essential and allow you to build on a solid foundation that is less likely to break underneath you. Regions with a history of limited government and clear legal protections for landowners are ideal. Personally I think the US is the single best option globally, but within the US there is a wide difference between which state you choose. Choose carefully and thoughtfully, think long term. Obviously if you are not American this is not a realistic option for you, there are other solid options available especially if your family has mobility. I understand many do not have this capability to easily move, consider that your first priority, making movement and jurisdiction choice possible in the first place.
Abundant Access to Fresh Water
Water is life. I cannot overstate the importance of living somewhere with reliable, clean, and abundant freshwater. Some regions face water scarcity or heavy regulations on usage, so prioritizing a place where water is plentiful and your rights to it are protected is critical. Ideally you should have well access so you are not tied to municipal water supplies. In times of crisis or chaos well water cannot be easily shutoff or disrupted. If you live in an area that is drought prone, you are one drought away from societal chaos. Not enough people appreciate this simple fact.
Grow Your Own Food
A location with fertile soil, a favorable climate, and enough space for a small homestead or at the very least a garden is key. In stable times, a small homestead provides good food and important education for your family. In times of chaos your family being able to grow and raise healthy food provides a level of self sufficiency that many others will lack. Look for areas with minimal restrictions, good weather, and a culture that supports local farming.
Guns
The ability to defend your family is fundamental. A location where you can legally and easily own guns is a must. Look for places with a strong gun culture and a political history of protecting those rights. Owning one or two guns is not enough and without proper training they will be a liability rather than a benefit. Get comfortable and proficient. Never stop improving your skills. If the time comes that you must use a gun to defend your family, the skills must be instinct. Practice. Practice. Practice.
A Strong Community You Can Depend On
No one thrives alone. A ride or die community that rallies together in tough times is invaluable. Seek out a place where people know their neighbors, share similar values, and are quick to lend a hand. Lead by example and become a good neighbor, people will naturally respond in kind. Small towns are ideal, if possible, but living outside of a major city can be a solid balance in terms of work opportunities and family security.
Let me know if you found this helpful. My plan is to break down how I think about these five key subjects in future posts.
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@ eac63075:b4988b48
2025-03-03 17:18:12Abstract
This paper examines a hypothetical scenario in which the United States, under Trump’s leadership, withdraws from NATO and reduces its support for Europe, thereby enabling a Russian conquest of Ukraine and the subsequent expansion of Moscow’s influence over Eurasia, while the US consolidates its dominance over South America. Drawing on classical geopolitical theories—specifically those of Halford Mackinder, Alfred Thayer Mahan, Rudolf Kjellén, and Friedrich Ratzel—the study analyzes how these frameworks can elucidate the evolving power dynamics and territorial ambitions in a reconfigured global order. The discussion highlights Mackinder’s notion of the Eurasian Heartland and its strategic importance, Mahan’s emphasis on maritime power and control of strategic routes, Kjellén’s view of the state as an expanding organism, and Ratzel’s concept of Lebensraum as a justification for territorial expansion. The paper also explores contemporary developments, such as the US–Ukraine economic agreement and Trump’s overt territorial ambitions involving Greenland and Canada, in light of these theories. By juxtaposing traditional geopolitical concepts with current international relations, the study aims to shed light on the potential implications of such shifts for regional stability, global security, and the balance of power, particularly in relation to emerging neocolonial practices in Latin America.
Introduction
In recent years, the geopolitical dynamics involving the United States, Russia, and Ukraine have sparked analyses from different theoretical perspectives. This paper examines recent events – presupposing a scenario in which Donald Trump withdraws the US from NATO and reduces its support for Europe, allowing a Russian conquest of Ukraine and the expansion of Moscow’s influence over Eurasia, while the US consolidates its dominance over South America – in light of classical geopolitical theories. The ideas of Halford Mackinder, Alfred Thayer Mahan, Rudolf Kjellén, and Friedrich Ratzel are used as reference points. The proposal is to impartially evaluate how each theory can elucidate the developments of this hypothetical scenario, relating Russian territorial expansion in Eurasia to the strategic retreat of the US to the Western Hemisphere.
Initially, we will outline Mackinder’s conception of the Heartland (the central Eurasian territory) and the crucial role of Eastern Europe and Ukraine in the quest for global dominance. Next, we will discuss Mahan’s ideas regarding maritime power and the control of strategic routes, considering the impacts on the naval power balance among the US, Russia, and other maritime powers such as the United Kingdom and Japan. Subsequently, we will examine Kjellén’s organic theory of the state, interpreting the Russian expansionist strategy as a reflection of a state organism in search of vital space. In the same vein, Ratzel’s concept of “Lebensraum” will be explored, along with how Russia could justify territorial expansion based on resources and territory. Finally, the paper connects these theories to the current political context, analyzing the direct negotiations between Washington and Moscow (overlooking Ukraine and Europe), the US policy toward authoritarian regimes in Latin America, and the notion of a hemispheric division of power – the “Island of the Americas” under North American hegemony versus an Eurasia dominated by Russia. Lastly, it considers the possibility that such a geopolitical arrangement may foster the strengthening of authoritarian governments globally, rather than containing them, thus altering the paradigms of the liberal world order.
The Heartland of Mackinder: Ukraine, Eurasia, and Global Dominance
Halford J. Mackinder, a British geographer and pioneer of geopolitics, proposed the celebrated Heartland Theory in the early twentieth century. Mackinder divided the world into geostrategic zones and identified the Heartland—the central continental mass of Eurasia—as the “geographical pivot of history” [5]. His most famous maxim encapsulates this vision: “who rules Eastern Europe commands the Heartland; who rules the Heartland commands the World Island; who rules the World Island commands the world” [5]. Eastern Europe and, in particular, the region of present-day Ukraine, play a key role in this formula. This is because, for Mackinder, Eastern Europe functions as a gateway to the Heartland, providing access to resources and a strategic position for the projection of continental power [5].
Applying this theory to our scenario, the conquest of Ukraine and Eastern European countries by Russia would have profound geopolitical implications. From a Mackinderian point of view, such a conquest would enormously strengthen Russia’s position in the Heartland by adding manpower (population) and Ukraine’s industrial and agricultural resources to its power base [5]. In fact, Mackinder argued that controlling the Heartland conferred formidable geostrategic advantages—a vast terrestrial “natural fortress” protected from naval invasions and rich in resources such as wheat, minerals, and fuels [5]. Thus, if Moscow were to incorporate Ukraine (renowned for its fertile soil and grain production, as well as its mineral reserves) and extend its influence over Eastern Europe, Russia would consolidate the Heartland under its direct control. In this context, the absence of the USA (withdrawn from NATO and less engaged in Europe) would remove an important obstacle to Russian predominance in the region.
With central and eastern Eurasia under Russian influence, it would be possible to move toward the realization of the geopolitical nightmare described by Mackinder for Western maritime powers: a hegemonic continental power capable of projecting power to both Europe and Asia. Mackinder himself warned that if a Heartland power gained additional access to an oceanic coastline—in other words, if it combined land power with a significant maritime front—it would constitute a “danger” to global freedom [5]. In the scenario considered, besides advancing into Eastern Europe, Russia would already possess strategic maritime outlets (for example, in the Black Sea, via Crimea, and in the Baltic, via Kaliningrad or the Baltic States if influenced). Thus, the control of Ukraine would reinforce Russia’s position in the Black Sea and facilitate projection into the Eastern Mediterranean, expanding its oceanic front. From a Mackinderian perspective, this could potentially transform Russia into the dominant power of the “World Island” (the combined mass of Europe, Asia, and Africa), thereby unbalancing the global geopolitical order [5].
It is worth noting that, historically, Mackinder’s doctrine influenced containment strategies: both in the interwar period and during the Cold War, efforts were made to prevent a single power from controlling the Heartland and Eastern Europe. NATO, for example, can be seen as an instrument to prevent Soviet/Russian advances in Europe, in line with Mackinder’s imperative to “contain the Heartland.” Thus, if the USA were to abandon that role—by leaving NATO and tacitly accepting the Russian sphere of influence in Eurasia—we would be witnessing an inversion of the principles that have guided Western policy for decades. In short, under Mackinder’s theory, the Russian conquest of Ukraine and beyond would represent the key for Russia to command the Heartland and, potentially, challenge global hegemony, especially in a scenario where the USA self-restricts to the Western Hemisphere.
The Maritime Power of Mahan and the Naval Balance between West and East
While Mackinder emphasized continental land power, Alfred Thayer Mahan, a nineteenth-century American naval strategist, highlighted the crucial role of maritime power in global dominance. In his work The Influence of Sea Power upon History (1890), Mahan studied the example of the British Empire and concluded that control of the seas paved the way for British supremacy as a world power [10]. He argued that a strong navy and the control of strategic maritime routes were decisive factors for projecting military, political, and economic power. His doctrine can be summarized in the following points: (1) the United States should aspire to be a world power; (2) control of the seas is necessary to achieve that status; (3) such control is obtained through a powerful fleet of warships [17]. In other words, for Mahan, whoever dominates the maritime routes and possesses naval superiority will be in a position to influence global destinies, ensuring trade, supplies, and the rapid movement of military forces.
In the proposed scenario, in which the USA withdraws militarily from Europe and possibly from the Eurasian stage, Mahan’s ideas raise questions about the distribution of maritime power and its effects. Traditionally, the US Navy operates globally, ensuring freedom of navigation and deterring challenges in major seas (Atlantic, Pacific, Indian, etc.). A withdrawal of the USA from NATO could also signal a reduction in its naval presence in the Northeast Atlantic, the Mediterranean Sea, and other areas close to Eurasia. In such a case, who would fill this naval vacuum? Russia, although primarily a land power, has been attempting to modernize its navy and has specific interests—for example, consolidating its dominance in the Black Sea and maintaining a presence in the Mediterranean (with a naval base in Tartus, Syria). The United Kingdom, a historic European maritime power, would remain aligned with the USA but, without American military support in Europe, might potentially be overwhelmed trying to contain an increasingly assertive Russian navy in European waters on its own. Japan, another significant maritime actor allied with the USA, is concerned with the naval balance in the Pacific; without full American engagement, Tokyo might be compelled to expand its own naval power to contain both Russia in the Far East (which maintains a fleet in the Pacific) and, especially, the growing Chinese navy.
According to Mahan’s thinking, strategic maritime routes and choke points (crucial straits and channels) become contested prizes in this power game. With the USA focusing on the Americas, one could imagine Washington reinforcing control over the Panama Canal and Caribbean routes—reviving an “American Gulf” policy in the Western Atlantic and Eastern Pacific. In fact, indications of this orientation emerge in statements attributed to Trump, who once suggested reclaiming direct control over Panama, transforming Canada into a North American state, and even “annexing” Greenland due to its Arctic geopolitical importance [18]. These aspirations reflect a quest to secure advantageous maritime positions near the American continent.
Conversely, in the absence of American presence in the Eastern Atlantic and Mediterranean, Russia would have free rein for regional maritime projection. This could include anything from the unrestricted use of the Black Sea (after dominating Ukraine, thereby ensuring full access to Crimea and Ukrainian ports) to greater influence in the Eastern Mediterranean via Syria and partnerships with countries such as Iran or Egypt. The Baltic Sea would also become an area of expanded Russian interest, pressuring coastal countries and perhaps reducing NATO’s traditional local naval supremacy. However, it is worth noting that even with these regional expansions, Russia lacks a blue-water navy comparable to that of the USA; thus, its initial global maritime impact would be limited without alliances.
An important aspect of Mahan’s theories is that naval power serves as a counterbalance to the land power of the Heartland. Therefore, even if Russia were to dominate the Eurasian continental mass, the continued presence of American naval might on the oceans could prevent complete global domination by Moscow. However, if the USA voluntarily restricts its naval reach to the Americas, it would forgo influencing the power balance in the seas adjacent to Eurasia. Consequently, the balance of maritime power would tend to shift in favor of regional Eurasian actors. The United Kingdom and Japan, traditional allies of the USA, could intensify their naval capabilities to defend regional interests—the United Kingdom safeguarding the North Atlantic and the North Sea, and Japan patrolling the Northwest Pacific—but both would face budgetary and structural limitations in fully compensating for the absence of the American superpower. Consequently, Mahan’s vision suggests that the withdrawal of the USA from the extra-regional scene would weaken the liberal maritime regime, possibly opening space for revisionist powers to contest routes that were previously secured (for example, Russia and China encountering less opposition on the routes of the Arctic and the Indo-Pacific, respectively). In summary, naval hegemony would fragment, and control of strategic seas would become contested, reconfiguring the relative influence of the USA, Russia, and maritime allies such as the United Kingdom and Japan.
Kjellén and the State as a Living Organism: Russian Expansion as an Organic Necessity
Another useful theoretical lens to interpret Russian geopolitical posture is that of Rudolf Kjellén, a Swedish political scientist of the early twentieth century who conceived the State as a living organism. Kjellén, who even coined the term “geopolitics,” was influenced by Friedrich Ratzel’s ideas and by social Darwinism, arguing that States are born, grow, and decline analogously to living beings [13]. In his work Staten som livsform (The State as a Form of Life, 1916), he maintained that States possess an organic dimension in addition to the legal one and that “just as any form of life, States must expand or die” [14]. This expansion would not be motivated merely by aggressive conquest but seen as a necessary growth for the self-preservation of the state organism [14]. In complement, Kjellén echoed Ratzel’s “law of expanding spaces” by asserting that large States expand at the expense of smaller ones, with it being only a matter of time before the great realms fill the available spaces [14]. That is, from the organic perspective, vigorous States tend to incorporate smaller neighboring territories, consolidating territorially much like an organism absorbing nutrients.
Applying this theory to the strategy of contemporary Russia, we can interpret Moscow’s actions—including the invasion of Ukraine and the ambition to restore its sphere of influence in Eurasia—as the expression of an organic drive for expansion. For a strategist influenced by this school, Russia (viewed as a state organism with a long imperial history) needs to expand its territory and influence to ensure its survival and security. The loss of control over spaces that once were part of the Russian Empire or the Soviet Union (such as Ukraine itself, the Caucasus, or Central Asia) may be perceived by Russian elites as an atrophy of the state organism, rendering it vulnerable. Thus, the reincorporation of these territories—whether directly (annexation) or indirectly (political vassalage)—would equate to restoring lost members or strengthening vital organs of the state body. In fact, official Russian arguments often portray Ukraine as an intrinsic part of “Russian historicity,” denying it a fully separate identity—a narrative that aligns with the idea that Russian expansion in that region is natural and necessary for the Russian State (seen as encompassing also Russian speakers beyond its current borders).
Kjellén would thus provide a theoretical justification for Russian territorial expansion as an organic phenomenon. As a great power, Russia would inevitably seek to expand at the expense of smaller neighbors (Ukraine, Georgia, the Baltic States, etc.), as dictated by the tendency of “great spaces to organize” to the detriment of the small [14]. This view can be identified in contemporary Russian doctrines that value spheres of influence and the notion that neighboring countries must gravitate around Moscow in order for the natural order to be maintained. The very idea of “Eurasia” united under Russian leadership (advocated by modern Russian thinkers) echoes this organic conception of vital space and expansion as a sign of the State’s vitality.
However, Kjellén’s theory also warns of the phenomenon of “imperial overstretch,” should a State exceed its internal cohesion limits by expanding excessively [14]. He recognized that extending borders too far could increase friction and vulnerabilities, making it difficult to maintain cohesion—a very large organism may lack functional integration. In the Russian context, this suggests that although expansion is seen as necessary, there are risks if Russia tries to encompass more than it can govern effectively. Conquering Ukraine and subjugating Eastern Europe, for example, could economically and militarily overburden the Russian State, especially if it faced resistance or had to manage hostile populations. However, in the hypothetical scenario we adopt (isolated USA and a weakened Europe), Russia might calculate that the organic benefits of expansion (territory, resources, strategic depth) would outweigh the costs, since external interference would be limited. Thus, through Kjellén’s lens, expansionist Russia behaves as an organism following its instinct for survival and growth, absorbing weaker neighbors; yet such a process is not devoid of challenges, requiring that the “organism Russia” manages to assimilate these new spaces without collapsing under its own weight.
Ratzel and Lebensraum: Resources, Territory, and the Justification for Expansion
Parallel to Kjellén’s organic view, Friedrich Ratzel’s theory offers another conceptual basis for understanding Russian expansion: the concept of Lebensraum (vital space). Ratzel, a German geographer of the late nineteenth century, proposed that the survival and development of a people or nation depended critically on the available physical space and resources. Influenced by Darwinist ideas, he applied the notion of “survival of the fittest” to nations, arguing that human societies need to conquer territory and resources to prosper, and that the stronger and fittest civilizations will naturally prevail over the weaker ones [12]. In 1901, Ratzel coined the term Lebensraum to describe this need for “vital space” as a geographical factor in national power [15].
Subsequently, this idea would be adopted—and extremely distorted—by Nazi ideology to justify Germany’s aggressions in Europe. However, the core of Ratzel’s concept is that territorial expansion is essential for the survival and growth of a State, especially to secure food, raw materials, and space for its population [12].
When examining Russia’s stance under this perspective, we can see several narratives that evoke the logic of Lebensraum. Russia is the largest country in the world by area; however, much of its territory is characterized by adverse climates (tundra, taiga) and is relatively sparsely populated in Siberia. On the other hand, adjacent regions such as Ukraine possess highly arable lands (chernozem—black soil), significant Slavic population density, and additional natural resources (coal in the Donbass, for example). An implicit justification for Russian expansion could be the search for supplementary resources and fertile lands to secure its self-sufficiency and power—exactly as Ratzel described that vigorous nations do. Historical records show that Ratzel emphasized agrarian primacy: he believed that new territories should be colonized by farmers, providing the food base for the nation [12]. Ukraine, historically called the “breadbasket of Europe,” fits perfectly into this vision of conquest for sustenance and agricultural wealth.
Furthermore, Ratzel viewed geography as a determinant of the destiny of nations—peoples adapted to certain habitats seek to expand them if they aspire to grow. In contemporary Russian discourse, there is often mention of the need to ensure security and territorial depth in the face of NATO, or to unite brotherly peoples (Russians and Russian speakers) within a single political space. Such arguments can be read as a modern translation of Lebensraum: the idea that the Russian nation, in order to be secure and flourish, must control a larger space, encompassing buffer zones and critical resources. This Russian “vital space” would naturally include Ukraine and other former Soviet republics, given the historical and infrastructural interdependence. Ratzel emphasized that peoples migrated and expanded when their original homeland no longer met their needs or aspirations [12]. Although contemporary Russia does not suffer from demographic pressure (on the contrary, it faces population decline), under the logic of a great power there is indeed a sentiment of geopolitical insufficiency for having lost influence over areas considered strategic. Thus, reconquering these areas would mean recovering the “habitat” necessary for the Russian nation to prosper and feel secure.
It is important to mention that, in Ratzel’s and Kjellén’s formulations, the pursuit of Lebensraum or organic expansion is not morally qualified—it is treated as a natural process in the politics of power. Thus, on the discursive level, Russia can avoid overly aggressive rhetoric and resort to “natural” justifications: for example, claiming that it needs to occupy Ukraine for defensive purposes (security space) or to reunify peoples (a common cultural and historical space). Beneath these justifications, however, resonates the geopolitical imperative to acquire more territory and resources as a guarantee of national survival, something consonant with Ratzel’s theory. In fact, Russian Realpolitik frequently prioritizes the control of energy resources (gas, oil) and transportation routes. Expanding its influence over central Eurasia would also mean controlling oil pipelines, gas lines, and logistical corridors—essential elements of modern Lebensraum understood as access to vital resources and infrastructure.
In summary, by conquering Ukraine and extending its reach into Eurasia, Russia could effectively invoke the concept of Lebensraum: presenting its expansion not as mere imperialism, but as a necessity to secure indispensable lands and resources for its people and to correct the “injustice” of a vital space diminished by post-Cold War territorial losses. The theories of Ratzel and Kjellén together paint a picture in which Russian expansion emerges almost as a natural law—the great State reclaiming space to ensure its survival and development at the expense of smaller neighbors.
Trump, NATO, and the Threat of American Withdrawal
One of the most alarming changes with Trump's return to power is the tense relationship with the North Atlantic Treaty Organization (NATO). Trump has long criticized allies for not meeting military spending targets, even threatening during his first term to withdraw the US from the alliance if members did not increase their contributions [2]. This threat, initially viewed with skepticism, became concrete after his re-election, leading European allies to seriously consider the possibility of having to defend themselves without American support [1]. In fact, Trump suggested in post-election interviews that the US would only remain in NATO if the allies “paid their bills” – otherwise, he “would seriously consider” leaving [2]. Such statements reinforced the warning that the US might not honor NATO's mutual defense commitment, precisely at a time of continuous Russian threat due to the war in Ukraine [1].
From a theoretical point of view, this posture of American retrenchment evokes the classic tension between maritime power and land power. Alfred Thayer Mahan emphasized that the global power of the US derived largely from its naval superiority and from alliances that ensured control over strategic maritime routes [9]. NATO, since 1949, has served not only to deter Soviet terrestrial advances in Eurasia, but also to secure the US naval presence in the North Atlantic and the Mediterranean – a fundamental element according to Mahan. In turn, Halford Mackinder warned that the balance of global power depended on the control of the Eurasian “Heartland” (the central region of Eurasia). The withdrawal or disengagement of the US (a maritime power) from this region could open the way for a continental power (such as Russia) to expand its influence in Eastern Europe, unbalancing the power balance [3]. In other words, by threatening to leave NATO, Trump jeopardizes the principle of containment that prevented Russian dominance over Eastern Europe – something that Mackinder would see as a dangerous shift in global power in favor of the Heartland power.
Adopting an impartial tone, it is observed that European countries have reacted to this new reality with precautionary measures. Strategic reports already calculate the cost of an autonomous European defense: hundreds of thousands of additional soldiers and investments of hundreds of billions of euros would be required if the US ceased to guarantee the security of the continent [1]. European dependence on American military power is significant and, without it, there would be a need for a major reinforcement of European Armed Forces [1]. This mobilization practically reflects the anticipation of a power vacuum left by the US – a scenario in which Mackinder’s theory (on the primacy of the Heartland and the vulnerability of the “external crescent” where Western Europe is located) regains its relevance.
The US–Ukraine Economic Agreement: Strategic Minerals in Exchange for Support?
Another novelty of Trump's second term is the unprecedented and transactional manner in which Washington has been dealing with the war in Ukraine. Instead of emphasizing security guarantees and alliances, the Trump administration proposed a trade agreement with Ukraine focused on the exploitation of strategic minerals, linking American support to a direct economic benefit. According to sources close to the negotiations, the US and Ukraine are about to sign a pact to share the revenues from the exploitation of critical mineral resources on Ukrainian territory [19]. Materials such as titanium, lithium, rare earths, and uranium – vital for high-tech and defense industries – would be at the core of this agreement [6]. According to the known draft, Ukraine would allocate 50% of the profits from new mineral ventures to a fund controlled by the US, which would reinvest part of the resources in the country’s own reconstruction [6] [19].
It is noteworthy that the pact does not include explicit security guarantees for Kyiv, despite Ukraine remaining under direct military threat from Russia [19]. Essentially, the Trump administration offers financial support and economic investment in exchange for a share in Ukrainian natural resources, but without formally committing to Ukraine's defense in the event of a renewed Russian offensive [19]. American authorities argue that this economic partnership would already be sufficient to “secure Ukrainian interests,” as it would provide the US with its own incentives to desire Ukraine’s stability [19]. “What could be better for Ukraine than being in an economic partnership with the United States?” stated Mike Waltz, a US national security advisor, defending the proposal [19].
Analysts, however, assess the agreement in divided terms. For some, it represents a form of economic exploitation at a time of Ukraine's fragility – comparing the demand to share mineral wealth amid war to a scheme of “mafia protection” [19]. Steven Cook, from the Council on Foreign Relations, classified the offer as “extortion,” and political scientist Virginia P. Fortna observed that charging resources from an invaded country resembles predatory practices [19]. Joseph Nye adds that it is a short-term gain strategy that could be “disastrous in the long run” for American credibility, reflecting the transactional approach that Trump even adopted with close allies in other contexts [19]. On the other hand, some see a future advantage for Kyiv: journalist Pierre Briançon suggests that at least this agreement aligns American commercial interests with Ukraine’s future, which could, in theory, keep the US involved in Ukrainian prosperity in the long term [19]. It is even recalled that President Zelensky himself proposed last year the idea of sharing natural resources with the US to bring the interests of the two countries closer together [19].
From the perspective of geopolitical theories, this agreement illustrates a shift towards economic pragmatism in international relations, approaching concepts proposed by Kjellén. Rudolf Kjellén, who coined the term “geopolitics,” saw the State as a territorial organism that seeks to ensure its survival through self-sufficiency and the control of strategic resources [4]. Trump's demand for a share in Ukrainian resources in order to continue supporting the country reflects a logic of autarky and direct national interest – that is, foreign policy serving primarily to reinforce the economic and material position of the US. This view contrasts with the traditional cooperative approach, but aligns with Kjellén’s idea that powerful States tend to transform international relations into opportunities for their own gain, ensuring access to vital raw materials. Similarly, Friedrich Ratzel argued that States have a “propensity to expand their borders according to their capacities,” seeking vital space (Lebensraum) and resources to sustain their development [11]. The US–Ukraine pact, by conditioning military/economic aid on obtaining tangible advantages (half of the mineral profits), is reminiscent of Ratzel’s perspective: the US, as a rising economic power, expands its economic influence over Ukrainian territory like an organism extending itself to obtain the necessary resources for its well-being. It is, therefore, a form of economic expansionism at the expense of purely ideological commitments or collective security.
Peace Negotiations Excluding Ukraine and the Legitimacy of the Agreement
Another controversial point is the manner in which peace negotiations between Russia and the West have been conducted under Trump's administration. Since taking office, the American president has engaged directly with Moscow in pursuit of a ceasefire, deliberately keeping the Ukrainian government out of the initial discussions [6]. Trump expressed his desire to “leave Zelensky out of the conversation” and also excluded the European Union from any influence in the process [6]. This negotiation strategy—conducted without the presence of the primary interested party, Ukraine—raises serious questions about the legitimacy and sustainability of any resulting agreement.
Historically, peace agreements reached without the direct participation of one of the conflicting parties tend to face problems in implementation and acceptance.
The exclusion of Ukraine in the decision-making phase brings to light the issue of guarantees. As noted, the emerging agreement lacks formal US security guarantees for Ukraine. This implies that, after the agreement is signed, nothing will prevent Russia from launching a new offensive if it deems it convenient, knowing that the US has not committed to defending it militarily. Experts have already warned that a ceasefire without robust protection may only be a pause for Russian rearmament, rendering the conflict “frozen” temporarily and potentially resumed in the near future. The European strategic community has expressed similar concern: without American deterrence, the risk of further Russian aggressions in the region increases considerably [1]. Denmark, for example, has released intelligence reports warning of possible imminent Russian attacks, prompting neighboring countries to accelerate plans for independent defense [1].
The legitimacy of this asymmetric peace agreement (negotiated without Ukraine fully at the table and under economic coercion) is also questionable from a legal and moral point of view. It violates the principle of self-determination by imposing terms decided by great powers on a sovereign country—a practice reminiscent of dark chapters in diplomacy, such as the Munich Agreement of 1938, when powers determined the fate of Czechoslovakia without its consent. In the current case, Ukraine would end up signing the agreement, but from a position of weakness, raising doubts about how durable such a commitment would be.
From Mackinder’s perspective, Ukraine’s removal from the battlefield without guarantees essentially means admitting a greater influence of Russia (the Heartland power) over Eastern Europe. This would alter the balance in Eurasia in a potentially lasting way. Furthermore, the fact that great powers negotiate over the heads of a smaller country evokes the imperial logic of the nineteenth and early twentieth centuries, when empires decided among themselves the divisions of foreign territories—a behavior that Mackinder saw as likely in a world of a “closed system.” With the entire world already occupied by States, Mackinder predicted that powers would begin to compete for influence within this consolidated board, often subjugating smaller states to gain advantage [3]. The US–Russia negotiation regarding Ukraine, without proper Ukrainian representation, exemplifies this type of neo-imperial dynamic in the twenty-first century.
Also noteworthy is the consonance with the ideas of Ratzel and Kjellén: both viewed smaller states as easily relegated to the status of satellites or even “parasitic organisms” in the orbit of larger states. Kjellén spoke of the intrinsic vulnerability of states with little territorial depth or economic dependence, making them susceptible to external pressures [4][20]. Ukraine, weakened by war and dependent on external aid, becomes a concrete example of this theorized vulnerability: it has had to cede strategic resources and accept terms dictated against its will in an attempt to secure its immediate survival. The resulting agreement, therefore, reflects a power imbalance characteristic of the hierarchical international relations described by classical geopolitical theorists.
Implicit Territorial Concessions and Trump’s Public Discourse
A central and controversial point in Trump’s statements regarding the war in Ukraine is the insinuation of territorial concessions to Russia as part of the conflict’s resolution. Publicly, Trump avoided explicitly condemning Russian aggression and even stated that he considered it “unlikely” that Ukraine would be able to retake all the areas occupied by the Russians [16]. In debates and interviews, he suggested that “if I were president, the war would end in 24 hours,” implying that he would force an understanding between Kyiv and Moscow that would likely involve ceding some territory in exchange for peace. This position marks a break with the previous US policy of not recognizing any territorial acquisitions made by force and fuels speculations that a future peace agreement sponsored by Trump would legitimize at least part of Russia’s gains since 2014 (Crimea, Donbass, and areas seized during the 2022 invasion).
The actions of his administration corroborate this interpretation. As discussed, the economic agreement focuses on the exploitation of Ukrainian natural resources, many of which are located precisely in regions currently under Russian military control, such as parts of the Zaporizhzhia Oblast, Donetsk, Lugansk, and the Azov Sea area [6]. A Ukrainian geologist, Hanna Liventseva, highlighted that “most of these elements (strategic minerals) are found in the south of the Ukrainian Shield, mainly in the Azov region, and most of these territories are currently invaded by Russia” [6]. This means that, to make joint exploitation viable, Russia’s de facto control over these areas would have to be recognized—or at least tolerated—in the short term. In other words, the pact indirectly and tacitly accepts Russian territorial gains, as it involves sharing the profits from resources that are not currently accessible to the Kyiv government.
Furthermore, figures close to Trump have made explicit statements regarding the possibility of territorial cession. Mike Waltz, Trump’s national security advisor, publicly stated that Zelensky might need to “cede land to Russia” to end the war [8]. This remark—made public in March 2025—confirms that the Trump White House considers it natural for Ukraine to relinquish parts of its territory in favor of an agreement. Such a stance marks a break from the previous Western consensus, which condemned any territorial gains by force. Under Trump, a pragmatic view (in the eyes of his supporters) or a cynical one (according to his critics) seems to prevail: sacrificing principles of territorial integrity to quickly end hostilities and secure immediate economic benefits.
In theoretical terms, this inclination to validate territorial gains by force recalls the concept of Realpolitik and the geopolitical Darwinism that influenced thinkers such as Ratzel. In Ratzel’s organic conception, expanding states naturally absorb neighboring territories when they are strong enough to do so, while declining states lose territory—a process almost biological in the selection of the fittest [11]. The Trump administration’s acceptance that Ukraine should “give something” to Moscow to seal peace reflects a normalization of this geopolitical selection process: it recognizes the aggressor (Russia) as having the “right” to retain conquered lands, because that is how power realities on the ground dictate. Mackinder, although firmly opposed to allowing Russia to dominate the Heartland, would see this outcome as the logical consequence of the lack of engagement from maritime powers (the USA and the United Kingdom, for example) in sustaining the Ukrainian counterattack. Without the active involvement of maritime power to balance the dispute, land power prevails in Eastern Europe.
From the perspective of international legitimacy, the cession of Ukrainian territories—whether de jure or de facto—creates a dangerous precedent in the post-Cold War era. Rewarding violent aggression with territorial gains may encourage similar strategies in other parts of the world, undermining the architecture of collective security. This is possibly a return to a world of spheres of influence, where great powers define borders and zones of control according to their convenience—something that the rules-based order after 1945 sought to avoid. Here, academic impartiality requires noting that coercion for territorial concessions rarely produces lasting peace, as the aggrieved party—in this case, Ukraine—may accept temporarily but will continue to assert its rights in the long term, as has occurred with other territorial injustices in history.
Territorial Ambitions of Trump: Greenland and Canada
Beyond the Eurasian theater of war, Trump revived geopolitical ambitions involving territories traditionally allied with the US: Greenland (an autonomous territory of Denmark) and Canada. As early as 2019, during his first term, Trump shocked the world by proposing to buy Greenland—rich in minerals and strategically positioned in the Arctic. Upon his return to power, he went further: expressing a “renewed interest” in acquiring Greenland and publicly suggesting the incorporation of Canada as the 51st American state [2].
In January 2025, during a press conference at Mar-a-Lago, he even displayed maps in which the US and Canada appeared merged into a single country, while Greenland was marked as a future American possession [2]. Posts by the president on social media included satirical images with a map of North America where Canada was labeled “51st” and Greenland designated as “Our Land” [2].
Such moves were met with concern and disbelief by allies. Canadian Prime Minister Justin Trudeau was caught on an open microphone warning that Trump’s fixation on annexation “is real” and not just a joke [7]. Trudeau emphasized that Washington appeared to covet Canada’s vast mineral resources, which would explain the insistence on the idea of absorption [7]. In public, Trump argued that Canadians “would be more prosperous as American citizens,” promising tax cuts and better services should they become part of the US [7]. On the Danish side, the reaction to the revived plan regarding Greenland was firmly negative—as it was in 2019—reaffirming that the territory is not for sale. Trump, however, insinuated that the issue might be one of national security, indicating that American possession of Greenland would prevent adverse influences (a reference to China and Russia in the Arctic) [2]. More worryingly, he refused to rule out the use of military means to obtain the island, although he assured that he had no intention of invading Canada by force (in the Canadian case, he spoke of “economic force” to forge a union) [2].
This series of initiatives reflects an unprecedented expansionist impetus by the US in recent times, at least in discourse. Analyzing this through the lens of classical geopolitics offers interesting insights. Friedrich Ratzel and his notion of Lebensraum suggest that powerful states, upon reaching a certain predominance, seek to expand their territory by influencing or incorporating adjacent areas. Trump, by targeting the immediate neighbor (Canada) and a nearby strategic territory (Greenland), appears to resurrect this logic of territorial expansion for the sake of gaining space and resources. Ratzel saw such expansion almost as a natural process for vigorous states, comparable to the growth of an organism [11]. From this perspective, the US would be exercising its “right” of expansion in North America and the polar region, integrating areas of vital interest.
Additionally, Alfred Mahan’s view on maritime power helps to understand the strategic value of Greenland. Mahan postulated that control of key maritime chokepoints and naval bases ensures global advantage [9]. Greenland, situated between the North Atlantic and the Arctic, has become increasingly relevant as climate change opens new polar maritime routes and reveals vast mineral deposits (including rare earth elements and oil). For the US, having a presence or sovereignty over Greenland would mean dominating the gateway to the Arctic and denying this space to rivals. This aligns with Mahan’s strategy of securing commercial and military routes (in this case, potential Arctic routes) and resources to consolidate naval supremacy. On the other hand, the incorporation of Canada—with its enormous territory, Arctic coastline, and abundant natural resources—would provide the US with formidable geoeconomic and geopolitical reinforcement, practically eliminating vulnerabilities along its northern border. This is an ambitious project that also echoes ideas of Kjellén, for whom an ideal State should seek territorial completeness and economic self-sufficiency within its region. Incorporating Canada would be the pinnacle of American regional autarky, turning North America into a unified bloc under Washington (a scenario reminiscent of the “pan-regions” conceived by twentieth-century geopoliticians influenced by Kjellén).
It is important to note, however, that these ambitions face enormous legal and political obstacles. The sovereignty of Canada and Greenland (Denmark) is guaranteed by international law, and both peoples categorically reject the idea of annexation. Any hostile action by the US against these countries would shake alliances and the world order itself. Even so, the very fact that an American president suggests such possibilities already produces geopolitical effects: traditional partners begin to distrust Washington’s intentions, seek alternative alliances, and strengthen nationalist discourses of resistance. In summary, Trump’s expansionist intentions in Greenland and Canada rekindle old territorial issues and paradoxically place the US in the position of a revisionist power—a role once associated with empires in search of colonies.
Implications for Brazil and South America: A New Neocolonization?
In light of this geopolitical reconfiguration driven by Trump's USA—with a reordering of alliances and a possible partition of spheres of influence among great powers—the question arises: what is the impact on Brazil and the other countries of South America? Traditionally, Latin America has been under the aegis of the Monroe Doctrine (1823), which established non-interference by Europe in the region and, implicitly, the primacy of the USA in the Western Hemisphere. In the post–Cold War period, this influence translated more into political and economic leadership, without formal annexations or direct territorial domination. However, the current context points to a kind of “neocolonization” of the Global South, in which larger powers seek to control resources and peripheral governments in an indirect yet effective manner.
Mackinder’s theories can be used to illuminate this dynamic. As mentioned, Mackinder envisioned the twentieth-century world as a closed system, in which there were no longer any unknown lands to be colonized—hence, the powers would fight among themselves for control over already occupied regions [3]. He predicted that Africa and Latin America (then largely European colonies or semi-colonies) would continue as boards upon which the great powers would project their disputes, a form of neocolonialism. In the current scenario, we see the USA proposing exchanges of protection for resources (as in Ukraine) and even leaders of developing countries seeking similar agreements. A notable example: the President of the Democratic Republic of the Congo, Felix Tshisekedi, praised the USA–Ukraine initiative and suggested an analogous agreement involving Congolese mineral wealth in exchange for US support against internal rebels (M23) [19]. In other words, African countries and possibly South American ones may enter into this logic of offering privileged access to resources (cobalt, lithium, food, biodiversity) in order to obtain security guarantees or investments. This represents a regression to the times when external powers dictated the directions of the South in exchange for promises of protection, characterizing a strategic neocolonialism.
For Brazil, in particular, this rearrangement generates both opportunities and risks. As a regional power with considerable diplomatic autonomy, Brazil has historically sought to balance relationships with the USA, Europe, China, and other actors, avoiding automatic alignments. However, in a world where Trump’s USA is actively redefining spheres of influence—possibly making deals with Russia that divide priorities (for example, Washington focusing on the Western Hemisphere and Moscow on the Eastern)—South America could once again be seen as an exclusive American sphere of influence. From this perspective, Washington could pressure South American countries to align with its directives, limiting partnerships with rivals (such as China) and seeking privileged access to strategic resources (such as the Amazon, fresh water, minerals, and agricultural commodities). Some indications are already emerging: Trump’s transactional approach mentioned by Nye included pressures on Canada and Mexico regarding border and trade issues, under the threat of commercial sanctions. It would not be unthinkable to adopt a hard line, for example, with regard to Brazilian environmental policies (linked to the Amazon) or Brazil’s relations with China, using tariffs or incentives as leverage—a sort of geopolitics of economic coercion.
On the other hand, Brazil and its neighbors could also attempt to take advantage of the Sino–North American competition. If the USA is distracted consolidating its hemispheric “hard power” hegemony (even with annexation fantasies in the north), powers such as China may advance their economic presence in South America through investments and trade (Belt and Road, infrastructure financing)—which is already happening. This would constitute an indirect neocolonial dispute in the South: Chinese loans and investments versus American demands and agreements, partly reminiscent of the nineteenth-century imperial competition (when the United Kingdom, USA, and others competed for Latin American markets and resources).
From a conceptual standpoint, Mackinder might classify South America as part of the “Outer Crescent” (external insular crescent)—peripheral to the great Eurasian “World-Island,” yet still crucial as a source of resources and a strategic position in the South Atlantic and Pacific. If the USA consolidates an informal empire in the Americas, it would be reinforcing its “insular bastion” far from the Eurasian Heartland, a strategy that Mackinder once suggested for maritime powers: to control islands and peripheral continents to compensate for the disadvantage of not controlling the Heartland. However, an excessive US dominance in the South could lead to local resistance and alternative alignments, unbalancing the region.
Kjellén would add that for Brazil to maintain its decisive sovereignty, it will need to strengthen its autarky and internal cohesion—in other words, reduce vulnerabilities (economic, military, social) that external powers might exploit [4]. Meanwhile, Mahan might point out the importance for Brazil of controlling its maritime routes and coastlines (South Atlantic) to avoid being at the mercy of a naval power like the USA. And Ratzel would remind us that states that do not expand their influence tend to be absorbed by foreign influences—which, in the context of Brazil, does not mean conquering neighboring territories, but rather actively leading South American integration to create a block more resilient to external intrusion.
In summary, South America finds itself in a more competitive and segmented world, where major players are resurrecting practices from past eras. The notion of “neocolonization” here does not imply direct occupation, but rather mechanisms of dependency: whether through unequal economic agreements or through diplomatic or military pressure for alignment. Brazil, as the largest economy and territory on the subcontinent, will have to navigate with heightened caution. A new global power balance, marked by the division of spheres of influence among the USA, China, and Russia, may reduce the sovereign maneuvering space of South American countries unless they act jointly. Thus, theoretical reflection suggests the need for South–South strategies, reinforcement of regional organizations, and diversification of partnerships to avoid falling into modern “neocolonial traps.”
Conclusion
The emerging post–re-election geopolitical conjuncture of Donald Trump signals a return to classical geopolitical principles, after several decades of predominance of institutional liberal views. We witness the revaluation of concepts such as spheres of influence, exchanges of protection for resources, naval power versus land power, and disputes over territory and raw materials—all central themes in the writings of Mackinder, Mahan, Kjellén, and Ratzel at the end of the nineteenth and the beginning of the twentieth century. An impartial analysis of these events, in light of these theories, shows internal coherence in Trump’s actions: although controversial, they follow a logic of maximizing national interest and the relative power of the USA on the world stage, even at the expense of established principles and alliances.
Halford Mackinder reminds us that, in a closed world with no new lands to conquer, the great powers will seek to redistribute the world among themselves [3]. This seems to manifest in the direct understandings between the USA and Russia over the fate of Ukraine, and in American ambitions in the Arctic and the Western Hemisphere. Alfred Mahan emphasizes that the control of the seas and strategic positions ensures supremacy—we see reflections of this in Trump’s obsession with Greenland (Arctic) and the possible neglect of the importance of maintaining NATO (and therefore the North Atlantic) as a cohesive bloc, something that Mahan’s theory would criticize due to the risk of a naval vacuum. Rudolf Kjellén and Friedrich Ratzel provide the framework to understand the more aggressive facet of expansionist nationalism: the idea of the State as an organism that needs to grow, secure resources, and seek self-sufficiency explains everything from the extortionate agreement imposed on Ukraine to the annexation rhetoric regarding Canada.
The potential consequences are profound. In the short term, we may witness a precarious ceasefire in the Ukraine war, with consolidated Russian territorial gains and Ukraine economically tied to the USA, but without formal military protection—a fragile “armed peace.” Western Europe, alarmed, may accelerate its independent militarization, perhaps marking the beginning of European defense autonomy, as is already openly debated [1]. At the far end of the globe, American activism in the Arctic and the Americas may reshape alliances: countries like Canada, once aligned with Washington, might seek to guarantee their sovereignty by distancing themselves from it; powers like China could take advantage of the openings to increase their presence in Latin America and Africa through economic diplomacy; and emerging countries of the Global South may have to choose between submitting to new “guardianships” or strengthening South–South cooperation.
Ultimately, the current situation reinforces the relevance of studying geopolitics through historical lenses. The actions of the Trump administration indicate that, despite all technological and normative advances, the competition for geographic power has not disappeared—it has merely assumed new formats. Academic impartiality obliges us not to prematurely judge whether these strategies will be successful or beneficial, but history and theory warn that neo-imperial movements tend to generate counter-reactions. As Mackinder insinuated, “every shock or change anywhere reverberates around the world,” and a sudden move by a superpower tends to provoke unforeseen adjustments and chain conflicts. It remains to be seen how the other actors—including Brazil and its neighbors—will adapt to this new chapter in the great struggle for global power, in which centuries-old theories once again have a surprising explanatory power over present events.
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2025-03-03 17:10:03Abstract
This paper examines a hypothetical scenario in which the United States, under Trump’s leadership, withdraws from NATO and reduces its support for Europe, thereby enabling a Russian conquest of Ukraine and the subsequent expansion of Moscow’s influence over Eurasia, while the US consolidates its dominance over South America. Drawing on classical geopolitical theories—specifically those of Halford Mackinder, Alfred Thayer Mahan, Rudolf Kjellén, and Friedrich Ratzel—the study analyzes how these frameworks can elucidate the evolving power dynamics and territorial ambitions in a reconfigured global order. The discussion highlights Mackinder’s notion of the Eurasian Heartland and its strategic importance, Mahan’s emphasis on maritime power and control of strategic routes, Kjellén’s view of the state as an expanding organism, and Ratzel’s concept of Lebensraum as a justification for territorial expansion. The paper also explores contemporary developments, such as the US–Ukraine economic agreement and Trump’s overt territorial ambitions involving Greenland and Canada, in light of these theories. By juxtaposing traditional geopolitical concepts with current international relations, the study aims to shed light on the potential implications of such shifts for regional stability, global security, and the balance of power, particularly in relation to emerging neocolonial practices in Latin America.
Introduction
In recent years, the geopolitical dynamics involving the United States, Russia, and Ukraine have sparked analyses from different theoretical perspectives. This paper examines recent events – presupposing a scenario in which Donald Trump withdraws the US from NATO and reduces its support for Europe, allowing a Russian conquest of Ukraine and the expansion of Moscow’s influence over Eurasia, while the US consolidates its dominance over South America – in light of classical geopolitical theories. The ideas of Halford Mackinder, Alfred Thayer Mahan, Rudolf Kjellén, and Friedrich Ratzel are used as reference points. The proposal is to impartially evaluate how each theory can elucidate the developments of this hypothetical scenario, relating Russian territorial expansion in Eurasia to the strategic retreat of the US to the Western Hemisphere.
Initially, we will outline Mackinder’s conception of the Heartland (the central Eurasian territory) and the crucial role of Eastern Europe and Ukraine in the quest for global dominance. Next, we will discuss Mahan’s ideas regarding maritime power and the control of strategic routes, considering the impacts on the naval power balance among the US, Russia, and other maritime powers such as the United Kingdom and Japan. Subsequently, we will examine Kjellén’s organic theory of the state, interpreting the Russian expansionist strategy as a reflection of a state organism in search of vital space. In the same vein, Ratzel’s concept of “Lebensraum” will be explored, along with how Russia could justify territorial expansion based on resources and territory. Finally, the paper connects these theories to the current political context, analyzing the direct negotiations between Washington and Moscow (overlooking Ukraine and Europe), the US policy toward authoritarian regimes in Latin America, and the notion of a hemispheric division of power – the “Island of the Americas” under North American hegemony versus an Eurasia dominated by Russia. Lastly, it considers the possibility that such a geopolitical arrangement may foster the strengthening of authoritarian governments globally, rather than containing them, thus altering the paradigms of the liberal world order.
The Heartland of Mackinder: Ukraine, Eurasia, and Global Dominance
Halford J. Mackinder, a British geographer and pioneer of geopolitics, proposed the celebrated Heartland Theory in the early twentieth century. Mackinder divided the world into geostrategic zones and identified the Heartland—the central continental mass of Eurasia—as the “geographical pivot of history” [5]. His most famous maxim encapsulates this vision: “who rules Eastern Europe commands the Heartland; who rules the Heartland commands the World Island; who rules the World Island commands the world” [5]. Eastern Europe and, in particular, the region of present-day Ukraine, play a key role in this formula. This is because, for Mackinder, Eastern Europe functions as a gateway to the Heartland, providing access to resources and a strategic position for the projection of continental power [5].
Applying this theory to our scenario, the conquest of Ukraine and Eastern European countries by Russia would have profound geopolitical implications. From a Mackinderian point of view, such a conquest would enormously strengthen Russia’s position in the Heartland by adding manpower (population) and Ukraine’s industrial and agricultural resources to its power base [5]. In fact, Mackinder argued that controlling the Heartland conferred formidable geostrategic advantages—a vast terrestrial “natural fortress” protected from naval invasions and rich in resources such as wheat, minerals, and fuels [5]. Thus, if Moscow were to incorporate Ukraine (renowned for its fertile soil and grain production, as well as its mineral reserves) and extend its influence over Eastern Europe, Russia would consolidate the Heartland under its direct control. In this context, the absence of the USA (withdrawn from NATO and less engaged in Europe) would remove an important obstacle to Russian predominance in the region.
With central and eastern Eurasia under Russian influence, it would be possible to move toward the realization of the geopolitical nightmare described by Mackinder for Western maritime powers: a hegemonic continental power capable of projecting power to both Europe and Asia. Mackinder himself warned that if a Heartland power gained additional access to an oceanic coastline—in other words, if it combined land power with a significant maritime front—it would constitute a “danger” to global freedom [5]. In the scenario considered, besides advancing into Eastern Europe, Russia would already possess strategic maritime outlets (for example, in the Black Sea, via Crimea, and in the Baltic, via Kaliningrad or the Baltic States if influenced). Thus, the control of Ukraine would reinforce Russia’s position in the Black Sea and facilitate projection into the Eastern Mediterranean, expanding its oceanic front. From a Mackinderian perspective, this could potentially transform Russia into the dominant power of the “World Island” (the combined mass of Europe, Asia, and Africa), thereby unbalancing the global geopolitical order [5].
It is worth noting that, historically, Mackinder’s doctrine influenced containment strategies: both in the interwar period and during the Cold War, efforts were made to prevent a single power from controlling the Heartland and Eastern Europe. NATO, for example, can be seen as an instrument to prevent Soviet/Russian advances in Europe, in line with Mackinder’s imperative to “contain the Heartland.” Thus, if the USA were to abandon that role—by leaving NATO and tacitly accepting the Russian sphere of influence in Eurasia—we would be witnessing an inversion of the principles that have guided Western policy for decades. In short, under Mackinder’s theory, the Russian conquest of Ukraine and beyond would represent the key for Russia to command the Heartland and, potentially, challenge global hegemony, especially in a scenario where the USA self-restricts to the Western Hemisphere.
The Maritime Power of Mahan and the Naval Balance between West and East
While Mackinder emphasized continental land power, Alfred Thayer Mahan, a nineteenth-century American naval strategist, highlighted the crucial role of maritime power in global dominance. In his work The Influence of Sea Power upon History (1890), Mahan studied the example of the British Empire and concluded that control of the seas paved the way for British supremacy as a world power [10]. He argued that a strong navy and the control of strategic maritime routes were decisive factors for projecting military, political, and economic power. His doctrine can be summarized in the following points: (1) the United States should aspire to be a world power; (2) control of the seas is necessary to achieve that status; (3) such control is obtained through a powerful fleet of warships [17]. In other words, for Mahan, whoever dominates the maritime routes and possesses naval superiority will be in a position to influence global destinies, ensuring trade, supplies, and the rapid movement of military forces.
In the proposed scenario, in which the USA withdraws militarily from Europe and possibly from the Eurasian stage, Mahan’s ideas raise questions about the distribution of maritime power and its effects. Traditionally, the US Navy operates globally, ensuring freedom of navigation and deterring challenges in major seas (Atlantic, Pacific, Indian, etc.). A withdrawal of the USA from NATO could also signal a reduction in its naval presence in the Northeast Atlantic, the Mediterranean Sea, and other areas close to Eurasia. In such a case, who would fill this naval vacuum? Russia, although primarily a land power, has been attempting to modernize its navy and has specific interests—for example, consolidating its dominance in the Black Sea and maintaining a presence in the Mediterranean (with a naval base in Tartus, Syria). The United Kingdom, a historic European maritime power, would remain aligned with the USA but, without American military support in Europe, might potentially be overwhelmed trying to contain an increasingly assertive Russian navy in European waters on its own. Japan, another significant maritime actor allied with the USA, is concerned with the naval balance in the Pacific; without full American engagement, Tokyo might be compelled to expand its own naval power to contain both Russia in the Far East (which maintains a fleet in the Pacific) and, especially, the growing Chinese navy.
According to Mahan’s thinking, strategic maritime routes and choke points (crucial straits and channels) become contested prizes in this power game. With the USA focusing on the Americas, one could imagine Washington reinforcing control over the Panama Canal and Caribbean routes—reviving an “American Gulf” policy in the Western Atlantic and Eastern Pacific. In fact, indications of this orientation emerge in statements attributed to Trump, who once suggested reclaiming direct control over Panama, transforming Canada into a North American state, and even “annexing” Greenland due to its Arctic geopolitical importance [18]. These aspirations reflect a quest to secure advantageous maritime positions near the American continent.
Conversely, in the absence of American presence in the Eastern Atlantic and Mediterranean, Russia would have free rein for regional maritime projection. This could include anything from the unrestricted use of the Black Sea (after dominating Ukraine, thereby ensuring full access to Crimea and Ukrainian ports) to greater influence in the Eastern Mediterranean via Syria and partnerships with countries such as Iran or Egypt. The Baltic Sea would also become an area of expanded Russian interest, pressuring coastal countries and perhaps reducing NATO’s traditional local naval supremacy. However, it is worth noting that even with these regional expansions, Russia lacks a blue-water navy comparable to that of the USA; thus, its initial global maritime impact would be limited without alliances.
An important aspect of Mahan’s theories is that naval power serves as a counterbalance to the land power of the Heartland. Therefore, even if Russia were to dominate the Eurasian continental mass, the continued presence of American naval might on the oceans could prevent complete global domination by Moscow. However, if the USA voluntarily restricts its naval reach to the Americas, it would forgo influencing the power balance in the seas adjacent to Eurasia. Consequently, the balance of maritime power would tend to shift in favor of regional Eurasian actors. The United Kingdom and Japan, traditional allies of the USA, could intensify their naval capabilities to defend regional interests—the United Kingdom safeguarding the North Atlantic and the North Sea, and Japan patrolling the Northwest Pacific—but both would face budgetary and structural limitations in fully compensating for the absence of the American superpower. Consequently, Mahan’s vision suggests that the withdrawal of the USA from the extra-regional scene would weaken the liberal maritime regime, possibly opening space for revisionist powers to contest routes that were previously secured (for example, Russia and China encountering less opposition on the routes of the Arctic and the Indo-Pacific, respectively). In summary, naval hegemony would fragment, and control of strategic seas would become contested, reconfiguring the relative influence of the USA, Russia, and maritime allies such as the United Kingdom and Japan.
Kjellén and the State as a Living Organism: Russian Expansion as an Organic Necessity
Another useful theoretical lens to interpret Russian geopolitical posture is that of Rudolf Kjellén, a Swedish political scientist of the early twentieth century who conceived the State as a living organism. Kjellén, who even coined the term “geopolitics,” was influenced by Friedrich Ratzel’s ideas and by social Darwinism, arguing that States are born, grow, and decline analogously to living beings [13]. In his work Staten som livsform (The State as a Form of Life, 1916), he maintained that States possess an organic dimension in addition to the legal one and that “just as any form of life, States must expand or die” [14]. This expansion would not be motivated merely by aggressive conquest but seen as a necessary growth for the self-preservation of the state organism [14]. In complement, Kjellén echoed Ratzel’s “law of expanding spaces” by asserting that large States expand at the expense of smaller ones, with it being only a matter of time before the great realms fill the available spaces [14]. That is, from the organic perspective, vigorous States tend to incorporate smaller neighboring territories, consolidating territorially much like an organism absorbing nutrients.
Applying this theory to the strategy of contemporary Russia, we can interpret Moscow’s actions—including the invasion of Ukraine and the ambition to restore its sphere of influence in Eurasia—as the expression of an organic drive for expansion. For a strategist influenced by this school, Russia (viewed as a state organism with a long imperial history) needs to expand its territory and influence to ensure its survival and security. The loss of control over spaces that once were part of the Russian Empire or the Soviet Union (such as Ukraine itself, the Caucasus, or Central Asia) may be perceived by Russian elites as an atrophy of the state organism, rendering it vulnerable. Thus, the reincorporation of these territories—whether directly (annexation) or indirectly (political vassalage)—would equate to restoring lost members or strengthening vital organs of the state body. In fact, official Russian arguments often portray Ukraine as an intrinsic part of “Russian historicity,” denying it a fully separate identity—a narrative that aligns with the idea that Russian expansion in that region is natural and necessary for the Russian State (seen as encompassing also Russian speakers beyond its current borders).
Kjellén would thus provide a theoretical justification for Russian territorial expansion as an organic phenomenon. As a great power, Russia would inevitably seek to expand at the expense of smaller neighbors (Ukraine, Georgia, the Baltic States, etc.), as dictated by the tendency of “great spaces to organize” to the detriment of the small [14]. This view can be identified in contemporary Russian doctrines that value spheres of influence and the notion that neighboring countries must gravitate around Moscow in order for the natural order to be maintained. The very idea of “Eurasia” united under Russian leadership (advocated by modern Russian thinkers) echoes this organic conception of vital space and expansion as a sign of the State’s vitality.
However, Kjellén’s theory also warns of the phenomenon of “imperial overstretch,” should a State exceed its internal cohesion limits by expanding excessively [14]. He recognized that extending borders too far could increase friction and vulnerabilities, making it difficult to maintain cohesion—a very large organism may lack functional integration. In the Russian context, this suggests that although expansion is seen as necessary, there are risks if Russia tries to encompass more than it can govern effectively. Conquering Ukraine and subjugating Eastern Europe, for example, could economically and militarily overburden the Russian State, especially if it faced resistance or had to manage hostile populations. However, in the hypothetical scenario we adopt (isolated USA and a weakened Europe), Russia might calculate that the organic benefits of expansion (territory, resources, strategic depth) would outweigh the costs, since external interference would be limited. Thus, through Kjellén’s lens, expansionist Russia behaves as an organism following its instinct for survival and growth, absorbing weaker neighbors; yet such a process is not devoid of challenges, requiring that the “organism Russia” manages to assimilate these new spaces without collapsing under its own weight.
Ratzel and Lebensraum: Resources, Territory, and the Justification for Expansion
Parallel to Kjellén’s organic view, Friedrich Ratzel’s theory offers another conceptual basis for understanding Russian expansion: the concept of Lebensraum (vital space). Ratzel, a German geographer of the late nineteenth century, proposed that the survival and development of a people or nation depended critically on the available physical space and resources. Influenced by Darwinist ideas, he applied the notion of “survival of the fittest” to nations, arguing that human societies need to conquer territory and resources to prosper, and that the stronger and fittest civilizations will naturally prevail over the weaker ones [12]. In 1901, Ratzel coined the term Lebensraum to describe this need for “vital space” as a geographical factor in national power [15].
Subsequently, this idea would be adopted—and extremely distorted—by Nazi ideology to justify Germany’s aggressions in Europe. However, the core of Ratzel’s concept is that territorial expansion is essential for the survival and growth of a State, especially to secure food, raw materials, and space for its population [12].
When examining Russia’s stance under this perspective, we can see several narratives that evoke the logic of Lebensraum. Russia is the largest country in the world by area; however, much of its territory is characterized by adverse climates (tundra, taiga) and is relatively sparsely populated in Siberia. On the other hand, adjacent regions such as Ukraine possess highly arable lands (chernozem—black soil), significant Slavic population density, and additional natural resources (coal in the Donbass, for example). An implicit justification for Russian expansion could be the search for supplementary resources and fertile lands to secure its self-sufficiency and power—exactly as Ratzel described that vigorous nations do. Historical records show that Ratzel emphasized agrarian primacy: he believed that new territories should be colonized by farmers, providing the food base for the nation [12]. Ukraine, historically called the “breadbasket of Europe,” fits perfectly into this vision of conquest for sustenance and agricultural wealth.
Furthermore, Ratzel viewed geography as a determinant of the destiny of nations—peoples adapted to certain habitats seek to expand them if they aspire to grow. In contemporary Russian discourse, there is often mention of the need to ensure security and territorial depth in the face of NATO, or to unite brotherly peoples (Russians and Russian speakers) within a single political space. Such arguments can be read as a modern translation of Lebensraum: the idea that the Russian nation, in order to be secure and flourish, must control a larger space, encompassing buffer zones and critical resources. This Russian “vital space” would naturally include Ukraine and other former Soviet republics, given the historical and infrastructural interdependence. Ratzel emphasized that peoples migrated and expanded when their original homeland no longer met their needs or aspirations [12]. Although contemporary Russia does not suffer from demographic pressure (on the contrary, it faces population decline), under the logic of a great power there is indeed a sentiment of geopolitical insufficiency for having lost influence over areas considered strategic. Thus, reconquering these areas would mean recovering the “habitat” necessary for the Russian nation to prosper and feel secure.
It is important to mention that, in Ratzel’s and Kjellén’s formulations, the pursuit of Lebensraum or organic expansion is not morally qualified—it is treated as a natural process in the politics of power. Thus, on the discursive level, Russia can avoid overly aggressive rhetoric and resort to “natural” justifications: for example, claiming that it needs to occupy Ukraine for defensive purposes (security space) or to reunify peoples (a common cultural and historical space). Beneath these justifications, however, resonates the geopolitical imperative to acquire more territory and resources as a guarantee of national survival, something consonant with Ratzel’s theory. In fact, Russian Realpolitik frequently prioritizes the control of energy resources (gas, oil) and transportation routes. Expanding its influence over central Eurasia would also mean controlling oil pipelines, gas lines, and logistical corridors—essential elements of modern Lebensraum understood as access to vital resources and infrastructure.
In summary, by conquering Ukraine and extending its reach into Eurasia, Russia could effectively invoke the concept of Lebensraum: presenting its expansion not as mere imperialism, but as a necessity to secure indispensable lands and resources for its people and to correct the “injustice” of a vital space diminished by post-Cold War territorial losses. The theories of Ratzel and Kjellén together paint a picture in which Russian expansion emerges almost as a natural law—the great State reclaiming space to ensure its survival and development at the expense of smaller neighbors.
Trump, NATO, and the Threat of American Withdrawal
One of the most alarming changes with Trump's return to power is the tense relationship with the North Atlantic Treaty Organization (NATO). Trump has long criticized allies for not meeting military spending targets, even threatening during his first term to withdraw the US from the alliance if members did not increase their contributions [2]. This threat, initially viewed with skepticism, became concrete after his re-election, leading European allies to seriously consider the possibility of having to defend themselves without American support [1]. In fact, Trump suggested in post-election interviews that the US would only remain in NATO if the allies “paid their bills” – otherwise, he “would seriously consider” leaving [2]. Such statements reinforced the warning that the US might not honor NATO's mutual defense commitment, precisely at a time of continuous Russian threat due to the war in Ukraine [1].
From a theoretical point of view, this posture of American retrenchment evokes the classic tension between maritime power and land power. Alfred Thayer Mahan emphasized that the global power of the US derived largely from its naval superiority and from alliances that ensured control over strategic maritime routes [9]. NATO, since 1949, has served not only to deter Soviet terrestrial advances in Eurasia, but also to secure the US naval presence in the North Atlantic and the Mediterranean – a fundamental element according to Mahan. In turn, Halford Mackinder warned that the balance of global power depended on the control of the Eurasian “Heartland” (the central region of Eurasia). The withdrawal or disengagement of the US (a maritime power) from this region could open the way for a continental power (such as Russia) to expand its influence in Eastern Europe, unbalancing the power balance [3]. In other words, by threatening to leave NATO, Trump jeopardizes the principle of containment that prevented Russian dominance over Eastern Europe – something that Mackinder would see as a dangerous shift in global power in favor of the Heartland power.
Adopting an impartial tone, it is observed that European countries have reacted to this new reality with precautionary measures. Strategic reports already calculate the cost of an autonomous European defense: hundreds of thousands of additional soldiers and investments of hundreds of billions of euros would be required if the US ceased to guarantee the security of the continent [1]. European dependence on American military power is significant and, without it, there would be a need for a major reinforcement of European Armed Forces [1]. This mobilization practically reflects the anticipation of a power vacuum left by the US – a scenario in which Mackinder’s theory (on the primacy of the Heartland and the vulnerability of the “external crescent” where Western Europe is located) regains its relevance.
The US–Ukraine Economic Agreement: Strategic Minerals in Exchange for Support?
Another novelty of Trump's second term is the unprecedented and transactional manner in which Washington has been dealing with the war in Ukraine. Instead of emphasizing security guarantees and alliances, the Trump administration proposed a trade agreement with Ukraine focused on the exploitation of strategic minerals, linking American support to a direct economic benefit. According to sources close to the negotiations, the US and Ukraine are about to sign a pact to share the revenues from the exploitation of critical mineral resources on Ukrainian territory [19]. Materials such as titanium, lithium, rare earths, and uranium – vital for high-tech and defense industries – would be at the core of this agreement [6]. According to the known draft, Ukraine would allocate 50% of the profits from new mineral ventures to a fund controlled by the US, which would reinvest part of the resources in the country’s own reconstruction [6] [19].
It is noteworthy that the pact does not include explicit security guarantees for Kyiv, despite Ukraine remaining under direct military threat from Russia [19]. Essentially, the Trump administration offers financial support and economic investment in exchange for a share in Ukrainian natural resources, but without formally committing to Ukraine's defense in the event of a renewed Russian offensive [19]. American authorities argue that this economic partnership would already be sufficient to “secure Ukrainian interests,” as it would provide the US with its own incentives to desire Ukraine’s stability [19]. “What could be better for Ukraine than being in an economic partnership with the United States?” stated Mike Waltz, a US national security advisor, defending the proposal [19].
Analysts, however, assess the agreement in divided terms. For some, it represents a form of economic exploitation at a time of Ukraine's fragility – comparing the demand to share mineral wealth amid war to a scheme of “mafia protection” [19]. Steven Cook, from the Council on Foreign Relations, classified the offer as “extortion,” and political scientist Virginia P. Fortna observed that charging resources from an invaded country resembles predatory practices [19]. Joseph Nye adds that it is a short-term gain strategy that could be “disastrous in the long run” for American credibility, reflecting the transactional approach that Trump even adopted with close allies in other contexts [19]. On the other hand, some see a future advantage for Kyiv: journalist Pierre Briançon suggests that at least this agreement aligns American commercial interests with Ukraine’s future, which could, in theory, keep the US involved in Ukrainian prosperity in the long term [19]. It is even recalled that President Zelensky himself proposed last year the idea of sharing natural resources with the US to bring the interests of the two countries closer together [19].
From the perspective of geopolitical theories, this agreement illustrates a shift towards economic pragmatism in international relations, approaching concepts proposed by Kjellén. Rudolf Kjellén, who coined the term “geopolitics,” saw the State as a territorial organism that seeks to ensure its survival through self-sufficiency and the control of strategic resources [4]. Trump's demand for a share in Ukrainian resources in order to continue supporting the country reflects a logic of autarky and direct national interest – that is, foreign policy serving primarily to reinforce the economic and material position of the US. This view contrasts with the traditional cooperative approach, but aligns with Kjellén’s idea that powerful States tend to transform international relations into opportunities for their own gain, ensuring access to vital raw materials. Similarly, Friedrich Ratzel argued that States have a “propensity to expand their borders according to their capacities,” seeking vital space (Lebensraum) and resources to sustain their development [11]. The US–Ukraine pact, by conditioning military/economic aid on obtaining tangible advantages (half of the mineral profits), is reminiscent of Ratzel’s perspective: the US, as a rising economic power, expands its economic influence over Ukrainian territory like an organism extending itself to obtain the necessary resources for its well-being. It is, therefore, a form of economic expansionism at the expense of purely ideological commitments or collective security.
Peace Negotiations Excluding Ukraine and the Legitimacy of the Agreement
Another controversial point is the manner in which peace negotiations between Russia and the West have been conducted under Trump's administration. Since taking office, the American president has engaged directly with Moscow in pursuit of a ceasefire, deliberately keeping the Ukrainian government out of the initial discussions [6]. Trump expressed his desire to “leave Zelensky out of the conversation” and also excluded the European Union from any influence in the process [6]. This negotiation strategy—conducted without the presence of the primary interested party, Ukraine—raises serious questions about the legitimacy and sustainability of any resulting agreement.
Historically, peace agreements reached without the direct participation of one of the conflicting parties tend to face problems in implementation and acceptance.
The exclusion of Ukraine in the decision-making phase brings to light the issue of guarantees. As noted, the emerging agreement lacks formal US security guarantees for Ukraine. This implies that, after the agreement is signed, nothing will prevent Russia from launching a new offensive if it deems it convenient, knowing that the US has not committed to defending it militarily. Experts have already warned that a ceasefire without robust protection may only be a pause for Russian rearmament, rendering the conflict “frozen” temporarily and potentially resumed in the near future. The European strategic community has expressed similar concern: without American deterrence, the risk of further Russian aggressions in the region increases considerably [1]. Denmark, for example, has released intelligence reports warning of possible imminent Russian attacks, prompting neighboring countries to accelerate plans for independent defense [1].
The legitimacy of this asymmetric peace agreement (negotiated without Ukraine fully at the table and under economic coercion) is also questionable from a legal and moral point of view. It violates the principle of self-determination by imposing terms decided by great powers on a sovereign country—a practice reminiscent of dark chapters in diplomacy, such as the Munich Agreement of 1938, when powers determined the fate of Czechoslovakia without its consent. In the current case, Ukraine would end up signing the agreement, but from a position of weakness, raising doubts about how durable such a commitment would be.
From Mackinder’s perspective, Ukraine’s removal from the battlefield without guarantees essentially means admitting a greater influence of Russia (the Heartland power) over Eastern Europe. This would alter the balance in Eurasia in a potentially lasting way. Furthermore, the fact that great powers negotiate over the heads of a smaller country evokes the imperial logic of the nineteenth and early twentieth centuries, when empires decided among themselves the divisions of foreign territories—a behavior that Mackinder saw as likely in a world of a “closed system.” With the entire world already occupied by States, Mackinder predicted that powers would begin to compete for influence within this consolidated board, often subjugating smaller states to gain advantage [3]. The US–Russia negotiation regarding Ukraine, without proper Ukrainian representation, exemplifies this type of neo-imperial dynamic in the twenty-first century.
Also noteworthy is the consonance with the ideas of Ratzel and Kjellén: both viewed smaller states as easily relegated to the status of satellites or even “parasitic organisms” in the orbit of larger states. Kjellén spoke of the intrinsic vulnerability of states with little territorial depth or economic dependence, making them susceptible to external pressures [4][20]. Ukraine, weakened by war and dependent on external aid, becomes a concrete example of this theorized vulnerability: it has had to cede strategic resources and accept terms dictated against its will in an attempt to secure its immediate survival. The resulting agreement, therefore, reflects a power imbalance characteristic of the hierarchical international relations described by classical geopolitical theorists.
Implicit Territorial Concessions and Trump’s Public Discourse
A central and controversial point in Trump’s statements regarding the war in Ukraine is the insinuation of territorial concessions to Russia as part of the conflict’s resolution. Publicly, Trump avoided explicitly condemning Russian aggression and even stated that he considered it “unlikely” that Ukraine would be able to retake all the areas occupied by the Russians [16]. In debates and interviews, he suggested that “if I were president, the war would end in 24 hours,” implying that he would force an understanding between Kyiv and Moscow that would likely involve ceding some territory in exchange for peace. This position marks a break with the previous US policy of not recognizing any territorial acquisitions made by force and fuels speculations that a future peace agreement sponsored by Trump would legitimize at least part of Russia’s gains since 2014 (Crimea, Donbass, and areas seized during the 2022 invasion).
The actions of his administration corroborate this interpretation. As discussed, the economic agreement focuses on the exploitation of Ukrainian natural resources, many of which are located precisely in regions currently under Russian military control, such as parts of the Zaporizhzhia Oblast, Donetsk, Lugansk, and the Azov Sea area [6]. A Ukrainian geologist, Hanna Liventseva, highlighted that “most of these elements (strategic minerals) are found in the south of the Ukrainian Shield, mainly in the Azov region, and most of these territories are currently invaded by Russia” [6]. This means that, to make joint exploitation viable, Russia’s de facto control over these areas would have to be recognized—or at least tolerated—in the short term. In other words, the pact indirectly and tacitly accepts Russian territorial gains, as it involves sharing the profits from resources that are not currently accessible to the Kyiv government.
Furthermore, figures close to Trump have made explicit statements regarding the possibility of territorial cession. Mike Waltz, Trump’s national security advisor, publicly stated that Zelensky might need to “cede land to Russia” to end the war [8]. This remark—made public in March 2025—confirms that the Trump White House considers it natural for Ukraine to relinquish parts of its territory in favor of an agreement. Such a stance marks a break from the previous Western consensus, which condemned any territorial gains by force. Under Trump, a pragmatic view (in the eyes of his supporters) or a cynical one (according to his critics) seems to prevail: sacrificing principles of territorial integrity to quickly end hostilities and secure immediate economic benefits.
In theoretical terms, this inclination to validate territorial gains by force recalls the concept of Realpolitik and the geopolitical Darwinism that influenced thinkers such as Ratzel. In Ratzel’s organic conception, expanding states naturally absorb neighboring territories when they are strong enough to do so, while declining states lose territory—a process almost biological in the selection of the fittest [11]. The Trump administration’s acceptance that Ukraine should “give something” to Moscow to seal peace reflects a normalization of this geopolitical selection process: it recognizes the aggressor (Russia) as having the “right” to retain conquered lands, because that is how power realities on the ground dictate. Mackinder, although firmly opposed to allowing Russia to dominate the Heartland, would see this outcome as the logical consequence of the lack of engagement from maritime powers (the USA and the United Kingdom, for example) in sustaining the Ukrainian counterattack. Without the active involvement of maritime power to balance the dispute, land power prevails in Eastern Europe.
From the perspective of international legitimacy, the cession of Ukrainian territories—whether de jure or de facto—creates a dangerous precedent in the post-Cold War era. Rewarding violent aggression with territorial gains may encourage similar strategies in other parts of the world, undermining the architecture of collective security. This is possibly a return to a world of spheres of influence, where great powers define borders and zones of control according to their convenience—something that the rules-based order after 1945 sought to avoid. Here, academic impartiality requires noting that coercion for territorial concessions rarely produces lasting peace, as the aggrieved party—in this case, Ukraine—may accept temporarily but will continue to assert its rights in the long term, as has occurred with other territorial injustices in history.
Territorial Ambitions of Trump: Greenland and Canada
Beyond the Eurasian theater of war, Trump revived geopolitical ambitions involving territories traditionally allied with the US: Greenland (an autonomous territory of Denmark) and Canada. As early as 2019, during his first term, Trump shocked the world by proposing to buy Greenland—rich in minerals and strategically positioned in the Arctic. Upon his return to power, he went further: expressing a “renewed interest” in acquiring Greenland and publicly suggesting the incorporation of Canada as the 51st American state [2].
In January 2025, during a press conference at Mar-a-Lago, he even displayed maps in which the US and Canada appeared merged into a single country, while Greenland was marked as a future American possession [2]. Posts by the president on social media included satirical images with a map of North America where Canada was labeled “51st” and Greenland designated as “Our Land” [2].
Such moves were met with concern and disbelief by allies. Canadian Prime Minister Justin Trudeau was caught on an open microphone warning that Trump’s fixation on annexation “is real” and not just a joke [7]. Trudeau emphasized that Washington appeared to covet Canada’s vast mineral resources, which would explain the insistence on the idea of absorption [7]. In public, Trump argued that Canadians “would be more prosperous as American citizens,” promising tax cuts and better services should they become part of the US [7]. On the Danish side, the reaction to the revived plan regarding Greenland was firmly negative—as it was in 2019—reaffirming that the territory is not for sale. Trump, however, insinuated that the issue might be one of national security, indicating that American possession of Greenland would prevent adverse influences (a reference to China and Russia in the Arctic) [2]. More worryingly, he refused to rule out the use of military means to obtain the island, although he assured that he had no intention of invading Canada by force (in the Canadian case, he spoke of “economic force” to forge a union) [2].
This series of initiatives reflects an unprecedented expansionist impetus by the US in recent times, at least in discourse. Analyzing this through the lens of classical geopolitics offers interesting insights. Friedrich Ratzel and his notion of Lebensraum suggest that powerful states, upon reaching a certain predominance, seek to expand their territory by influencing or incorporating adjacent areas. Trump, by targeting the immediate neighbor (Canada) and a nearby strategic territory (Greenland), appears to resurrect this logic of territorial expansion for the sake of gaining space and resources. Ratzel saw such expansion almost as a natural process for vigorous states, comparable to the growth of an organism [11]. From this perspective, the US would be exercising its “right” of expansion in North America and the polar region, integrating areas of vital interest.
Additionally, Alfred Mahan’s view on maritime power helps to understand the strategic value of Greenland. Mahan postulated that control of key maritime chokepoints and naval bases ensures global advantage [9]. Greenland, situated between the North Atlantic and the Arctic, has become increasingly relevant as climate change opens new polar maritime routes and reveals vast mineral deposits (including rare earth elements and oil). For the US, having a presence or sovereignty over Greenland would mean dominating the gateway to the Arctic and denying this space to rivals. This aligns with Mahan’s strategy of securing commercial and military routes (in this case, potential Arctic routes) and resources to consolidate naval supremacy. On the other hand, the incorporation of Canada—with its enormous territory, Arctic coastline, and abundant natural resources—would provide the US with formidable geoeconomic and geopolitical reinforcement, practically eliminating vulnerabilities along its northern border. This is an ambitious project that also echoes ideas of Kjellén, for whom an ideal State should seek territorial completeness and economic self-sufficiency within its region. Incorporating Canada would be the pinnacle of American regional autarky, turning North America into a unified bloc under Washington (a scenario reminiscent of the “pan-regions” conceived by twentieth-century geopoliticians influenced by Kjellén).
It is important to note, however, that these ambitions face enormous legal and political obstacles. The sovereignty of Canada and Greenland (Denmark) is guaranteed by international law, and both peoples categorically reject the idea of annexation. Any hostile action by the US against these countries would shake alliances and the world order itself. Even so, the very fact that an American president suggests such possibilities already produces geopolitical effects: traditional partners begin to distrust Washington’s intentions, seek alternative alliances, and strengthen nationalist discourses of resistance. In summary, Trump’s expansionist intentions in Greenland and Canada rekindle old territorial issues and paradoxically place the US in the position of a revisionist power—a role once associated with empires in search of colonies.
Implications for Brazil and South America: A New Neocolonization?
In light of this geopolitical reconfiguration driven by Trump's USA—with a reordering of alliances and a possible partition of spheres of influence among great powers—the question arises: what is the impact on Brazil and the other countries of South America? Traditionally, Latin America has been under the aegis of the Monroe Doctrine (1823), which established non-interference by Europe in the region and, implicitly, the primacy of the USA in the Western Hemisphere. In the post–Cold War period, this influence translated more into political and economic leadership, without formal annexations or direct territorial domination. However, the current context points to a kind of “neocolonization” of the Global South, in which larger powers seek to control resources and peripheral governments in an indirect yet effective manner.
Mackinder’s theories can be used to illuminate this dynamic. As mentioned, Mackinder envisioned the twentieth-century world as a closed system, in which there were no longer any unknown lands to be colonized—hence, the powers would fight among themselves for control over already occupied regions [3]. He predicted that Africa and Latin America (then largely European colonies or semi-colonies) would continue as boards upon which the great powers would project their disputes, a form of neocolonialism. In the current scenario, we see the USA proposing exchanges of protection for resources (as in Ukraine) and even leaders of developing countries seeking similar agreements. A notable example: the President of the Democratic Republic of the Congo, Felix Tshisekedi, praised the USA–Ukraine initiative and suggested an analogous agreement involving Congolese mineral wealth in exchange for US support against internal rebels (M23) [19]. In other words, African countries and possibly South American ones may enter into this logic of offering privileged access to resources (cobalt, lithium, food, biodiversity) in order to obtain security guarantees or investments. This represents a regression to the times when external powers dictated the directions of the South in exchange for promises of protection, characterizing a strategic neocolonialism.
For Brazil, in particular, this rearrangement generates both opportunities and risks. As a regional power with considerable diplomatic autonomy, Brazil has historically sought to balance relationships with the USA, Europe, China, and other actors, avoiding automatic alignments. However, in a world where Trump’s USA is actively redefining spheres of influence—possibly making deals with Russia that divide priorities (for example, Washington focusing on the Western Hemisphere and Moscow on the Eastern)—South America could once again be seen as an exclusive American sphere of influence. From this perspective, Washington could pressure South American countries to align with its directives, limiting partnerships with rivals (such as China) and seeking privileged access to strategic resources (such as the Amazon, fresh water, minerals, and agricultural commodities). Some indications are already emerging: Trump’s transactional approach mentioned by Nye included pressures on Canada and Mexico regarding border and trade issues, under the threat of commercial sanctions. It would not be unthinkable to adopt a hard line, for example, with regard to Brazilian environmental policies (linked to the Amazon) or Brazil’s relations with China, using tariffs or incentives as leverage—a sort of geopolitics of economic coercion.
On the other hand, Brazil and its neighbors could also attempt to take advantage of the Sino–North American competition. If the USA is distracted consolidating its hemispheric “hard power” hegemony (even with annexation fantasies in the north), powers such as China may advance their economic presence in South America through investments and trade (Belt and Road, infrastructure financing)—which is already happening. This would constitute an indirect neocolonial dispute in the South: Chinese loans and investments versus American demands and agreements, partly reminiscent of the nineteenth-century imperial competition (when the United Kingdom, USA, and others competed for Latin American markets and resources).
From a conceptual standpoint, Mackinder might classify South America as part of the “Outer Crescent” (external insular crescent)—peripheral to the great Eurasian “World-Island,” yet still crucial as a source of resources and a strategic position in the South Atlantic and Pacific. If the USA consolidates an informal empire in the Americas, it would be reinforcing its “insular bastion” far from the Eurasian Heartland, a strategy that Mackinder once suggested for maritime powers: to control islands and peripheral continents to compensate for the disadvantage of not controlling the Heartland. However, an excessive US dominance in the South could lead to local resistance and alternative alignments, unbalancing the region.
Kjellén would add that for Brazil to maintain its decisive sovereignty, it will need to strengthen its autarky and internal cohesion—in other words, reduce vulnerabilities (economic, military, social) that external powers might exploit [4]. Meanwhile, Mahan might point out the importance for Brazil of controlling its maritime routes and coastlines (South Atlantic) to avoid being at the mercy of a naval power like the USA. And Ratzel would remind us that states that do not expand their influence tend to be absorbed by foreign influences—which, in the context of Brazil, does not mean conquering neighboring territories, but rather actively leading South American integration to create a block more resilient to external intrusion.
In summary, South America finds itself in a more competitive and segmented world, where major players are resurrecting practices from past eras. The notion of “neocolonization” here does not imply direct occupation, but rather mechanisms of dependency: whether through unequal economic agreements or through diplomatic or military pressure for alignment. Brazil, as the largest economy and territory on the subcontinent, will have to navigate with heightened caution. A new global power balance, marked by the division of spheres of influence among the USA, China, and Russia, may reduce the sovereign maneuvering space of South American countries unless they act jointly. Thus, theoretical reflection suggests the need for South–South strategies, reinforcement of regional organizations, and diversification of partnerships to avoid falling into modern “neocolonial traps.”
Conclusion
The emerging post–re-election geopolitical conjuncture of Donald Trump signals a return to classical geopolitical principles, after several decades of predominance of institutional liberal views. We witness the revaluation of concepts such as spheres of influence, exchanges of protection for resources, naval power versus land power, and disputes over territory and raw materials—all central themes in the writings of Mackinder, Mahan, Kjellén, and Ratzel at the end of the nineteenth and the beginning of the twentieth century. An impartial analysis of these events, in light of these theories, shows internal coherence in Trump’s actions: although controversial, they follow a logic of maximizing national interest and the relative power of the USA on the world stage, even at the expense of established principles and alliances.
Halford Mackinder reminds us that, in a closed world with no new lands to conquer, the great powers will seek to redistribute the world among themselves [3]. This seems to manifest in the direct understandings between the USA and Russia over the fate of Ukraine, and in American ambitions in the Arctic and the Western Hemisphere. Alfred Mahan emphasizes that the control of the seas and strategic positions ensures supremacy—we see reflections of this in Trump’s obsession with Greenland (Arctic) and the possible neglect of the importance of maintaining NATO (and therefore the North Atlantic) as a cohesive bloc, something that Mahan’s theory would criticize due to the risk of a naval vacuum. Rudolf Kjellén and Friedrich Ratzel provide the framework to understand the more aggressive facet of expansionist nationalism: the idea of the State as an organism that needs to grow, secure resources, and seek self-sufficiency explains everything from the extortionate agreement imposed on Ukraine to the annexation rhetoric regarding Canada.
The potential consequences are profound. In the short term, we may witness a precarious ceasefire in the Ukraine war, with consolidated Russian territorial gains and Ukraine economically tied to the USA, but without formal military protection—a fragile “armed peace.” Western Europe, alarmed, may accelerate its independent militarization, perhaps marking the beginning of European defense autonomy, as is already openly debated [1]. At the far end of the globe, American activism in the Arctic and the Americas may reshape alliances: countries like Canada, once aligned with Washington, might seek to guarantee their sovereignty by distancing themselves from it; powers like China could take advantage of the openings to increase their presence in Latin America and Africa through economic diplomacy; and emerging countries of the Global South may have to choose between submitting to new “guardianships” or strengthening South–South cooperation.
Ultimately, the current situation reinforces the relevance of studying geopolitics through historical lenses. The actions of the Trump administration indicate that, despite all technological and normative advances, the competition for geographic power has not disappeared—it has merely assumed new formats. Academic impartiality obliges us not to prematurely judge whether these strategies will be successful or beneficial, but history and theory warn that neo-imperial movements tend to generate counter-reactions. As Mackinder insinuated, “every shock or change anywhere reverberates around the world,” and a sudden move by a superpower tends to provoke unforeseen adjustments and chain conflicts. It remains to be seen how the other actors—including Brazil and its neighbors—will adapt to this new chapter in the great struggle for global power, in which centuries-old theories once again have a surprising explanatory power over present events.
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[5] Geopolitical Monitor. (2025). The Russo-Ukrainian War and Mackinder’s Heartland Thesis. Recuperado em 3 de março de 2025, de https://www.geopoliticalmonitor.com/the-ukraine-war-and-mackinders-heartland-thesis/#:\~:text=In%201904%2C%20Sir%20Halford%20J,in%20adding%20a%20substantial%20oceanic
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[7] Politico. (2025). Trump’s annexation fixation is no joke, Trudeau warns. Recuperado em 3 de março de 2025, de https://www.politico.com/news/2025/02/07/canada-trudeau-trump-51-state-00203156#:\~:text=TORONTO%20%E2%80%94%20Prime%20Minister%20Justin,Canada%20becoming%20the%2051st%20state%2C%E2%80%9D%20Trudeau%20said
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[9] The Geostrata. (2025). Alfred Thayer Mahan and Supremacy of Naval Power. Recuperado em 3 de março de 2025, de https://www.thegeostrata.com/post/alfred-thayer-mahan-and-supremacy-of-naval-power#:\~:text=Alfred%20Thayer%20Mahan%20and%20Supremacy,control%20over%20maritime%20trade%20routes
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[16] YouTube. (2025). Trump says Ukraine 'unlikely to get all land back' or join NATO [Vídeo]. Recuperado em 3 de março de 2025, de https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=BmHzAVLhsXU#:\~:text=Trump%20says%20Ukraine%20%27unlikely%20to,for%20it%20to%20join%20NATO
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[18] Emissary. (2024) Trump’s Greenland and Panama Canal Threats Are a Throwback to an Old, Misguided Foreign Policy. Recuperado em 3 de março de 2025, de https://carnegieendowment.org/emissary/2025/01/trump-greenland-panama-canal-monroe-doctrine-policy?lang=en
[19] A Referência. Acordo EUA-Ucrânia está praticamente fechado, mas analistas se dividem sobre quem sairá ganhando. Recuperado em 3 de março de 2025, de https://areferencia.com/europa/acordo-eua-ucrania-esta-praticamente-fechado-mas-analistas-se-dividem-sobre-quem-saira-ganhando/#:\\~:text=EUA e 17,o acordo a seu favor
[20] Wikipedia. (2025) Geopolitik. Recuperado em 3 de março de 2025, de https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Geopolitik#:\\~:text=Rudolph Kjellén was Ratzel's Swedish,Kjellén's State
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@ f3873798:24b3f2f3
2025-03-02 13:12:10Olá meus caros leitores, estou fazendo um guia voltados aos Brasileiros aqui do Nostr. Vejo que há muito conteúdo em inglês que infelizmente não é traduzido para o português. Por este motivo tomei a iniciativa de começa com este artigo.
Espero que gostem deste artigo, que tenham uma ótima leitura.
Bem-vindos ao Mundo Nostr !!
Acredito que todos que estão aqui sabem um pouco sobre o Nostr e que é uma rede social descentralizada, local onde você pode postar sem medo de represarias governamentais [ditatoriais].
Mas, vocês conheçem como o Nostr funciona e todas as ferramentas que vocês têm disponível neste ecossistema?
Poisé, acho que não.
O Nostr é um protocolo de comunição descentralizada muito versátil, isso quer dizer que não está limitado a um tipo de "rede social", nele é possível fazer Blogs, streaming, podcast e até mesmo e-mails com autonomia total do usuário.
Meus caros, isso é liberdade total, sem ficar na mão de bigtech como Microsoft, Apple, Google.
Para ficar mais claro darei um exemplo para vocês:
Imagine você criando uma conta no Youtube, você deve aceitar as Diretrizes impostas pela google no uso do SEU CANAL, por mais que você tenha autonomia na produção do SEU CONTEÚDO, determinadas palavras e termos não podem ser usadas, ou seja, O GOOGLE DETERMINA O QUE VOCÊ PODE OU NÃO FAZER NO SEU CANAL.
Veja que é uma liberdade parcial no processo de criação de conteúdo.
Já no Nostr, o seu canal é completamente seu. Não há nenhuma entidade, empresa responsável pelo seu conteúdo a não ser você.
O Mundo Nostr e sua funcionalidades
No nostr você terá acesso a uma diversidade de aplicativos para cada objetivo de uso. Mas, antes de abordar sobre os diversos layouts e funcionalidades do Nostr é necessário aprender o básico deste universo.
Em primeiro lugar: É necessário que vocês saibam que a partir do momento que vocês criaram um conta aqui, independente do "cliente" ou "distro como o pessoal que gosta de fazer analogia com o Linux", vocês recebem duas importantes chaves ! A chave privada e a chave pública.
A Chave privada, também chamada de chave secreta é o acesso ilimitado a sua conta, ou seja, é a partir dela que poderá produzir conteúdos em geral neste mundo. Ela te dará acesso a todos os rercusos do Nostr, portanto é importante que esteja muito segura.
A Chave pública, você ver como os outros usuários ver o seu perfil e o seu conteúdo. Ela é uma importante chave para que as pessoas possam ter acesso aos conteúdo que vocês públicam, ou seja, é atráves dela que você poderá compartilhar o seu perfil para que seu público tenha acesso ao seu mundo.
Dito isso vamos conhecer os apps e os chamados clientes Nostr.
O que são clientes Nostr?
Clientes são as várias maneiras de interagir com o protocolo Nostr [fonte: Nostr.com]
É semelhante ao Sistema Operacional Linux que tem várias distro com diferentes layout para o mesmo Sistema.
Vejamos as principais para que vocês tenham uma noção da amplitude do protocolo.
- Damus: é um app para celulares IOS terem acesso ao NOSTR, tem formato de rede social, como Primal e o Amethyst.
- Primal é um app versátil serve tanto para celulares IOS, Android e PCs, também tem formato de rede social, porém você pode abrir uma carteira lightning bitcoin exclusiva deste app, facilitando muito os micropagamentos em satoshis pela rede.
- Amethyst, assim como o Damus é para o IOS o Amethsy é para o Android, sou suspeita para falar sobre este clientes, pois é o meu favorito. Além de várias possibilidades de edição de texto, ele tem diversas funcionalidade incluídas, como *Guia Mercado*** onde você pode comercializar produtos pela rede, tem como intergrar com outros apps de streaming, formar grupos temáticos etc.
- OXchat não é exatamente uma rede social tem um layout que lembra um pouco o Whatsapp ou Telegram, serve como uma rede de interação instantânea, tem diversos recursos que achei mais interessante é a lousa, onde é possível interagir no grupo com desenhos etc.
- Yakihonne que é justamente o cliente que estou usando para construir este artigo. Como usuário posso dizer que ele tem um foco para criação de Blogs no protocolo Nostr, lembrando que cada cliente tem um layout diferente, ou seja, uso de templates para definir a estrutura do seu blog é meio limitado [ressalva assim como vocês sou iniciante do Nostr, pode ser que tenha como determinar um layout próprio, mas eu mesma não sei como]
Há muitos outros clientes disponíveis para acessar e experimentar e conhecer todos eu recomendo o site: Nostrapps
Agora que você leu este pequeno guia, se divirta aqui no nostr e não se esqueça de apoia a gente.
Até Mais !!
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@ b2d670de:907f9d4a
2025-02-28 16:39:38onion-service-nostr-relays
A list of nostr relays exposed as onion services.
The list
| Relay name | Description | Onion url | Operator | Payment URL | Payment options | | --- | --- | --- | --- | --- | --- | | nostr.oxtr.dev | Same relay as clearnet relay nostr.oxtr.dev | ws://oxtrdevav64z64yb7x6rjg4ntzqjhedm5b5zjqulugknhzr46ny2qbad.onion | operator | N/A | N/A | | relay.snort.social | Same relay as clearnet relay relay.snort.social | wss://skzzn6cimfdv5e2phjc4yr5v7ikbxtn5f7dkwn5c7v47tduzlbosqmqd.onion | operator | N/A | N/A | | nostr.thesamecat.io | Same relay as clearnet relay nostr.thesamecat.io | ws://2jsnlhfnelig5acq6iacydmzdbdmg7xwunm4xl6qwbvzacw4lwrjmlyd.onion | operator | N/A | N/A | | nostr.land | The nostr.land paid relay (same as clearnet) | ws://nostrland2gdw7g3y77ctftovvil76vquipymo7tsctlxpiwknevzfid.onion | operator | Payment URL | BTC LN | | bitcoiner.social | No auth required, currently | ws://bitcoinr6de5lkvx4tpwdmzrdfdpla5sya2afwpcabjup2xpi5dulbad.onion | operator | N/A | N/A | | relay.westernbtc.com | The westernbtc.com paid relay | ws://westbtcebhgi4ilxxziefho6bqu5lqwa5ncfjefnfebbhx2cwqx5knyd.onion | operator | Payment URL | BTC LN | | freelay.sovbit.host | Free relay for sovbit.host | ws://sovbitm2enxfr5ot6qscwy5ermdffbqscy66wirkbsigvcshumyzbbqd.onion | operator | N/A | N/A | | nostr.sovbit.host | Paid relay for sovbit.host | ws://sovbitgz5uqyh7jwcsudq4sspxlj4kbnurvd3xarkkx2use3k6rlibqd.onion | operator | N/A | N/A | | nostr.wine | 🍷 nostr.wine relay | ws://nostrwinemdptvqukjttinajfeedhf46hfd5bz2aj2q5uwp7zros3nad.onion | operator | Payment URL | BTC LN, BTC, Credit Card/CashApp (Stripe) | | inbox.nostr.wine | 🍷 inbox.nostr.wine relay | ws://wineinboxkayswlofkugkjwhoyi744qvlzdxlmdvwe7cei2xxy4gc6ad.onion | operator | Payment URL | BTC LN, BTC | | filter.nostr.wine | 🍷 filter.nostr.wine proxy relay | ws://winefiltermhqixxzmnzxhrmaufpnfq3rmjcl6ei45iy4aidrngpsyid.onion | operator | Payment URL | BTC LN, BTC | | N/A | N/A | ws://pzfw4uteha62iwkzm3lycabk4pbtcr67cg5ymp5i3xwrpt3t24m6tzad.onion:81 | operator | N/A | N/A | | nostr.fractalized.net | Free relay for fractalized.net | ws://xvgox2zzo7cfxcjrd2llrkthvjs5t7efoalu34s6lmkqhvzvrms6ipyd.onion | operator | N/A | N/A | | nfrelay.app | nfrelay.app aggregator relay (nostr-filter-relay) | ws://nfrelay6saohkmipikquvrn6d64dzxivhmcdcj4d5i7wxis47xwsriyd.onion | operator | N/A | N/A | relay.nostr.net | Public relay from nostr.net (Same as clearnet) | ws://nostrnetl6yd5whkldj3vqsxyyaq3tkuspy23a3qgx7cdepb4564qgqd.onion | operator | N/A | N/A | | nerostrator | Free to read, pay XMR to relay | ws://nerostrrgb5fhj6dnzhjbgmnkpy2berdlczh6tuh2jsqrjok3j4zoxid.onion | operator |Payment URL | XMR | | nostr.girino.org | Public relay from nostr.girino.org | ws://gnostr2jnapk72mnagq3cuykfon73temzp77hcbncn4silgt77boruid.onion | operator | N/A | N/A | | wot.girino.org | WoT relay from wot.girino.org | ws://girwot2koy3kvj6fk7oseoqazp5vwbeawocb3m27jcqtah65f2fkl3yd.onion | operator | N/A | N/A | | haven.girino.org/{outbox, inbox, chat, private} | Haven smart relay from haven.girino.org | ws://ghaven2hi3qn2riitw7ymaztdpztrvmm337e2pgkacfh3rnscaoxjoad.onion/{outbox, inbox, chat, private} | operator | N/A | N/A | | relay.nostpy.lol | Free Web of Trust relay (Same as clearnet) | ws://pemgkkqjqjde7y2emc2hpxocexugbixp42o4zymznil6zfegx5nfp4id.onion | operator |N/A | N/A | | Poster.place Nostr Relay | N/A | ws://dmw5wbawyovz7fcahvguwkw4sknsqsalffwctioeoqkvvy7ygjbcuoad.onion | operator | N/A | N/A | | Azzamo Relay | Azzamo Premium Nostr relay. (paid) | ws://q6a7m5qkyonzb5fk5yv4jyu3ar44hqedn7wjopg737lit2ckkhx2nyid.onion | operator | Payment URL | BTC LN | | Azzamo Inbox Relay | Azzamo Group and Private message relay. (Freemium) | ws://gp5kiwqfw7t2fwb3rfts2aekoph4x7pj5pv65re2y6hzaujsxewanbqd.onion | operator | Payment URL | BTC LN | | Noderunners Relay | The official Noderunners Nostr Relay. | ws://35vr3xigzjv2xyzfyif6o2gksmkioppy4rmwag7d4bqmwuccs2u4jaid.onion | operator | Payment URL | BTC LN |
Contributing
Contributions are encouraged to keep this document alive. Just open a PR and I'll have it tested and merged. The onion URL is the only mandatory column, the rest is just nice-to-have metadata about the relay. Put
N/A
in empty columns.If you want to contribute anonymously, please contact me on SimpleX or send a DM on nostr using a disposable npub.
Operator column
It is generally preferred to use something that includes a NIP-19 string, either just the string or a url that contains the NIP-19 string in it (e.g. an njump url).
-
@ 6389be64:ef439d32
2025-02-27 21:32:12GA, plebs. The latest episode of Bitcoin And is out, and, as always, the chicanery is running rampant. Let’s break down the biggest topics I covered, and if you want the full, unfiltered rant, make sure to listen to the episode linked below.
House Democrats’ MEME Act: A Bad Joke?
House Democrats are proposing a bill to ban presidential meme coins, clearly aimed at Trump’s and Melania’s ill-advised token launches. While grifters launching meme coins is bad, this bill is just as ridiculous. If this legislation moves forward, expect a retaliatory strike exposing how politicians like Pelosi and Warren mysteriously amassed their fortunes. Will it pass? Doubtful. But it’s another sign of the government’s obsession with regulating everything except itself.
Senate Banking’s First Digital Asset Hearing: The Real Target Is You
Cynthia Lummis chaired the first digital asset hearing, and—surprise!—it was all about control. The discussion centered on stablecoins, AML, and KYC regulations, with witnesses suggesting Orwellian measures like freezing stablecoin transactions unless pre-approved by authorities. What was barely mentioned? Bitcoin. They want full oversight of stablecoins, which is really about controlling financial freedom. Expect more nonsense targeting self-custody wallets under the guise of stopping “bad actors.”
Bank of America and PayPal Want In on Stablecoins
Bank of America’s CEO openly stated they’ll launch a stablecoin as soon as regulation allows. Meanwhile, PayPal’s CEO paid for a hat using Bitcoin—not their own stablecoin, Pi USD. Why wouldn’t he use his own product? Maybe he knows stablecoins aren’t what they’re hyped up to be. Either way, the legacy financial system is gearing up to flood the market with stablecoins, not because they love crypto, but because it’s a tool to extend U.S. dollar dominance.
MetaPlanet Buys the Dip
Japan’s MetaPlanet issued $13.4M in bonds to buy more Bitcoin, proving once again that institutions see the writing on the wall. Unlike U.S. regulators who obsess over stablecoins, some companies are actually stacking sats.
UK Expands Crypto Seizure Powers
Across the pond, the UK government is pushing legislation to make it easier to seize and destroy crypto linked to criminal activity. While they frame it as going after the bad guys, it’s another move toward centralized control and financial surveillance.
Bitcoin Tools & Tech: Arc, SatoChip, and Nunchuk
Some bullish Bitcoin developments: ARC v0.5 is making Bitcoin’s second layer more efficient, SatoChip now supports Taproot and Nostr, and Nunchuk launched a group wallet with chat, making multisig collaboration easier.
The Bottom Line
The state is coming for financial privacy and control, and stablecoins are their weapon of choice. Bitcoiners need to stay focused, keep their coins in self-custody, and build out parallel systems. Expect more regulatory attacks, but don’t let them distract you—just keep stacking and transacting in ways they can’t control.
🎧 Listen to the full episode here: https://fountain.fm/episode/PYITCo18AJnsEkKLz2Ks
💰 Support the show by boosting sats on Podcasting 2.0! and I will see you on the other side.